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THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES 
OF  JOHN  CARROLL 


ARCHBISHOP  JOHN  CARROLL 


THE 


LIFE  AND  TIMES 


OF 


JOHN  CARROLL 


Archbishop  of  Baltimore 
(1735-1815) 


BY 


PETER    GUILDAY 

Docteur  ks  sciences  morales  et  •historiques   (Louvain) 
Professor  of  Church  History,  The  Catholic  University  of  America 


Vol.  I 


THE  ENCYCLOPEDIA  PRESS 

119  East  57th  Street 

'    New  york 

1922 


'    0     '     i         ,         ,    ,*     , 


9  2(^.0  J 

Q.^z^(o 

v;/ 


Nihil  Obstat:  Arthur  J.  Scanlan,  D.D,,  Censor 
Imprimatur:   Patrick  J.  Hayes,  D.D.,  Archbishop  of  New  York 


¥-0  ^  /^  i^r/ 


Copyright   ig2a 
The  Encyclopedia  Press 


AU  rights  reserved 


DEDICATED 

TO 

HIS  EMINENCE 

DENNIS  CARDINAL  DOUGHERTY 

ARCHBISHOP  OF  PHILADELPHIA 


^^^Z        ^' 


•^ 


PREFACE 

John  Carroll,  the  first  bishop  of  the  Catholic  Church  in  the 
United  States,  was  born  in  Maryland,  on  January  25,  1735.  As 
a  boy  of  thirteen,  after  completing  his  elementary  studies  at 
Bohemia  Manor  Academy,  he  was  sent  abroad  with  his  cousin, 
Charles  Carroll  of  Carrollton,  to  the  English  Jesuit  College  at 
St.  Omer,  France.  He  entered  the  Enghsh  Province  of  the 
Society  of  Jesus  in  1753,  and  was  ordained  to  the  priesthood  in 
1769.  The  year  after  the  Suppression  of  the  Society,  he  returned 
to  Maryland.  In  1776,  he  accompanied  Benjamin  Franklin, 
Samuel  Chase  and  Charles  Carroll  of  Carrollton,  in  their  unsuc- 
cessful mission  to  Canada.  Appointed  Prefect-Apostolic  of  the 
Church  in  the  Thirteen  Original  States  in  1784,  he  guided  the 
Catholic  body,  cleric  and  lay,  through  the  difficult  period  of  recon- 
struction which  followed  the  Revolutionary  War.  In  1789,  he 
was  elected  by  his  fellow-priests  first  Bishop  of  Baltimore,  the 
oldest  episcopal  see  in  the  nation.  For  twenty-five  years  he  was 
the  chief  shepherd  of  the  Catholic  flock  in  the  United  States. 
In  1808,  the  See  of  Baltimore  was  raised  to  the  dignity  of  an 
archbishopric  and  four  suffragan  dioceses  were  created — ^at 
Boston,  New  York,  Philadelphia,  and  Bardstown.  In  the  conse- 
cration of  his  suffragans,  he  witnessed  the  crowning  act  of  his 
quarter-century  of  church  organization.  He  died  in  Baltimore, 
December  3,  181 5,  on  the  threshold  of  his  eighty-first  year. 

Almost  a  half-century  has  passed  since  the  well-beloved  his- 
torian of  the  Church  in  the  United  States,  John  Gilmary  Shea, 
began  the  composition  of  his  Life  and  Times  of  the  Most  Rev- 
erend John  Carroll.  Since  that  time  numerous  documents  on 
the  subject  have  been  brought  to  light ;  some  of  these  have  been 
published  in  various  historical  periodicals ;  while  many  other  docu- 
ments, lying  for  a  century  in  the  quiet  of  libraries  and  archives 
here  and  abroad,  have  added  considerably  to  our  knowledge  of 
the  problems  which  John  Carroll  faced  during  the  twenty-five 
years  of  his  episcopate.    The  archival  depots  of  Rome,  Paris, 

xi 


xii  Preface 

Westminster,  London,  Stonyhurst,  Liege,  and  Brussels,  were 
searched  for  documentary  material,  and  the  episcopal  archives 
of  Baltimore,  Detroit,  Quebec,  New  York,  Boston,  Philadelphia, 
and  old  Vincennes  were  also  examined  for  further  information. 
I  have  not  hesitated  to  repeat  paragraphs  from  these  unpublished 
sources  wherever  the  clarity  or  the  continuity  of  the  text  re- 
quired it. 

These  two  volumes  are  the  result  of  my  lectures  on  American 
Church  history  at  the  Catholic  University  of  America  during  the 
academic  years  1 9 19- 1 921,  and  I  am  happy  to  chronicle  here  the 
cooperation  of  my  students  in  analyzing  and  criticising  the  many 
photostat  documents  which  have  been  used  for  this  work.  The 
Catholic  University  of  America  has  been  a  centre  of  study  for 
American  history  since  its  foundation,  and  it  is  fitting  in  this 
regard  to  offer  a  tribute  of  recognition  to  the  present  Rector, 
the  Right  Reverend  Bishop  Shahan,  for  his  inspiration  in  the 
planning  of  this  work  and  for  his  constant  encouragement. 

My  thanks  are  extended  also  to  the  curators  of  different 
libraries  and  archives  for  substantial  assistance.  To  Canon 
Edwin  Burton,  D.D.,  for  valuable  direction,  and  to  Father  John 
Hungerford  Pollen,  S.J.,  for  copies  of  the  Carroll  correspondence 
now  in  the  London  Jesuit  archives,  I  am  particularly  grateful. 
To  a  group  of  personal  friends  who  assisted  me  financially  in 
having  documents  photographed  and  copied  for  this  work,  I 
offer  sincere  acknowledgement. 

To  my  Ordinary,  the  Cardinal-Archbishop  of  Philadelphia,  I 
wish  to  express  my  grateful  appreciation  of  the  honour  he  has 
given  me  in  permitting  me  to  dedicate  these  volumes  to  him. 

Peter  Guilday. 

March  25,  IQ22. 


CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  PAGE 

I.    Birth  and  Early  Education  (i  735-1748)    .      .       i 
II.    College    Days    at    St.    Omer's;    the    Jesuit 

Novitiate  at  Watten   (1748-1753)      .      .      .17 

III.  The  Liege  Scholasticate;  Ordination  to  the 

Priesthood;  Tertianship   (i 753-1 773)      .      •     28 

IV.  Suppression  of  the  English  Jesuit  Province 

(1773-1774) 43 

V.    The  Catholic  Church  in  the  United  States 

on  the  Eve  of  the  Revolution  (1774-1775)     57 
VI.    Catholics  in  the  American  Revolution  (1775- 

17B3) 73 

VII.    Carroll's  Mission  to  Canada  (1776)       ...     92 

VIII.    The  Dawn  of  Religious  Liberty  in  the  United 

States   (1776-1787) 106 

IX.    The    Carroll-Wharton    Controversy     (1784- 

1785) 116 

X.    Ecclesiastical  Jurisdiction   in  the  English 

Colonies  (1757-1776) I34 

XL    Opposition  to  an  American  Bishopric  (1756- 

1784) 151 

XII.    Church    Administration    During    the    War 

(1775-1784) 163 

XIII.  French   Ecclesiastical  Interference  in  the 

American  Church   (i 783-1 784)      ....   178 

XIV.  Appointment  of  Carroll  as  Prefect-Apostolic 

(1784-1785) 202 

XV,    The  Critical  Period  of  American  Catholic 

History   (1785-1789) 231 

XVI.    Reconstruction  and  Church  Discipline  (1784- 

1790) 262 

XVII.   John  Carroll  and  the  Clergy  (1784-1790)     .  300 
XVIII.    The  First  American  Students  in  Rome  (1787- 

1790) 334 

•  •  • 
Xlll 


xlv  Contents 

CHAPTER  PAGE 

XIX.    Election  of  Carroll  to  the  See  of  Balti- 
more   (1789) 343 

XX.    The  Address  of  the  Catholics  to  President 

Washington  (1790) 363 

XXI.    Carroll's  Consecration  at  Lulworth  Cas- 
tle (August  15,  1790) 369 

XXII.    Two  Remarkable  Projects  (1790)       ••      -392 
XXIII.    The  First  National  Synod   (November  7- 


ILLUSTRATIONS 

Archbishop  John  Carroll Frontispiece 

FACING 
PAGE 

Carroll's  Birthplace — Upper  Marlboro 8 

Carroll  Genealogical  Chart i6 

Map  of  Diocese  of  Baltimore  (1789-1808)     ....   360 

Chapel  at  Lulworth  Castle 368 

Seal  of  Bishop  Carroll Page  418 


THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 
JOHN  CARROLL 

Archbishop  of  Baltimore 

CHAPTER  I 

BIRTH  AND  EARLY  EDUCATION 

(1735-1748) 

The  genealogy  of  the  Carrolls  of  Maryland  is  somewhat  un- 
certain. The  popularity  of  the  Christian  names  Charles,  Daniel, 
Mary,  Eleanor,  in  the  different  branches  of  the  family  and  the 
complicated  kinship  which  arose  from  marriage  ties  render  it 
difficult  to  discover  their  exact  lineage.^  The  Stemmata  Car- 
rollana,  however,  gives  a  basis  for  such  a  genealogy;  and  for 
all  branches  of  the  family  in  Maryland,  a  common  ancestor  is 
claimed  in  Florence  O'Carroll,  King  of  Ely,  Ireland,  who  died 
in  1205.^  The  leading  Maryland  Carrolls  were  of  the  Catholic 
Faith,  and  the  old  family  motto.  In  fide  et  in  hello  fortes,  though 
changed  in  1688  by  Charles  Carroll,  the  Attorney  General,  to 
Ubicumqtie  cum  lihertate,  may  be  accepted  as  the  keynote  to  the 
Carroll  character. 


*  The  genealogical  synopsis  in  Rowland,  Life  and  Correspondence  of  Charles 
Carroll  of  Carrollton,  vol.  ii,  pp.  433-448  (New  York,  1908),  is  based  upon  the  Stem- 
mata Carrollana,  by  Frederick  John  C Carroll,  in  the  Journal  of  the  Royal  Historical 
and  Archeological  Association  of  Ireland  (October,  1883),  vol.  vi,  4th  series.  Cf. 
Downing,  The  American  Capitoline  Hill  and  Its  Early  Catholic  Proprietors,  in  the 
Catholic  Historical  Reznew,  vol.  ii,  p.  273.  Downing  writes:  "It  may  be  remarked  in 
passing  that  the  genealogical  and  biographical  publications  issued  by  the  Carrolls  present 
a  confusing  mass  of  errors  which  has  misled  the  most  conscientious  historians"  {Ibid., 
p.  379).  Downing  prints  in  this  article  a  letter  from  Elizabeth  Carroll,  the  sister  of 
the  archbishop,  dated  Washington,  D.  C,  March  16,  1810  (from  the  Notre  Dame 
Archives),  which  contains  the  most  authentic  family  history  of  the  Carroll  family. 

'  "It  is  indisputable  that  the  O'CarroUs  were  in  very  early  ages  kings  of  the 
entire  district  of  Ely,  and  the  territory  was  so  named  from  Ely,  daughter  of  Luchta, 
son  of  the  King  of  Munster,  one  of  our  ancient  lawgivers  who  flourished  about  the 
time  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ"  (Betham,  Irish  Antiquarian  Researches,  cited  by 
Russell,  Maryland,  the  Land  of  Sanctuary,  pp.   586-587.     Balto.,   1907). 


2  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

The  Catholic  Faith  had  witnessed  a  century  of  Hfe,  if  not  of 
progress,  in  the  Enghsh  colonies  of  North  America,  when  John 
Carroll,  the  first  bishop  of  the  new  Republic,  was  born  to  Daniel 
and  Eleanor  Carroll,  on  January  8,  1735,  at  Upper  IMarlboro, 
Prince  George's  County,  Maryland.^  Daniel  Carroll  was  of 
the  family  of  Keane  Carroll,  of  Ireland,  and  had  emigrated  to 
America  at  the  beginning  of  the  eighteenth  century.  He  be- 
came a  prominent  Maryland  merchant,  and  he  must  have  pos- 
sessed more  than  the  attraction  of  wealth  to  have  won  for  his 
bride  one  of  Maryland's  richest  heiresses,  Eleanor  Darnall,  the 
daughter  of  Henry  Darnall  of  the  Woodyard.*  John  Carroll's 
mother  was  among  the  highly  educated  women  of  her  day;  and, 
like  so  many  of  the  young  Catholic  girls  of  the  colonies,  she  had 
been  sent  to  Europe  to  finish  her  schooling.  Ties  of  blood  and 
ties  of  marriage  linked  the  leading  Catholic  households  of  Mary- 
land into  one  large  family— the  Roziers,  the  Youngs,  the  Dar- 
nalls,  the  Brents,  the  Sewalls,  the  Brookes,  and  the  Carrolls  of 
the  two  principal  branches. 

These  two  branches  of  the  Carroll  family,  much  inter-married, 
are  descended  from  Charles  Carroll,  the  Attorney  General,  and 
Daniel  Carroll,  of  Upper  Marlboro. 

The  principal  descendants  of  Charles  Carroll  the  Attorney 
General,  who  arrived  in  Maryland  in  1688,  are:  (i)  Charles 
Carroll  of  Carrollton  (1737-1832),  who  was  son  of  Charles 
Carroll  of  Annapolis  and  grandson  of  the  Attorney  General. 
His  father  was  one  of  the  wealthiest  land-owners  of  the  colo- 
nies. He  himself  was  the  only  Catholic  signer  of  the  Dec- 
laration of  Independence,'^  and  by  marriage  he  was  a  cousin 
of  Archbishop  Carroll.     (2)   Eleanor  Carroll,  the  daughter 

a  Shea  (History  of  the  Catholic  Church  in  the  United  States,  vol.  ii,  p.  27)  says: 
"The  house  where  the  patriarch  of  the  Catholic  Church  in  this  country  first  saw  tha 
light  is  still  standing,  but  a  grove  of  murmuring  pines  covers  the  site  of  Boone  chapel, 
where  he  was  probably  baptized,  and  in  childhood  went  with  his  parents  to  kneel 
before  the  Altar  of  God."  This  house  was  given  up  during  John  Carroll's  absence 
in  Europe.  An  unsuccessful  attempt  was  made  in  1884  to  arouse  Catholic  sentiment 
towards  preserving  the  birthplace  of  Archbishop  Carroll.  (Baltimore  Cathedral  Archives, 
Case  9A-B4.)  After  his  father's  death  (1750),  Mrs.  Carroll  went  to  live  in  a  house 
belonging  to  the  family  in  the  Rock  Creek  district,  near  the  present  Forest  Glen,  Md. 
This  second  home  was  destroyed  by  fire,  and  all  that  remains  is  the  hearthstone  now 
in  the  Catholic  rectory  at  Forest  Glen. 

*  For  the  Darnall  genealogy,  cf.  Rowland,  Life  and  Correspondence  of  Charles 
Carroll  of  Carrollton,  vol.  ii,  p.  44Sss. 

»  Cf.  Researches,  vol.  xxiv,  p.  272. 


Early   Years  3 

of  Daniel  Carroll,  niece  of  Charles  Carroll  of  Annapolis,  and 
grand-daughter  of  the  Attorney  General,  who  married  Daniel 
Carroll  of  Rock  Creek,  the  brother  of  Archbishop  Carroll. 
(3)  Daniel  Carroll  of  Duddington,  the  great-grandson  of 
the  Attorney  General,  who  married  Anne  Brent,  niece  of  Arch- 
bishop Carroll.  He  was  one  of  the  proprietors  of  the  land  on 
which  the  national  Capitol  stands.^ 

The  principal  descendants  of  Daniel  Carroll  of  Upper  Marl- 
boro, were:  (i)  Daniel  Carroll  oe  Rock  Creek,  the  Com- 
missioner, and  brother  of  Archbishop  Carroll;  (2)  Anne 
Carroll,  the  wife  of  Robert  Brent,  who  was  the  mother  of 
Robert  Brent,  the  first  Mayor  of  Washington,  D.  C. ;  and  (3) 
John  Carroll,  first  Bishop  of  the  Catholic  Church  in  the  United 
States. 

John  Carroll  was  the  fourth  of  seven  children.  The  eldest, 
Henry  Carroll,  was  drowned  in  boyhood.  Daniel,  the  second 
son,  usually  called  Daniel  Carroll  the  Commissioner,  married 
Eleanor  Carroll,  the  cousin  of  Charles  Carroll  of  Carrollton. 
Two  of  the  future  Archbishop's  sisters  married  into  the  Brent 
and  Young  families,  and  the  youngest,  Elizabeth,  died  single.'' 


°  Downing,  The  American  Capitolhie  Hill,  etc.,  p.  279. 

■^  In  a  letter  from  Daniel  Carroll,  John's  brother,  to  James  Carroll,  a  kinsman  in 
Ireland,  dated  1762,  we  learn  that  Daniel  Carroll,  the  nephew  of  Father  Carroll,  was 
the  heir  presumptive  to  the  great  Carroll  fortune  in  case  Charles  Carroll  of  Carrollton 
should  not  marry: — "Upper  Marlboro',  Maryland,  Dec.  20th,  1762.  "As  you  express 
a  particular  desire  of  having  a  particular  account  of  your  relations  in  this  part  of  the 
world,  the  following  may  be  agreeable  to  you.  My  father  died  in  the  year  1750,  and 
left  six  children — myself,  Ann,  John,  Eleanor,  Mary  and  Betty.  He  left  me  land 
amounting  in  value  between  4  and  5,000  £.  Some  time  after,  I  married  a  lady  of  our 
name,  Elizabeth  Carroll,  to  whom  I  was  contracted  before  my  father's  death.  Her 
fortune  was  three  thousand  pounds  in  money.  I  had  been  returned  two  years 
from  Flanders  where  my  father  had  sent  me  for  my  education,  and  had  been  there 
for  six  years.  I  have  a  son  named  Daniel  about  lo  years  old,  and  a  daughter  named 
Mary  about  8  years  old.  The  lady  I  married  is  a  daughter  of  Daniel  Carroll,  son 
of  Charles  Carroll,  Esq.,  Litterluna,  who  came  from  Ireland  and  settled  in  thia 
country.  His  abilities  and  prudent  conduct  procured  him  some  of  the  best  offices 
under  this  Government,  for  then  Roman  Catholics  were  entitled  to  hold  office  in  this 
province.  By  this  means  his  knowledge  of  the  Law,  and  by  taking  up  large  tracts 
of  land  which  have  since  increased  in  value  some  hundred  per  cent.,  he  made  a  very 
large  fortune.  Two  of  his  sons  only  survived  out  of  a  great  many  children — Charles 
and  Daniel — the  latter,  my  wife's  father,  who  died  in  the  year  1734,  and  left  three 
children — Charles,  Elizabeth  (my  wife),  and  Mary — Charles  inherits  about  £600  per 
annum — will  not  probably  marry,  and  Mary  is  married  to  one  Mr.  Ignatius  Digges. 
Charles  Carroll,  Esq.,  eldest  brother  to  my  wife's  father,  is  living,  and  is  worth  about 
£100,000,  the  second  richest  man  in  our  province;  he  has  one  son  named  Charles, 
who  had  a  very  liberal  education  and  is  now  finishing  his  studies  in  London.  In  case 
of  his  death  that  estate  is  left  to  my  son  Daniel  by  Charles  Carroll,  Esq.     My  eldest 


4  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

No  positive  evidence  exists  to  warrant  an  immediate  ancestor 
to  the  heads  of  these  two  branches  of  the  Carroll  family.  Some 
genealogists  make  Daniel  Carroll,  of  Litterluna,  the  father  of 
Charles  Carroll,  the  Attorney  General,  and  of  Keane  Carroll  of 
Ireland.  One  fact,  however,  has  the  appearance  of  certainty: 
the  lack  of  cordiality  between  the  chief  representatives  of  the 
two  families.  The  two  grandsons,  Charles  and  John,  probably 
•  met  at  Bohemia  Manor  Academy,  and  later  journeyed  together 
to  St.  Omer's,  where  they  were  fellow-collegians ;  but  they  seem 
never  to  have  become  close  friends.  They  separated  as  young 
men,  the  one  to  enter  the  priesthood  and  the  other  to  take  up 
the  study  of  law;  they  met  later  (1776)  as  representatives  in 
Canada  of  the  Continental  Congress,  but  after  that  they  drifted 
apart  again,  the  one  to  rise  high  in  the  affairs  of  the  Church 
and  the  other  to  live  for  many  years  within  the  halo  of  the  Dec- 
laration of  Independence  as  America's  First  Citizen.  Social 
distinction  and  wealth  were  common  to  both,  intermarriage  had 
brought  them  into  closer  intimacy,  and  both  possessed  the  blood 
of  the  Calverts  through  Henry  Darnall,  of  Portland  Manor. 
It  would  be  difficult  to  say  what  it  was  that  kept  the  two  families 
apart;  but  there  is  ground  for  the  suspicion  that  the  cause  of 
the  coldness  was  the  lack  of  religious  piety  on  the  part  of  the 
older  branch  of  the  familv,  that  to  which  Charles  Carroll  of 
Carrollton  belonged. 

We  find  but  seldom  in  the  correspondence  between  Charles 
Carroll  of  Annapolis  and  his  famous  son  any  of  those  deeper 
appeals  to  religious  fervour  which  one  would  expect  from  a 
Catholic  father  to  his  son,  a  student  in  a  Catholic  college,  three 
thousand  miles  away.^  Charles  Carroll  of  Carrollton  admitted 
in  later  years  that  he  had  yielded  to  the  seductive  teaching  of 
the  time  during  his  student  days  in  Paris  and  London,  and  that 


sister  Ann  is  well  married  to  one  Mr.  Robert  Brent  in  Virginia,  a  province  to  the 
southward  of  this,  divided  by  the  river  Potomac;  he  lives  about  60  miles  from  us. 
They  have  one  child  named  George.  My  brother  John  was  sent  abroad  for  his 
education  on  my  return,  and  is  now  a  Jesuit  at  Liege,  teaching  philosophy  and  eminent 
in  his  profession.  Eleanor,  my  second  sister,  is  married  likewise  very  well  to  one 
Mr.  William  Brent  in  Virginia,  near  my  eldest  sister.  She  has  three  boys  and  one 
girl.  My  sisters,  Mary  and  Betsey,  are  unmarried,  and  live  chiefly  with  my  mother, 
who  is  very  well.  This  account  of  your  friends  I  hope  will  be  satisfactory  to  you" 
{.Researches,  vol.  xii,  p.  53). 

'  Cf.  The  Carroll  correspondence  in  the  Maryland  Historical  Magazine,  vol».  x, 
xi,  xii. 


Early   Years  5 

he  had  imbibed  to  a  certain  extent  the  doctrines  of  Voltaire. 
The  circles  in  which  he  moved  were  not  only  sceptical  but  were 
also  influenced  by  the  Cisalpine  movement  then  struggling  for 
dominance  in  English  Catholic  life.  During  the  manhood  of 
the  two  men — first  Catholic  bishop  and  First  Citizen — the  same 
lack  of  piety  is  visible  in  Carrollton's  life,  but  the  negligence, 
if  there  actually  were  such,  was  of  a  temporary  character,  for 
in  one  of  Archbishop  Carroll's  last  letters,  the  prelate  insists 
(March  31,  181 5)  that  Annapohs  be  regularly  visited  by  a 
priest,  "especially  since  Mr.  Carroll  Senr.  [Charles  Carroll  of 
Carrollton]  has  resumed  all  the  pious  practices  of  religion  [and] 
frequentation  of  the  Sacraments."  ® 

The  chief  problem  in  the  Catholic  homes  of  colonial  Mary- 
land, as  in  all  Catholic  homes  within  the  British  dominions  dur- 
ing the  post-Reformation  period,  was  the  Catholic  education 
of  the  children.  As  the  cleavage  with  the  Catholic  past  widened 
in  England,  the  education  of  Catholic  boys  and  girls  became 
more  and  more  difficult,  and  an  outlaw  race  of  schools,  colleges 
and  seminaries  was  begun  "beyond  the  seas."  The  schools  in 
the  English  colonies  were  regulated  by  the  same  penal  code  as 
prevailed  in  England,  and  Catholic  children  could  enter  only 


■  Hughes,  History  of  the  Society  of  Jesus  in  North  America,  vol.  ii,  p.  857 
(New  York,  1910).  In  a  letter  to  his  daughter-in-law,  Mrs.  Harriet  Chew  Carroll 
(August  29,  1810),  the  venerable  patriot  gives  a  comforting  proof  of  this  renewal  of 
his  early  fervour:  "I  am  much  gratified  by  yr  assurances  that  yr  daughters  shall  be 
brought  up  in  the  R.  C.  religion;  it  is  my  wish  and  their  father's  also  that  they 
should  be;  unfortunately  tho'  at  present  he  has  little  religion  himself,  he  is  quite  in 
earnest  that  his  daughters  should  be  religious;  he  and  many  others  under  the 
influence  of  passions  know  and  feel  the  importance  of  religion  tho'  they  do  not  live 
up  to  its  precepts.  Being  persuaded  that  there  can  be  but  one  true  religion  taught 
by  Christ  and  that  the  R.  C.  is  that  religion,  I  conceive  it  to  be  my  duty  to  have 
my  grandchildren  brought  up  in  it.  I  feel  no  ill  will  or  illiberal  prejudices  agt. 
the  sectarians  which  have  abandoned  that  faith;  if  their  lives  be  conformable  to  the 
duties  and  morals  prescribed  by  the  gospel  I  have  the  charity  to  hope  and  believe 
that  they  will  be  rewarded  with  eternal  happiness  tho'  they  may  entertain  erroneous 
doctrines  in  point  of  faith;  the  great  number  in  every  religion  not  having  the  leisure 
or  means  to  investigate  the  truth  of  the  doctrines  they  have  been  taught  must  rest 
their  religious  faith  on  their  instructors,  and,  therefore,  the  great  body  of  the  people 
may  conscientiously  believe  that  they  hold  the  true  faith;  but  they  who  from  illiberal 
education,  from  understanding,  from  books,  not  written  by  one  party  only  and  from 
leisure  have  the  means  of  examining  into  the  truth  of  the  doctrines  they  have  been 
taught  as  orthodox  are  in  my  opinion  bound  to  make  the  examination  nor  suffer  early 
instructions  and  impressions  or  habits  or  prejudices  to  operate  against  the  conviction 
of  what  is  right.  Upon  conviction  only  a  change  of  religion  is  justifiable;  on  a  concern 
80  seriously  interesting  to  all  of  us  no  worldly  motives  should  sway  our  conduct" 
(Cf.    Researches,   vol.   xvii,   p.    148).     The   marriage   of    Harriet    Chew   and   Charles 


6  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

at  the  price  of  their  faith.^*'  It  was  against  the  law  to  employ 
a  Catholic  tutor,  though,  as  the  years  went  by,  this  law  fell  into 
abeyance,  especially  towards  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  century. 
It  was  equally  unlawful,  in  fact,  treasonable,  for  Catholics  to 
send  their  children  to  the  English  Catholic  colleges  on  the  Con- 
tinent; but  as  is  well  known,  Catholic  parents  felt  no  hesitation 
in  allowing  their  boys  and  girls,  despite  their  tender  years,  to 
run  the  risk  of  capture,  in  order  that  they  might  receive  a  Cath- 
olic education.  In  structure,  the  anti-Catholic  laws  of  the  Colo- 
nies in  educational  matters  were  practically  identical  with  those 
of  the  mother  country.  It  was  only  the  fewness  of  the  Catholics 
outside  Pennsylvania  and  Maryland  that  can  explain  the  absence 
of  court  trials  on  this  question.  In  Maryland,  Catholic  schools, 
with  the  exception  of  Bohemia  Academy,  were  of  an  elementary 
character  and  had  existed  from  the  foundation  of  the  province. 
Father  Thomas  Hughes,  SJ.,  writes: 

In  the  history  of  the  old  Colonies,  and  indeed  of  the  new  States  also, 
we  do  not  think  a  parallel  can  be  found  to  the  liberality  with  which 
Maryland  Catholics  provided  an  expensive  education  for  their  children, 
simply  because  they  wished  that  education  to  be  Catholic.  Nor  was  there 
any  time,  during  more  than  a  century  previous  to  the  American  Revo- 
lution, when  good  parents  were  not  sending  their  children  to  the  conti- 
nental colleges  and  convents  of  Europe.  It  was  chiefly  the  boys,  however, 
that  they  trusted  to  the  perils  of  the  long  voyage  and  journey  by  land 
and  sea,  from  the  banks  of  the  Potomac  to  St.  Omer's  College,  in  French 
Flanders.  As  far  back  as  the  Orange  Revolution,  St.  Omer's  was  a  beam 
in  the  eye  and  a  thorn  in  the  side  of  sensitive  and  scrupulous  rebels  like 
Jack  Coode.     But  it  was  after  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century  that 

Carroll  of   Doughoregan  was  performed  by   Bishop   Carroll,  at   Philadelphia,   in    1800. 
It  was  one  of  the  few  occasions  when  the  leading  members  of  the  two  families  met. 

"  Meyer,  England  and  the  Catholic  Church  under  Queen  Elizabeth,  pp.  92-121 
(London,  1916);  Guilday,  English  Catholic  Refugees  in  the  Low  Countries  USS^- 
1795),  (London,  1914),  where  a  bibliography  on  this  subject  is  to  be  found  (pp.  24-54). 
A  catalogue  of  these  laws  will  be  found  in  Morris,  Condition  of  the  Catholics  under 
James  I,  pp.  315-331  (London,  1872),  and  in  Charles  Butler,  Historical  Memoirs  of 
the  English,  Irish  and  Scottish  Catholics  Since  the  Reformation,  vol.  ii,  pp.  230-247, 
384-391,  vol.  iii,  148-149  (London,  1822).  As  ^n  example  of  these  penal  laws  on 
education,  the  Act  of  1700  "for  the  preventing  of  the  growth  of  Popery"  may  be 
cited:  ".  .  .  Whoever  shall  be  convicted  of  sending  any  child  or  other  person  beyond 
the  seas,  out  of  the  King's  obedience  to  the  intent  that  such  child  or  person  shall  be 
educated  in  the  Roman  religion,  shall  forfeit  £100  for  the  sole  use  and  benefit  of 
him  who  shall  discover  any  person  so  offending  to  the  end  that  Protestant  children 
may  not  in  the  life  time  of  their  parents  for  want  of  fitting  maintenance  ...  be 
necessitated  in  compliance  with  their  parents  to  embrace  the  Popish  religion  contrary 
to  their  inclination;  Be  it  enacted  that  if  such  a  parent  in  order  to  compelling  such 
his   child   to   change   his   or   her   religion,    shall    refuse   to   allow   such   child   a   fitting 


Early   Years  7 

the   practice   became   quite   a   system,   entailing   an   amount   of    adminis- 
tration." 


To  prepare  for  the  schools  in  Europe,  elementary  training 
was  necessary.  And  there  was  much  to  miHtate  against  the 
presence  of  elementary  schools  in  the  province.  There  was 
scarcely  any  period  after  1650  when  the  Maryland  Catholics 
felt  safe  from  the  ohnoxious  and  irritating  penal  code,  and  the 
schools  that  were  started,  were  started  in  secret  and  continued 
in  secret.  Moreover,  the  social  and  economic  conditions  of  colo- 
nial Maryland  made  it  almost  impracticable  for  Catholics  and 
for  non-Catholics  to  found  educational  institutions.  Towns 
were  a  rarity  in  the  midst  of  what  might  be  called  a  cluster  of 
baronial  manors,  as  the  extensive  plantations  actually  were;  and 
since  education  was  viewed  by  the  large  landowners  more  from 
its  social  than  its  intellectual  aspect,  they  were  content  to  send 
their  sons  and  daughters  abroad,  as  much  for  the  social  life  they 
would  find  there  as  for  their  schooling.  So  far  as  the  gov- 
ernment in  the  Province  was  concerned,  only  one  serious  at- 
tempt to  erect  a  college  was  made.  This  was  in  1671,  and  the 
failure  of  the  plan  seems  to  have  chilled  all  enthusiasm.  It  was 
not  until  1782,  when  Washington  College,  at  Chestertown  on  the 
Eastern  Shore,  was  chartered,  that  advanced  educational  life 
really  began  in  Maryland.  Father  John  Lewis,  the  Superior  of 
the  American  clergy,  was  among  the  contributors  to  its  founda- 
tion. ''The  instruction  of  youth  was  a  private  matter,  left  to  the 
individual  parent  to  accomplish  as  best  he  could  according  to  his 
means  and  the  opportunities  which  might  occur.  Sometimes  the 
children  were  sent  to  England;  sometimes  there  were  private 
tutors,  some  of  whom  were  owned  as  servants;  parents  taught 
the  children,  etc.  In  fact,  it  is  difficult  to  conceive  how  the  ele- 
ments of  an  English  education  could  have  been  brought  to  a 


maintenance  suitable  to  the  degree  and  ability  of  such  parent  .  .  .  then  complaint 
shall  be  made  to  the  Lord  High  Chancellor  or  to  the  Keeper  of  the  Great  Seal,  and  it 
shall  be  lawful  to  the  said  Lord  High  Chancellor  or  the  Keeper  of  the  Great  Seal  to 
make  such  an  order  as  shall  be  agreeable  to  this  Act"  {Statutes  of  the  Realm,  William 
and  Mary,  London,  1820).  Cf.  Popery  in  Maryland,  in  the  Researches  (vol.  xxv, 
pp.  258-274),  a  collection  of  excerpts  from  the  British  Museum  Additional  MSS. 

"    Educational  Convoys  to  Europe  in  the  Olden  Time,  in  the  American  Ecclesias- 
tical Review,  vol.  xxix  (1903),  p.  24. 


8  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

community  so  widely  scattered  in  any  more  regular  manner."" 
A  few  elementary  schools  were  begun,  but  the  scarcity  of  teachers 
and,  it  must  be  admitted,  the  indifference  of  those  selected  to 
oversee  them,  practically  nullified  all  efforts  at  a  systematic  plan 
of  elementary  education.  **God  only  knows,"  said  the  Rev. 
Thomas  Bacon,  rector  of  St.  Peter's  parish,  Talbot  County,  in 
?.  sermon  printed  in  1751,  "the  great  necessity  of  such  a  work 
in  this  province,  where  education  is  hardly  to  be  attained  at  any 
rate  by  the  children  of  the  poor,  much  greater  than  can  be  appre- 
hended, from  the  general  complaint,  or  even  discovered  by  the 
particular  inquiry  of  such  as  are  put  upon  it  by  the  duties  of  their 
station.  Many  poor  white  children  have  I  found  (I  speak  from 
sad  experience),  and  many  more  undoubtedly  there  are,  as 
ignorant  as  the  children  of  the  poor  benighted  negroes."^* 

It  is  indeed  a  deplorable  page  in  the  history  of  colonial  educa- 
tion— ^the  common  neglect  of  the  poor  and  of  the  middle  classes 
in  the  education  of  their  children.  To  offset  this  unpleasant  pic- 
ture, there  is  another:  it  is  the  unwritten  chapter  of  Catholic 
elementary  education  in  Maryland  and  Pennsylvania  all  through 
the  dark  ages  of  anti-Catholic  penal  legislation.  Scanty  as  are 
the  records  extant  to-day  even  in  such  profuse  collections  as 
Hughes*  History  of  the  Society  of  Jesus  in  North  America,  one 
cannot  go  astray  in  asserting  the  claim  that  from  the  first  arrival 
of  the  colonists  on  March  25,  1634,  the  Fathers  of  the  Society 
of  Jesus  were  persistently  engaged  in  the  establishment  of  a 
Catholic  school  system.^^  Father  Andrew  White,  S.  J.,  who  ac- 
companied the  Calvert  expedition  to  Maryland,  was  one  of  the 
foremost  English  scholars  of  Europe.  He  had  taught  in  the 
English  colleges  at  Valladolid  and  Seville,  and  there  is  no  doubt 
that  in  true  Jesuit  fashion,  his  work  as  the  shepherd  of  the  little 
flock  soon  divided  itself  into  two  parts — the  care  of  the  souls 
under  his  charge  and  the  training  of  the  children.  "It  is  cer- 
tain," writes  Dr.  Burns,  the  historian  of  Catholic  education  in 
the  United  States,  "that  the  matter  of  educational  provision  for 


"  B.  C.  Steiner,  History  of  Education  in  Maryland,  p.  4.  Washington,  D.  C, 
1894.  Cf.  Neill,  Terra  Marice.  p.  199.  Philadelphia,  1867;  Brown,  Maryland,  the 
History  of  the  Palatinate,  pp.  i57-i59-  New  York,  1904;  Thomas,  Chronicles  of 
Colonial  Maryland,  p.  109.     Cumberland,  Md.,  1913. 

"    Cited  by  Steiner,  op.  cit.,  pp.   34-35- 

"    Op.  cit.,  Text,  vol.  ii,  pp.  46,    i3S-i38»   i47. 


^^^SP^ 


CARROLL'S  BIRTHPLACE— UPPER  MARLBORO 


Early  Years  9 

the  children  of  the  colonists  occupied  the  attention  of  the  Jesuits 
from  the  very  beginning.  As  early  as  1640,  when  only  four  set- 
tlements had  been  formed,  the  question  of  establishing  a  college 
was  discussed  by  members  of  the  Order  in  Maryland  and  their 
higher  superiors."^**  This  college  was  no  doubt  projected  for 
St.  Mary's  City.  Father  Hughes,  who  gives  us  the  sources  for 
the  project,  says :  "We  merely  observe  here  that  this  plan  would 
have  given  us  a  St.  Mary's  College,  Maryland,  within  very  few 
years  after  Quebec  College,  New  France,  and  within  still  fewer 
years  after  Harvard  College,  Massachusetts  (i637)."^«  This 
college  project  was  thwarted  by  Lord  Baltimore's  opposition  to 
the  Society  during  the  quarrel  with  the  Jesuits  in  England. 
Meantime,  the  work  of  education  was  carried  on  by  private 
teachers.  The  best  known  of  these  was  Brother  Ralph  Crouch, 
who  came  to  Maryland  in  1639,  and  who  for  the  next  twenty 
years  conducted  a  private  school  at  Newtown,  then  the  centre 
of  Jesuit  missionary  activity.  Crouch  was  "the  right  hand  and 
solace"  of  the  Fathers.^^  He  was  born  in  Oxford  and  entered 
the  Society  as  a  temporal  coadjutor  or  lay  brother  in  1620.  In 
1639,  he  left  the  novitiate  at  Watten  and  went  to  Maryland. 
Re-admitted  into  the  Society  in  1659,  he  sailed  for  Europe,  and 
was  professed  as  a  lay  brother  in  1669.   He  died  on  November 

18,  1679. 

Catholic  interest  in  elementary  education  is  evidenced  by  no 
less  than  forty-two  legacies  for  school  purposes  left  between 
1650  and  1685.  One  of  these  bequests  is  that  of  Edward  Cotton, 
who  died  in  1650,  consisting  of  an  estate  of  450  acres  and  many 
heads  of  cattle.  Steiner  seems  not  to  have  known  of  the  exist- 
ence of  this  will,  for  he  speaks  of  Augustine  Herman's  legacy 
of  1684,  leaving  Bohemia  Manor  for  school  purposes,  as  the  first 
educational  bequest  in  Maryland.^^  The  Catholic  school  opened 
in  New  York  City  under  Governor  Dongan's  patronage  in  1684, 
and  the  Newtown  School,  begun  by  Ralph  Crouch,  were  both 

»  The  Catholic  School  System  in  the  United  States:  Its  Principles,  Origin,  and 
Establishment,  p.  90.     New  York,  1908. 

"    Hughes,  op.  cit..  Text,  vol.  i,  p.  346. 

"  Steiner,  op.  cit.,  p.  16;  Foley,  Records  S.  J.,  vol.  v,  p.  953.  Cf.  Some 
Early  Catholic  Grammar  Schools,  by  Treacy,  in  the  United  States  Catholic  Historical 
Magazine,  vol.  i,  pp.  7i-73' 

»  Op.  cit.,  p.  18.  For  a  list  of  Catholic  wills,  and  for  the  text  of  Edward  Cotton's 
bequest,  cf.  Burns,  op.  cit.,  pp.  94-101. 


10  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

suppressed  during  the  anti-Catholic  days  of  the  Orange  RebelHon. 
Crouch  had  been  succeeded  by  another  lay  brother,  Gregory 
Turberville,  who  directed  the  Newtown  School  until  his  death 
in  1684.  The  Annual  Letters  of  1681  state  that  in  1677  a  college 
for  humanities  "was  opened  by  our  Society  in  the  centre  of  the 
country."^^  This  no  doubt  refers  to  an  extension  of  the  school 
at  Newtown.  There  is  no  evidence  that  a  full  college  course  was 
ever  attained  at  the  Newtown  School,  and  the  fact  that  as  early 
as  1677,  two  of  the  Newtown  scholars,  Robert  Brooke  and 
Thomas  Gardner,  were  sent  to  St.  Omer's  would  argue  for  an 
incomplete  course  in  humanities  in  the  Maryland  school. 

The  new  era  of  persecution  aroused  by  the  Orange  Rebellion 
of  1688  not  only  closed  the  school  at  Newtown,  but  was  the  cause 
of  the  law  passed  by  the  Maryland  Assembly  in  1704,  **for  the 
further  prevention  of  the  growth  of  Popery,"  making  it  illegal 
for  Catholics  to  carry  on  school  work.^^  The  burden  thereof  was 
thus  thrown  back  upon  the  Catholic  parents.  Here  again  the 
iniquitous  law  interposed,  rendering  a  Catholic  father  or  guar- 
dian amenable  to  a  fine  of  forty  shillings  a  day  if  he  employed 
any  but  a  Protestant  tutor  in  his  home. 

If  he  sought  to  procure  a  Catholic  education  for  his  son  by  sending 
him  across  the  sea  to  St.  Omer's,  or  some  other  of  the  Jesuit  colleges  in 
Europe  founded  for  this  very  purpose,  he  became  liable  to  a  fine  of  £100. 
Poor  Catholics  were  thus  effectually  deprived  of  all  opportunity  to  give 
their  children  a  Catholic  education,  except  in  so  far  as  they  were  able 
to  instruct  them  themselves.  Wealthy  Catholics  fared  somewhat  better, 
as  it  was  easier  for  them  to  secure  a  private  tutor,  and  it  was  less  difficult 
for  them  to  conceal  the  fact.  They  could  afford,  too,  to  send  their  sons 
to  Europe  to  study,  and,  in  spite  of  the  stringency  of  the  laws  and  the 
vigilance  of  authorities,  they  often  found  means  to  do  so  without  being 
discovered.  One  great  help  to  this  end  was  afforded  by  the  use  of  an 
alias,  the  student  assuming  a  new  name  by  which  he  was  known  during 
the  time  of  his  journey  to  Europe  and  his  stay  there." 

When   Benedict,   Lord    Baltimore,   apostatized   in    171 5,   the 
government  of  Maryland  was  restored  to  him  by  the  English 

"    Foley,  Records  S.  J.,  vol.  iii,  p.  394. 

2°  Shea,  History  of  the  Catholic  Church  in  the  United  States,  vol.  i,  p.  358. 
Cf.  A  Dark  Chapter  in  the  History  of  Maryland,  by  E.  I.  Devitt,  S.  J.,  in  the  United 
States  Catholic  Historical  Magazine,  vol.  i   (1887),  p.   155.     Cf.  Ibid.,  vol.  vii,  p.  532- 

21  Burns,  op.  cit.,  p.  107.  A  partial  list  of  these  aliases  will  be  found  in  Foley, 
Records  S.  J.,  Collectanea,  vol.  vii,  part  ii. 


Early   Years  1 1 

crown.  Benedict's  son,  who  succeeded  to  his  father's  proprietary 
rights  that  same  year,  encouraged  the  enactment  of  laws  which 
disquaHfied  Cathohc  Marylanders  from  representation  in  the 
Assembly.  From  171 5  down  to  1751  Catholics  were  unmolested 
in  the  practice  of  their  religion,  providing  their  religious  services 
were  held  according  to  the  law  passed  in  the  reign  of  Queen 
Anne  which  allowed  Catholic  priests  in  Maryland  to  officiate 
in  private  families.  It  was  during  this  period  that  Catholic 
education  in  the  colony  was  again  organized,  and  it  is  to  this 
period  that  Bohemia  Manor  Academy  belongs.  In  1751,  an 
attempt  was  made  to  introduce  the  penal  code  in  all  its  rigour 
in  the  colony,  and  various  acts  were  introduced  in  the  Assembly 
to  that  end.  Few  of  these  passed  the  Upper  House,  though  in 
1756  an  act  was  passed  doubling  the  taxes  paid  by  the  Catholics. 
"From  what  I  have  said,"  wrote  Charles  Carroll,  Senior,  to  his 
son  (July  14,  1760),  "I  leave  you  to  judge  whether  Maryland  be 
a  tolerable  residence  for  a  Roman  Catholic.  Were  I  younger, 
1  would  certainly  quit  it."^^  From  this  iniquitous  tax  there  was 
no  escape.  Every  colonist,  including  the  slaves  over  sixteen  years 
of  age,  was  compelled  to  contribute  annually  to  the  support  of 
the  established  Anglican  Church,  even  though  its  ministrations 
were  rejected  by  the  majority.  "The  saying  used  to  be  current, 
and  it  is  partly  true,  that  the  older  Episcopal  churches  of  the 
lower  counties  were  built  by  the  contributions  of  Catholics."^* 
And  this,  it  must  be  remembered,  was  the  situation  at  a  time  when 
clerical  profligacy  was  undermining  the  faith  of  those  who  held 
the  Anglican  creed,  when  the  immorality  and  inebriety  of  some 
of  the  established  clergy  "had  become  so  glaring  that  the  legis- 
lature thought  it  necessary  to  devise  some  mode  of  coercing 
them  into  decency  of  behaviour."^* 

Such  were  the  conditions  which  prevailed  in  Maryland  during 
the  boyhood  of  John  Carroll.  The  temper  of  the  times  was  bit- 
terly anti-Catholic,  and  the  laws  which  were  always  liable  to 
extreme  interpretation  by  bigoted  judges,  were  so  framed  that 


*^    Cf.    Researches,   vol.   xxv,   p.    276. 

23  Rev.  Edward  I.  Devitt,  S.  J.,  A  Dark  Chapter  in  the  Catholic  History  of 
Maryland,  in  the   United  States  Catholic  Historical  Magazine,   vol.   i,  p.    132. 

^  Hawks,  Rise  and  Progress  of  the  P.  E.  Church  in  Maryland,  pp.  128-133. 
New  York,   1839, 


12  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

they  empowered  intolerant  non-Catholics  to  rob  the  father  of 
his  child  and  the  widow  of  her  children. 

The  laws  on  education  directed  against  Catholics  were  conceived  in 
the  spirit  of  JuHan  the  Apostate,  and  modelled  upon  his  system.  The 
first  free  school  was  placed  under  the  patronage  of  the  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury;  its  founders,  as  they  declared,  were  good  Protestants,  and 
its  object  was  to  instruct  youth  in  the  orthodox  religion.  When  pro- 
vision was  made  for  schools  in  each  county,  all  the  trustees  were  Protes- 
tants and  the  Pectors  were  chairmen  of  the  Boards,  and  the  masters 
were  by  law  members  of  the  Church  of  England.  Catholics  could  not 
frequent  them,  and  they  were  prevented  from  having  schools  of  their 
own,  because  the  teacher  was  liable  to  perpetual  imprisonment." 

The  Maryland  colonial  records  are  filled  with  gravamina 
against  the  Catholics,  and  the  note  sounded  most  often  is  the  fact 
that  "Popish  schoolmasters  are  teaching  children  openly  in 
school,"  and  that  "children  of  Popish  parents  are  sent  to  St. 
Omer's."  The  Maryland  Gazette  of  October  17,  1754,  records 
the  fact  that  "a  great  number  of  their  [Catholic]  youth  were  sent 
this  year  to  foreign  Popish  seminaries." 

For  the  work  of  educating  the  boys  and  girls  at  home  before 
their  entrance  into  these  continental  schools,  there  was,  fortu- 
nately, an  abundance  of  private  tutors.  Much  of  the  eighteenth 
century  in  American  educational  annals  centres  around  the  Irish 
Catholic  schoolmasters  who  had  escaped  from  a  land,  where, 
"crouching  'neath  the  sheltering  hedge  or  stretched  on  mountain 
fern,  the  teacher  and  his  pupils  met,  feloniously  to  learn;" 
where  the  schoolmaster,  because  of  his  faith  and  his  calling,  was 
perforce  a  wanderer  and  an  outlaw;  and  where  the  penal  code 
made  it  high  treason  to  encourage  the  education  of  Catholic  chil- 
dren, to  build  a  school  house,  or  to  send  the  children  to  a  neigh- 
bour's house  to  be  taught.  This  most  frightful  engine  of  perse- 
cution, as  Edmund  Burke  called  it,  drove  hundreds  of  the  Irish 
schoolmasters  out  of  Ireland,  and  during  the  eighteenth  century 
the  shipping-lists  were  filled  with  the  names  of  emigrant  teachers, 
many  of  whom  were  "redemptioners,"  seeking  asylum  here  in 
America.  New  England  soon  possessed  a  large  quota  of  these 
educated  gentlemen,  and  Pennsylvania  and  Maryland  were  espec- 
ially fortunate  in  this  regard.  Down  to  the  outbreak  of  the 
American  Revolution,  these  Irish  schoolmasters  taught  in  private 

«5    Devitt,  ut  supra,  p.  142. 


Early  Years  13 

houses  or  in  schools,  supported  by  the  people  of  the  locality ;  and 
who  shall  say  that  it  was  not  through  them  principally  that  the 
colonies  began  the  work  of  severance  across  the  Atlantic?  Once 
the  conflict  with  the  mother  country  was  seen  to  be  inevitable, 
they  taught  their  pupils  to  shoot  and  drill,  or  acted  as  clerks  and 
adjutants  to  the  local  military  companies.^® 

We  have  no  means  of  knowing  with  certainty  whether  Daniel 
and  Eleanor  Carroll,  the  parents  of  John  Carroll,  availed  them- 
selves of  one  of  these  schoolmasters  during  the  future  bishop's 
boyhood  (1735-1747)  ;  but  in  all  probability,  Jackey  Carroll,  as 
we  find  him  called  in  the  Bohemia  College  Account  Book,  re- 
ceived his  elementary  education  at  home.  Mrs.  Carroll's  school 
days  had  been  spent  in  France,  and  under  her  excellent  training 
the  boy  was  prepared  for  his  secondary  schooling  at  Bohemia. 
It  was  this  home  training,  says  the  historian  Shea,  that  gave  him 
the  ease,  dignity,  and  polish  which  marked  him  through  life.^^ 
At  the  age  of  twelve,  or  earlier,  he  was  sent  by  his  parents  from 
Upper  Marlboro  to  the  recently  erected  Academy  at  Bohemia 
Manor.  "We  have  no  traces  of  his  boyish  days,"  writes  his  biog- 
rapher, Brent,  "except  in  the  traditionary  accounts  of  a  promising 
development  of  genius,  and  uncommon  docility  of  manners  and 
disposition."^®  His  stay  at  Bohemia  was  a  short  one,  but  it  is 
the  beginning  of  a  long  exile  from  home — an  exile  which  was 
to  last  down  to  the  eve  of  the  American  Revolution. 

Bohemia  Manor  College,  or  Academy,  was  begun  during  the 
time  when  Father  Thomas  Poulton  was  in  charge  of  the  Mission 
of  St.  Francis  Xavier,  at  Bohemia  Manor,  probably  about  the 
year  1744.  The  Academy  lasted  only  a  short  time,  for  the  laws 
against  Catholic  education  and  Catholic  educators  had  become 
even  more  stringent  at  this  period."^    Burns  writes : 


^  Cf.  O'Brien,  Early  Irish  Schoolmasters  in  New  England,  in  the  Catholic  His- 
torical Review,  vol.  iii,  pp.  53-71.  Another  phase  of  the  story  is  told  by  the  same 
writer  in  his  Hidden  Phase  of  American  History.  New  York,  19 19-  For  the  presence 
of  these  Irish  schoolmasters  in  Maryland,  cf.,  E.  H.  Brown,  First  Free  School  in 
Queen  Anne's  County,  in  the  Maryland  Historical  Magazine,  vol.  vi,  pp.   i-iS- 

"    Op.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  27. 

"  Biographical  Sketch  of  the  Most  Rev.  John  Carroll,  First  Archbishop  of  Balti- 
more with  Select  Portions  of  His  Writings,  p.  17.     Baltimore,  1843. 

*  Article  Bohemia,  in  the  Records  of  the  American  Catholic  Historical  Society 
(Philadelphia),  vol.  xxii  (June,  1913),  p.  105.  Cf.  also  Our  First  College,  in  the 
Catholic  Standard,  of  Philadelphia,  for  February  11,  |888 — a  popular,  though  inaccu- 
rate account  of  the  school. 


14  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

The  history  of  the  institution  is  interesting,  but  the  information  that 
has  come  down  to  us  regarding  it  is  brief  and  fragmentary.  Its  origin 
is  wrapped  in  obscurity;  it  was  begun  by  stealth;  its  existence  was  pre- 
carious; and  it  appears  to  have  been  closed  several  times,  owing  to  fresh 
outbursts  of  persecution.  But  it  did,  nevertheless,  a  great  work;  it 
helped  to  keep  alive  some  sparks  of  the  old  Maryland  faith,  and  provided 
a  generation  of  educated  Catholics — small  in  number  but  strong  in  faith 
and  knowledge — who  were  fitted  to  champion  the  cause  of  the  Church's 
freedom  by  w^ord  and  deed,  in  the  era  of  universal  liberty  ushered  in  by 
the  Revolution.  It  was  the  last  educational  effort  of  the  Jesuits  in 
colonial  Maryland,  but  the  tattered  pages  of  its  register  which  still  survives 
bear  some  of  the  most  illustrious  names  in  American  Catholic  history.'" 

In  an  old  account  book,  now  in  the  Georgetown  Archives,  we 
learn  that  John  Carroll  was  entered  in  the  school  in  1747,  when 
he  was  twelve  years  old.  A  further  entry  states  that  he  came  for 
a  second  time  on  x^pril  22,  1748,  apparently  after  a  visit  to  his 
father  and  mother  at  Upper  Marlboro.  He  left  Bohemia  on 
July  8,  1748,  no  doubt  to  begin  preparations  for  the  voyage 
across  the  Atlantic  to  St.  Omer's.  There  is  some  doubt  whether 
Charles  Carroll  of  Carrollton,  his  cousin  by  marriage,  was  his 
classmate  at  Bohemia  Academy,  but  the  two  boys  made  the 
journey  to  St.  Omer's  together  and  were  collegians  there  for  the 
next  five  years. ^^  Among  the  other  students  at  Bohemia  were  the 
Neales — Benedict,  Edward,  Charles,  and  Leonard,  the  last  des- 
tined to  succeed  Carroll  as  Archbishop  of  Baltimore,  in  181 5, 
James  Heath,  and  Robert  Brent.  The  last  named  accompanied 
John  and  Charles  Carroll  to  France,  and  in  later  life  married  the 
sister  of  the  future  archbishop.  The  classes  taught  at  Bohemia 
Academy  were  both  elementary  and  college-preparatory,  includ- 
ing, along  with  writing,  reading,  and  elementary  mathematics  for 
beginners,  Latin,  Algebra,  and  perhaps  Greek  for  the  more  ad- 
vanced students.  The  board  and  tuition  fees  were  forty  pounds  a 
year  for  the  preparatory  department,  and  thirty  pounds  a  year 
for  the  elementary  school.  At  one  time  there  were  as  many  as 
forty  pupils  in  the  Academy.   After  Bohemia  came  the  days  of 


2°  op.  cit.,  pp.  109-110;  Rowland,  op.  cit.,  vol  i,  pp.  18-20,  has  described  Charles 
Carroll  of  CarroUton's  school  days  there.  Cf.  Catholic  Historical  Review,  vol.  v, 
pp.  287-289;  Easby-Smith,  History  of  Georgetown  College  (1789-1907),  p.  9.  New 
York,  1907. 

31  Cf.  Charles  Carroll  of  Carrollton,  in  the  Catholic  World  (New  York),  vol.  xxiii 
(1876),  p.  541. 


Early   Years  15 

real  college  life  at  St.  Omer's,  in  France,  for  the  boys  who  in- 
tended to  continue  their  studies. 

Nothing  more  noble  in  American  colonial  life  can  be  found 
than  the  determination  of  the  Catholic  parents  of  Maryland  to 
preserve  amongst  their  children  the  Faith  for  which  their  ances- 
tors had  fought,  suffered,  and  died.  The  transmission  of  the  doc- 
trines and  the  discipline  of  the  Church  was  a  sacred  obligation 
imposed  upon  them  by  their  conscience;  and  at  a  time  when  to 
apostatize  from  the  Catholic  Faith  was  the  open  road  to  social 
and  political  advancement  in  the  English  dominions,  there  was  a 
strength  of  purpose  in  the  hearts  of  these  Maryland  mothers 
comparable  in  every  respect  to  the  mothers  of  the  martyrs.  To 
see  their  children  go  from  their  side  for  a  sojourn  of  ten  or 
fifteen  years,  and  to  be  bereft  of  the  happy,  innocent  faces  of 
their  boys  and  girls  during  that  period  when  they  are  a  parent's 
consolation,  knowing  that  even  on  their  return  as  educated  gentle- 
men and  women  they  would  be  politically  outcasts,  demanded  a 
nobility  of  soul  which  is  one  of  the  brightest  factors  in  the  drab 
colonial  history  of  America.  Apart  from  the  fact  that  Catholic 
parents  could  not  compromise  in  the  matter  of  education,  there 
was  an  added  reason  why  they  refused  to  enter  their  children 
in  the  colonial  schools  of  Maryland.  The  appalling  description  of 
the  immoral  conditions  of  these  schools,  as  painted  by  the  histor- 
ians of  the  Established  Church  of  Maryland  and  Virginia,  needs 
but  to  be  read  to  understand  the  abhorrence  in  which  such  educa- 
tional masters  must  have  been  held  by  Catholic  Maryland  women. 
Children  of  cultured  families  like  the  Carrolls  could  not  be 
trusted  to  schoolmasters  unworthy  of  their  calling,  and  with  the 
laws  ever  on  the  alert  against  the  establishment  of  Catholic  educa- 
tional institutions,  one  avenue  of  escape  alone  was  open  to  the 
colonial  Catholics,  that  which  the  Catholics  of  England,  Ireland, 
and  Scotland  had  taken  for  two  centuries,  namely,  the  colleges 
and  convents  in  continental  Europe. 

John  and  Charles  Carroll  were  the  victims  of  the  bigotry  of 
their  day,  but  both  were  to  benefit  by  these  years  of  training 
abroad  and  were  to  return  as  leaders  in  the  struggle  which  even- 
tually was  to  win  freedom  for  their  fellow-Catholics.  To  boys 
of  their  age,  the  perils  of  the  long  journey  across  the  Atlantic 
were  forg^otten  in  the  joyousness  of  the  great  adventure;  but 


1 6  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

there  had  been  implanted  in  their  hearts  memories  of  the  wrongs 
Protestant  intolerance  had  inflicted  upon  their  people,  and  the 
vision  of  tear-stained  faces  as  they  said  good-bye  had  its  place 
in  determining  their  judgment  when  the  call  came  to  break  for- 
ever with  the  tyranny  of  the  motherland. 


o 
o 

< 

O 

o 


X3 

liel  Carroll 
J.  Marlboro 

— 

TO 
Hi 

Keane  Carroll, 
of  Ireland 

TO 

TO 

^    o 

O 
TO 

LU 

Eleanor 

tl796-May  23,  in 

her  93rd  vear 

John 
Archbishcp 
of  Baltimore 

-a 

1   ^ 
t=  -a 

Col.  Henry  Darnall, 
of  Portland  Manor 
1711 

>> 
o 

^    o 

-    CO 

TO     t 
°5 

C3 

TO 

3= 

C3 
TO 

a> 

3Z 

TO 

arroll 
Rozier 

TO 

C_5 

larroll, 
and 

Charles  Carroll, 
the  Atty.  Gen. 
(1660-1720) 

TO        • 

o   E 

O 

c 

TO 
UJ 

Daniel  ( 
of  Irel 

Charles  Carroll, 

of  Annapolis 

(1702-1781) 

o  c 
t  2 

TO  ^ 
O    O 

cl 

D     TO 

=     O 

3 

§• 


CHAPTER  II 

COLLEGE  DAYS  AT  ST.  OMER'S;  THE  JESUIT  NOVITIATE 

AT  WATTEN 

(1748-1755) 

The  great  chain  of  secular  and  religious  educational  estab- 
lishments founded  during  the  era  of  English  intolerance  by  the 
English,  Irish,  and  Scottish  Catholics  stretched  from  the  Eng- 
lish Channel  to  the  Eternal  City.  The  English  Catholics  were 
for  the  most  part  members  of  the  noble  and  educated  classes, 
and  in  spite  of  the  ever-growing  burdens  of  the  penal  code,  they 
never  wavered  in  their  determination  to  keep  bright  and  clear  in 
the  minds  of  their  sons  and  daughters  Catholic  ideals  of  faith  and 
of  life.  From  the  days  when  the  disheartened  Catholic  students 
of  England's  two  leading  Universities  sought  in  1559  a  refuge 
in  Louvain,  where  they  rented  two  houses,  the  one  called  "Ox- 
ford" and  the  other  "Cambridge",  down  to  the  French  Revolu- 
tion over  two  centuries  later,  the  English,  Irish,  and  Scottish 
Catholics  built  schools  and  colleges  for  the  boys,  convent  schools 
for  the  girls,  and  seminaries  for  the  training  of  clerics.  The  story 
of  this  Foundation-Movement  is  one  of  the  most  inspiring  pages 
in  the  history  of  education.^  The  list  of  these  exiled  Catholic 
educational  institutions  is  a  long  one.  Lisbon  contained  five  such 
houses;  Madrid,  three;  Paris,  eight;  Douay,  five;  Belgium, 
thirteen;  France,  outside  Paris,  seven;  and  Rome,  two. 

Of  all  the  continental  English  Catholic  schools  St.  Omer's  was 
best  loved  by  the  boys  of  Maryland.  It  was  founded  in  1592 
by  the  celebrated  English  Jesuit,  Father  Robert  Persons,  the 
companion  of  Blessed  Edmund  Campion,  the  choicest  flower  of 
the  University  of  Cambridge.  St.  Omer's  received  mostly  lay 
students  and   next  to   Douay  quickly  became  the  best-known 

*  The  latest  addition  to  the  literature  on  the  English  Diaspora  is  Cardinal 
Gasquet,  a  History  of  the  Venerable  English  College,  Rome.  London,  igao.  For 
various  lists  of  these  exiled  establishments,  see  Guilday,  op.  cit.,  pp.  30-49. 

17 


1 8  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

English  college  abroad.  In  1616,  James  I  issued  a  royal  edict 
against  the  College,  ordering  the  immediate  return  of  all  the 
boys  therein  under  penalty  of  the  confiscation  of  their  parents' 
property.  English  spies  kept  the  collegians  under  constant  sur- 
veillance, and  more  than  one  boy  was  obliged  to  return  home  to 
prevent  his  parents  from  losing  all  they  possessed.  Before  the 
Thirty  Years'  War  the  number  of  scholars  had  increased  to  two 
hundred.  In  1684,  the  old  College  was  burnt,  but  a  larger  Col- 
lege was  quickly  erected.  In  1697-98,  as  we  learn  from  a  docu- 
ment in  Propaganda  Archives,  the  Seminary  or  College  of  St. 
Omer  contained  more  students  than  any  of  the  English  houses 
abroad.2  It  was  accepted  as  the  best  school  for  the  noble  and 
wealthy  Catholic  families  of  England  during  the  penal  period, 
and  it  was  also  the  House  of  Studies  for  the  formation  of  the 
Jesuits  who  were  sent  to  the  English  and  American  missions. 
Maryland,  indeed,  can  be  looked  upon  to  a  great  extent  as  a 
St.  Omer's  mission.^  In  1725,  a  second  fire  destroyed  the  College, 
and  it  was  to  the  third  and  more  commodious  building  erected 
within  the  next  few  years  that  John  Carroll  came  in  1747-48. 

Unfortunately  we  have  no  record  of  any  kind  telling  us  of 
John  Carroll's  voyage  across  the  Atlantic.  The  Extracts  from 
the  Carroll  Papers,  containing  Charles  Carroll  of  Carrollton's 
letters  to  his  father,"*  and  the  Unpublished  Letters  of  Charles 
Carroll  of  Carrollton  ^  give  us  hardly  a  word  of  those  adventu- 
rous days  aboard  the  good  ship  that  carried  them  to  London, 
which  was  the  first  stop  in  the  journey.  But  there  is  little  doubt 
that  the  richest  heir  in  America  at  that  time  lost  no  chance  of 
making  the  journey  a  memorable  one  for  his  companion.  Father 
Hughes  has  given  us  a  racy  and  delightful  sidelight  upon  one  of 
these  "educational  convoys."^  But  the  disappointing  side  to  the 
correspondence  which  is  extant  for  these  years  of  Carroll's  life 
is  the  meagre  insight  we  are  given  into  his  daily  round  of  duties 


»  Stato  del  Seminario  inglese  di  St.  Omer,  Propaganda  Archives,  Visite  e  Collegi, 

t.  36  (1697-1698),  fol.  735- 

»  Cf.  WiLLAERT,  A   Catholic  College  in  the  Seventeenth  Century   [St.  Oraer's]   in 
the  American  Catholic  Quarterly  Review,  vol.  xxx  (1905).  PP-  745-748. 

*  In  the  Maryland  Historical  Magazine    (Baltimore,  since   1905)- 

»  In  the  Monograph  Series,  No.  i,  of  the  United  States  Catholic  Historical  Society 
(New  York),    1902. 

•  Hughes,  Educational  Convoys  to  Europe  in  the  Olden  Times,  in  the  American 
Ecclesiastical  Review,  vol.  xxix  (1903),  pp.  24-39. 


College  Days  Abroad  19 

and  pleasures.  John  Carroirs  letters  from  home  would  no  doubt 
have  given  us  his  mother's  reflections  on  his  musings  as  a  stud- 
ent, but  they  were  lost  in  the  confiscation  of  Bruges  College  in 
1773.  On  several  occasions  the  writer  has  searched  the  archival 
depots  of  Belgium  and  Northern  France  for  these  papers,  but 
without  success.  John's  letters  to  his  parents — his  father,  Daniel 
Carroll,  died  in  1750 — have  also  disappeared.  There  is  no  trace 
cf  John's  correspondence  in  the  Baltimore  Cathedral  Archives 
or  in  the  Georgetown  collection.  For  reasons  alluded  to  already 
the  correspondence  of  Charles  Carroll  of  Carrollton  with  his 
parents  has  scarcely  more  than  a  passing  reference  to  John. 
Carrollton's  is  the  stilted  letter -writing  of  the  day  and  politics  are 
the  main  staple.  A  visit  of  Charles  Carroll,  Sr.,  to  Paris  in  1757, 
gave  John  a  chance  to  talk  over  home  affairs,  but  there  is  nothing 
in  the  existing  correspondence  to  show  more  than  a  cold  interest 
on  the  part  of  the  two  families  for  each  other.  The  French  and 
Indian  War  (1754- 1763)  takes  up  a  major  space  in  the  letters. 
There  are  constant  fatherly  injunctions.  On  August  30,  1758, 
we  find  Charles  Carroll  of  Annapolis  writing  to  "Dear  Charley," 
his  son — "Chuse  your  Company  with  ye  greatest  Circumspection, 
for  Evil  Communications  corrupt  good  manners.  Avoid  any 
intimacy  or  familiarity  with  ye  Fair  Sex.  But  I  should  chuse 
that  Women  should  allmost  always  make  part  of  your  Company, 
they  will  contribute  to  soften  and  polish  yr.  manners."  ^  The  next 
year  he  writes :  *T  challenge  six  Letters  a  year  as  a  Debt  by  prom- 
ise; if  ye  will  generously  fling  in  a  few  more,  ye  will  give  your 
Mama  and  me  great  pleasure."®  In  this  same  letter  we  are  given 
a  hint  of  troubles  at  home.  "I  find  you  begin  to  think  that  neither 
Maryland  or  any  of  ye  British  Dominions  are  a  desirable  Resi- 
dence for  a  Roman  Catholic ;  without  a  change  in  ye  Scene,  they 
certainly  are  not  so."  As  is  well  known  in  Maryland  annals, 
Charles  Carroll  of  Annapolis  had  at  one  time  contemplated  selling 
all  his  property  in  Maryland  to  take  up  an  estate  in  Louisiana, 
which  was  then  in  the  possession  of  France ;  but  his  son  dissuaded 
him,  and  fortunate  it  was  for  the  future  of  the  American  Repub- 
lic that  Charles  Carroll  of  CaroUton  decided  to  remain.  After 
Carrollton's  return  to  Maryland  in  1765,  we  lose  all  chance  of 


'  Monograph  Series,  p.  28,  as  cited  in  note  5. 
"  Ibid.,  p.  41. 


20  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

reading  between  the  lines  of  his  letters  the  incidents  that  made 
up  their  college  life  at  St.  Omer's.  Charles  Carroll  of  Carrollton, 
after  finishing  his  studies  at  St.  Omer's,  went  to  the  College  at 
Rheims,  while  John  entered  the  Jesuit  Novitiate  at  Watten. 

St.  Omer's  College  was  a  mixed  school,  made  up  of  young 
men  preparing  for  Hfe  in  the  world  and  of  others  preparing  for 
the  secular  priesthood  or  for  the  religious  life  in  one  of  the 
Orders  or  Congregations.  It  was  similar  to  the  system  in  vogue 
in  France  or  Belgium,  and  its  counterpart  can  be  seen  to  a  certain 
extent  to-day  in  the  system  carried  out  at  Mount  St.  Mary's 
College,  Emmitsburg,  where  side-by-side  with  the  collegiate 
course  is  a  philosophical  and  theological  school  for  training  young 
aspirants  to  the  priesthood. 

What  was  probably  the  original  copy  of  the  Rules  and  Regu- 
lations of  St.  Omer's  perished  in  the  Sack  of  Louvain  in  August, 
1914.  A  transcript,  now  in  the  Archives  at  Stony  hurst  College, 
England,  the  successor  to  St.  Omer's,  enables  us  to  form  a  very 
fair  judgment  on  student  life  during  the  time  of  John  Carroll's 
residence  there.^  The  college  compared  more  than  favourably 
with  the  best  European  schools  of  the  day.  "Their  annual  exhibi- 
tions were  attended  by  the  English  nobility,  with  the  Bishop  and 
clergy,  secular  and  regular,  and  other  scientific  and  learned  men, 
who  expressed  their  astonishment  at  the  easy  and  fluent  manner 
in  which  the  scholars  were  accustomed  to  dispute  and  discourse  in 
Greek  and  Latin,  especially  in  the  former."^*^  The  young  men 
who  made  up  the  student-body  were  of  exceptional  character. 
"During  the  whole  of  my  visit,"  wrote  Cardinal  Bentivoglio  in 


»  Cf.  the  description  of  the  Seminaries  of  Douay  and  St.  Omer  given  by  Cardinal 
d'Ossat  in  a  letter  to  Henry  IV,  November  26,  1601,  in  Lettres  du  Cardinal  d'Ossat, 
p.  757.  Meyer  has  also  described  the  student-life  in  his  England  and  the  Catholic 
Church  under  Queen  Elisabeth,  translated  by  McKee  (London,  1916),  pp.  92,121, 
189-214.  Cf.  GuiLDAY,  op.  cit.,  pp.  138-145-  Many  references  will  be  found  in 
Foley,  Records  S.  J.,  as,  for  example,  vol.  i,  p.  435;  vol.  iii,  pp.  36,  99.  129,  161,  542, 
723,  778;  vol.  iv,  pp.  336,  552,  687;  vol.  V,  pp.  12,  50,  70,  87,  88,  167,  707.  especially 
pp.  168-173.  Rowland,  op.  cit.,  has  given  a  glimpse  into  the  student-life  at  St.  Omer's 
in  her  chapter,  Student  Life  Abroad  (1758-1764),  vol.  i,  pp.  37-69.  "The  pupils  of 
St.  Omer's,"  she  says  (vol.  i,  p.  113).  "certainly  had  the  advantage  over  the  graduates 
of  Cambridge  in  the  use  of  clear  and  forcible  English."  A  complete  history  of  St. 
Omer's  is  in  Foley,  op.  cit.,  vol.  vii,  part  i,  pp.  36-42.  The  best  account  of  student- 
life  at  St.  Omer's  will  be  found  in  Gerard,  History  of  Stonyhurst  College  {1592-1894). 
Belfast,   1894. 

"    Foley,  op.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  435,  note.     One  favourite  exhibition  with  the  students 

was  the  annual  Passion  Play. 


College  Days  Abroad  21 

1609,  *1  truly  seemed  to  be  in  Paradise  and  among  angels.  I  was 
greatly  edified,  and  moved  even  to  sorrow,  at  seeing  for  the  first 
and  perhaps  the  last  time  so  many  choice  plants  in  the  Catholic 
Church  destined  to  persecution,  afflictions,  and  martyrdoms,  as 
now  I  beheld  springing  up  and  growing  around  me."  ^^     The 
Memoirs  of  Edmund  Mat  hew,  written  in  1667,  is  the  best  boy's 
account  we  possess  of  the  inner  life  of  the  college,  and  while 
numerous  changes  must  have  taken  place  within  the  century  that 
passed  before  John  Carroll  entered  St.  Omer's,  the  persistence  of 
many  of  the  customs  today  at  Stonyhurst  would  argue  for  their 
existence  in  1748,  when  he  entered.    The  discipline  was  spartan 
in  those  days.    Correction  with  the  ferule  was  the  ordinary  mode 
of  punishment.    The  students  retired  at  nine  and  rose  at  five. 
Trap-ball  was  the  favourite  game.     It  is  hardly  likely  that  the 
young  American  measured  up  to  the  ideal   described  by  the 
anonymous  biographer  of  Edmund  Mathew :  "It  happened  once 
that  as  he  was  playing  at  trap-ball  in  the  Guarden,  one  of  his 
companions  much  against  his  will  struck  the  ball  full  vppon  his  ey, 
the  pain  was  certainly  most  intense,  and  woold  haue  drawn  some 
word  of  indignation,  or  impatience  from  a  vnmortified  and  im- 
patient man.  But  this  sweet  Lamb  immediately  pronounces  Jesus, 
Deo  G ratios,  and  for  to  show  that  he  was  not  in  the  least  offended 
at  him,  by  whose  hand  the  sad  chance  happened ;  looked  vppon 
him  presently  with  a  most  lovely  and  gracious  ey,  knowing  that 
he  stood  more  in  need  of  comfort  than  him  selfe."^^   John  Car- 
roll certainly  never  took  for  his  motto  the  one  from  "Doleful 
Jeremie,"  that  seems  to  have  directed  Mathew's  liie—iwn  sedi 
in  conciliis  hidentium,  solus  sedeham. 

The  college  was  well  known  in  the  colonies,  and  the  Assem- 
blies of  Virginia  and  Maryland  both  sent  petitions  at  odd  times 
to  the  Home  Government,  representing  the  danger  which  St. 
Omer's  was  to  Protestant  ascendancy  in  the  provinces.  John 
Gilmary  Shea  makes  the  following  reflection  regarding  the  re- 


"  Vatican  Archives,  ArcUvio  Borghese,  vol.  i,  190S3.  Part  of  this  Relazione 
d'lnghilterra  is  printed  in  the  original  in  Guilday,  op.  cit.,  pp.  425-429-  Cf.  Foley, 
Records  S.  J.,  vol.  vii,  part  ii,  pp.  1152-1155;  Taunton,  History  of  the  Jesuits  in 
England,  p.  401.     London,  1901. 

"  Memoir  of  Edmund  Mathew,  in  the  Catholic  Record  Society  Publications,  vol.  lu, 

p.  66. 


22  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

suits  of  this  European  training  upon  the  young  Americans  who 
went  to  St.  Omer's : 

The  effect  of  this  continental  education  on  the  young  Catholic  gentle- 
men was  clearly  seen.  As  a  class  they  were  far  superior  to  their 
Protestant  neighbours,  who,  educated  at  home,  were  narrow  and  insular 
in  their  ideas,  ignorant  of  modern  languages  and  of  all  that  was  going 
on  beyond  their  county  limits  and  its  fox  hunts  and  races.  The  Cath- 
olic, on  the  contrary,  was  conversant  with  several  languages,  with  the 
current  literature  of  Europe,  the  science  of  the  day,  with  art  and  the 
great  galleries  where  the  masterpieces  of  painting  and  sculpture  could 
be  seen.  He  returned  to  England  or  his  colonial  home  after  forming 
acquaintance  with  persons  of  distinction  and  influence,  whose  corre- 
spondence retained  and  enlarged  the  knowledge  he  had  acquired." 

John  Carroll  finished  his  humanities  in  1753 ;  and  on  September 
eighth  of  that  year,  he  was  sent  to  the  Jesuit  Novitiate  at  Watten, 
a  town  about  seven  miles  from  St.  Omer's.  The  house  was  an 
old  abbey  and  was  the  gift  of  Bishop  Blaise  of  St.  Omer  in  1603, 
but  owing  to  the  intrigues  of  Edmondes,  the  English  agent  at 
Brussels,  it  was  not  occupied  until  after  the  death  of  the  Arch- 
duke Albert  in  1622.  It  became  the  recognized  novitiate  for  the 
English  Province  in  1625,  and  remained  such  until  1768,  when 
a  transfer  was  made  to  Ghent.  Here  it  was  that  the  "generation 
of  vipers",  as  the  English  Agents  Edmondes  and  Turnbull  gen- 
erally called  the  English  Jesuits,  was  picpared  for  the  spiritual 
work  to  come.  With  Carroll  at  Watten,  Shea  tells  us,  there  were 
as  fellow-novices:  Joseph  Hathersty,  who  died  at  Philadelphia 
on  May  8,  1771 ;  William  Home,  Peter  Jenkins,  George  Knight, 
Joseph  Emmott,  and  Joseph  Tryer.  A  fellow-countryman,  Rob- 
ert Cole,  who  did  not  return  to  Maryland  after  the  Suppression, 
was  in  the  novitiate  at  the  time,  as  was  also  Joseph  Reeve,  the 
future  ecclesiastical  historian.^*  The  novice-master  was  Father 
Henry  Corbie,  who  was  in  charge  at  Watten  from  1745  to  1756, 
provincial  of  the  English  Jesuits  from  1756  to  1762,  and  again 
novice-master  from  1764  to  1765,  the  year  of  his  death.^^ 


"    Op.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  29. 

"  op.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  31,  Foley's  Collectanea  contains  biographies  of  these  fellow- 
novices  of  Carroll,  with  the  exception  of  Tryer.  Father  Joseph  Hathersty,  the  only 
one  who  came  to  America,  is  not  mentioned  in  Kirlin,  Catholicity  in  Philadelphia 
(Philadelphia,  1909).     Cf.  Hughes,  op.  cit.,  Text,  vol.  ii,  p.  695. 

"    Records  S.  J.,  vol.  vii,  part  ii,  p.   168. 


College  Days  Abroad  23 

With  the  exception  of  Henry  More's  celebrated  essay,  no 
complete  history  of  the  rise  of  the  EngHsh  Province  of  the  Society 
of  Jesus  has  yet  been  written.^^  England  was  to  feel  the  full 
power  of  the  Counter-Reformation  from  the  moment  that  the  two 
Jesuits,  Blessed  Edmund  Campion  and  Robert  Persons,  reached 
London  in  1580,  and  the  frequency  of  Jesuit  vocations  among 
English  Catholic  youths  was  not  only  remarkable,  but  so  pro- 
nounced that  practically  all  the  **stirs"  which  separated  the  secular 
and  the  regular  clergy  in  English  Catholic  life  during  the  six- 
teenth and  seventeenth  centuries  can  be  traced  to  the  fact  that  a 
large  majority  of  young  men  sought  entrance  into  the  Society. 
"During  the  persecution  period,"  says  Foley,  "the  number  of 
Englishmen  who  became  Jesuits  sometimes  rose  to  nearly  one- 
half  of  all  those  who  embraced  the  ecclesiastical  state,  and  they 
began  to  join  from  the  beginning  of  Elizabeth's  reign,  even  before 
Douay  College  was  founded  (1569)."''  From  1580  down  to 
1 61 9,  the  English  Jesuits  conducted  in  England  what  is  known 
as  a  Mission.  In  1619,  the  Mission  was  raised  to  a  Vice-Province, 
and  on  January  21,  1623,  the  Vice-Province  became  a  regular 
Province  of  the  Society.  The  whole  of  England  was  divided,  as 
is  the  Jesuit  system,  into  districts,  and  these  were  subdivided  into 
residences  or  quasi-coUeges.  Over  each  residence  or  college  a 
rector  or  superior  was  placed.  This  arrangement  was  duplicated 
in  the  English  Colonies  of  America,  and  lasted  down  to  the 
Suppression  of  the  Society  in  1773. 


"  Historia  missionis  anglicana:  Societatis  Jesu,  ab  anno  salutis  MDLXXX  ad 
MDCXIX,  et  vice-provincicB  primtim,  turn  provincice  ad  ejusdem  socculi  annum  XXXV. 
St.  Omer.  1660.  Cf.  Ribadeneira,  Historia  ecclesiastica  del  Scisma  del  Reyno  del  Ity 
glaterra.  Madrid,  1588.  Pollen,  English  Cathodes  in  the  Reign  of  Queen  Elizabeth 
(1558-1580),  London,  1920,  while  not  ex  professo  a  history  of  the  Jesuits  in  England, 
will,  when  completed,  be  an  introduction  to  his  history  of  the  English  Province  of  the 
Society;  Taunton,  History  of  the  Jesuits  in  England  (London,  1901)  is  an  important 
volume  in  this  connection,  but  it  is  mainly  given  over  to  an  attack  on  Father  Robert 
Persons,  S.J.;  Bridgewater,  Concertatio  Ecclesia  Catholicce  in  Anglia,  etc.  (Trier, 
1588),  is  valuable  for  the  same  purpose. 

"  Records  S.J.,  vol.  vii,  part  ii,  p.  1240.  Foley  gives  a  catalogue  of  these  Jesuits, 
ibid.,  part  i,  p.  568.  His  Collectanea  which  make  up  the  two  parts  of  volume  seven  give 
an  alphabetical  list  of  names  with  short  biographical  and  genealogical  notices  of  th.-» 
members  of  the  English  province  from  the  beginning  down  to  the  suppression  in  1773. 
Cf.  DoDD,  Church  History  of  England,  vol.  ii,  p.  403,  who  gives  a  list  of  sixty-nine 
British  subjects  who  became  Jesuits  between  1556  and  1580;  and  Oliver,  Collections 
towards  illustrating  the  Biography  of  the  Scottish,  English  and  Irish  Members  of  thf 
Society  of  Jesus.     London,   1881. 


24  The  Lifa  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

There  were  three  classes  of  priests  in  the  province:  those 
who  lived  privately  in  the  families  of  noble  or  wealthy  Catholics, 
as  chaplains  and  tutors,  as  for  example,  Father  Charles  Plowden, 
the  chaplain  at  Lulworth  Castle,  the  friend  and  correspondent  of 
John  Carroll  during  the  greater  part  of  the  latter's  life;  those 
who  travelled  about  the  country  in  disguise,  running  grave  danger 
of  capture,  and  ministered  to  the  Catholics ;  and  those  who  were 
able  to  live  in  their  own  homes  and  receive  the  Catholics  who 
came  to  them.^^ 

To  train  missionaries  for  this  dangerous  field  of  spiritual  en- 
deavour was  no  easy  task.  A  very  thorough  course  in  the  humani- 
ties was  necessary  before  the  young  student  was  allowed  to  enter 
the  schools  of  philosophy  and  theology.  Between  the  collegiate 
studies  and  philosophy  there  intervened  for  those  who  had 
entered  the  Society  of  Jesus  a  two  years'  novitiate. 

We  should  deprive  ourselves  of  one  of  the  keys  to  John  Car- 
roll's character  and  to  the  events  of  his  later  life  if  we  were  to 
pass  lightly  over  the  two  years  of  his  novitiate  at  Watten,  for 
those  two  years  were  spent  almost  exclusively  in  the  formation 
of  the  religious  spirit.  It  is  the  novitiate  which  gives  the  Jesuit 
that  indefinable  quality  which  distinguishes  him  from  the  mem- 
bers of  all  other  religious  Orders.  It  is  erroneous  to  judge  the 
Society  of  Jesus  as  a  foundation  with  the  avowed  purpose  of 
opposing  Protestantism.  Father  John  Hungerford  Pollen,  the 
eminent  English  Jesuit  historian,  says  that  when  St.  Ignatius 
began  to  devote  himself  to  the  service  of  the  Church,  he  had 
probably  not  heard  even  the  names  of  the  Protestant  Reformers.^* 
During  the  earliest  period  of  the  Society's  history,  the  Jesuits 
directed  their  steps  to  pagan  lands;  but,  the  object  of  the  Society 
being  to  spread  the  faith,  they  naturally  saw  in  the  reclamation 
of  lands  lost  to  the  Church  through  the  Reformation  another 
important  field  of  endeavour.  The  Constitutions  upon  which  the 
Society  was  based  were  composed  by  St.  Ignatius  and  have  never 
been  altered  in  the  passing  of  the  centuries  since  their  approval 
by  the  first  congregation  of  the  Jesuits,  held  in  1558. 

The  members  of  the  Society  of  Jesus  fall  into  four  classes: 
novices,  intended  either  for  lay  duties  or  for  the  priesthood.    The 


"    Cf.  Morris,  Condition  of  Catholics  under  James  I,  pp.  329SS.     London,  1872. 
"    Article  Society  of  Jesus,  in  the  Catholic  Encyclopedia,  vol.  xiv,  p.  81. 


College  Days  Abroad  25 

latter  novices,  at  the  end  of  two  years,  make  simple  but  perpetual 
vows  and  become  formed  scholastics,  who  in  turn  spend  a  certain 
number  of  years,  usually  ten  to  fifteen,  in  teaching  and  in  study- 
ing for  the  priesthood.  After  a  thorough  review  of  the  Constitu- 
tions of  the  Society  and  examinations  in  all  the  branches  of 
philosophical,  scriptural,  and  theological  studies,  the  scholastics 
having  been  ordained  become  spiritual  formed  coadjutors  with 
simple  vows,  or  professed  with  solemn  vows;  the  latter  besides 
the  three  vows  of  religion,  make  a  fourth  vow  of  obedience  to  the 
Holy  See  in  the  matter  of  missionary  work.  The  lay  brothers 
after  a  number  of  years'  probation  become  temporal  formed 
coadjutors  with  simple  perpetual  vows. 

The  novices  usually  enter,  as  John  Carroll  did,  on  a  fixed  day ; 
in  his  case,  the  eighth  of  September.  The  first  ten  days  are 
spent  in  acquainting  themselves  with  the  rule  of  the  novitiate. 
Then  follows  a  brief  spiritual  retreat,  after  which,  if  they  are 
acceptable,  they  become  novices  and  assume  the  clerical  habit 
or  soutane.  The  day  is  spent  in  meditation,  prayer,  spiritual 
reading,  study,  and  manual  labour.  There  is  a  daily  conference  by 
the  Master  of  Novices  on  the  Institute,  and  all  are  examined  on 
the  Rule  at  certain  periods.  The  thirty  days'  retreat,  based  on  the 
Spiritual  Exercises  of  St.  Ignatius,  is  the  chief  test  of  the  novice's 
character,  and  this  comes  sometime  within  the  first  year. 

In  accordance  with  the  ideals  set  forth  in  these  exercises,  of  disinter- 
ested conformity  with  God's  will,  and  of  personal  love  of  Jesus  Christ, 
the  novice  is  trained  diligently  in  a  meditative  study  of  the  truths  of 
religion,  in  the  habit  of  self-knowledge,  in  a  constant  scrutiny  of  his 
motives,  and  of  the  actions  inspired  by  them,  in  the  correction  of  every 
form  of  self-deceit,  illusion,  plausible  pretext,  and  in  the  education  of 
the  will,  particularly  in  making  choice  of  what  seems  best  after  care- 
ful deliberation  and  without  self-seeking.  Deeds,  not  words,  are  insisted 
upon  as  proof  of  genuine  service,  and  a  mechanical,  emotional,  or  fanciful 
piety  is  not  tolerated.  As  the  novice  gradually  thus  becomes  master  of 
his  judgment  and  will,  he  grows  more  and  more  capable  of  offering 
to  God  the  reasonable  service  enjoined  by  St.  Paul,  and  seeks  to  follow 
the  Divine  Will,  as  manifested  by  Jesus  Christ,  by  His  Vicar  on  earth, 
by  the  bishops  appointed  to  rule  His  church,  by  his  more  immediate 
or  religious  superiors,  and  by  the  civil  powers  rightfully  exercising 
authority.'*' 


**   Pollen,  nt  supra. 


^"^ 


26  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

The  noviceship  lasts  two  full  years  and  at  its  conclusion  simple 
vows  are  taken,  the  novices  being  then  promoted  to  the  degree  of 
scholastics.  If  their  college  studies  are  not  finished,  they  then 
follow  a  special  course,  usually  lasting  two  years.  When  these 
studies  have  been  completed,  the  scholastics  go  to  another  house, 
usually  called  the  scholasticate,  where  they  spend  three  years 
studying  philosophy  and  science.  After  this,  from  three  to  seven 
years  are  devoted  to  teaching  in  one  of  the  public  colleges  of  the 
Society.  Then  begins  the  study  of  theology,  which  is  generally 
of  four  years'  duration.  At  the  end  of  the  third  year  of  theology, 
the  priesthood  is  conferred,  and  at  the  completion  of  the  entire 
preparation  of  fifteen  or  seventeen  years,  another  year  is  devoted 
to  the  second  novitiate,  the  tertianship,  in  which  the  recently 
ordained  Jesuit  renews  the  spirit  of  piety  acquired  at  the  begin- 
ning of  his  career  and  is  enabled  to  reorganize  all  his  studies  upon 
the  basis  of  their  practical  utility  for  his  own  spiritual  and  aca- 
demic life.^^ 

At  the  age  of  eighteen,  when  he  had  finished  the  novitiate, 
John  Carroll  had  reached  the  most  impressionable  period  of  his 
life,  and  it  would  be  of  untold  value  to  us  if  we  could  discover  the 
hidden  springs  from  which  he  drew  those  remarkable  qualities 
which  gave  him  leadership  in  the  days  when  leadership  was  badly 
needed  in  the  American  Church.  We  know  that  as  a  novice  his 
life  was  one  of  entire  self-sacrifice,  childHke  obedience,  perfect 
poverty,  and  self-denial.  Indoors,  much  of  the  housework  and 
menial  employment  fell  to  his  share;  if  he  went  out  he  was 
occupied  in  visiting  hospitals  and  in  catechising  poor  children 
in  and  around  the  city.  In  the  old  days  the  novice  was  sent, 
once  during  the  novitiate,  on  a  pilgrimage,  which  generally  lasted 
a  month.  This  was  performed  with  one  companion,  always  on 
loot,  both  begging  their  bread  the  whole  way.  No  doubt  this 
part  of  the  training  had  fallen  into  disuse  at  this  time.  Even  a 
very  hazy  knowledge  of  the  religious  life  would  permit  one  to 
realize  the  resultant  efifect  of  these  two  years  on  the  young 

21  Brucker,  La  Compagnie  de  Jesus:  esquisse  de  son  Institut  et  de  son  Histoire 
{1521-1733),  pp.  20-46.  Paris,  1920;  The  Jesuits,  Their  Foundation  and  History,  p.  34. 
(By  B.  N.),  London,  1879;  Rules  of  the  Society  of  Jesus,  Washington,  1839;  Rossetti, 
De  Spiritu  Societatis  Jesu,  pp.  153SS,  Freiburg,  1888;  Meschler,  La  Compagnie  de 
Jesus:  ses  Statuts  et  ses  Resultats,  trans.  Mazoyer,  Paris,  1921.  The  latest  contribu- 
tion to  the  subject,  and  the  first  history  of  the  Society,  written  by  an  American,  is 
Campbell,  The  Jesuits  (2  vols.,  New  York,  1921). 


College  Days  Abroad  27 

American.  At  this  time  he  was  at  the  most  malleable  stage  in  the 
soul's  life,  and  it  is  hardly  an  over-estimate  to  state  that  in  these 
two  years  of  solid  piety  and  of  practical  spirituality  in  the  Jesuit 
novitiate  the  secret  of  John  Carroll's  religious  fervour,  apostolic 
zeal,  and  high-minded  independence  of  thought  is  to  be  found. 


CHAPTER  III 

THE  LIEGE   SCHOLASTICATE;   ORDINATION   TO   THE 
PRIESTHOOD;  TERTIANSHTP 

(1755-1773) 

John  Carroll  completed  his  novitiate  on  September  8,  1755, 
and  the  next  step  was  the  study  of  philosophy  at  Liege,  where  the 
scholasticate  was  situated.  The  English  College  at  Liege  was 
begun  as  early  as  1614,  when  Father  John  Gerard,  of  Gun- 
powder Plot  fame,  bought  a  house  and  some  ten  acres  of  land 
there  for  the  purpose  of  founding  the  scholasticate.  The  prov- 
ince of  Liege,  though  part  of  the  Holy  Roman  Empire,  was  at 
the  time  a  sovereign  principality,  with  the  bishop  as  sovereign- 
prince,  a  status  which  had  lasted  from  the  time  of  Bishop  Notger 
(1008)  and  continued  until  the  French  Revolution.  As  a  buffer- 
state  between  Germany,  France,  and  the  Low  Countries,  its 
history  is  written  large  on  the  pages  of  medieval  and  modern 
times.  Its  schools  were  famous  long  before  the  University  of 
Paris  opened  its  doors,  and  this  fact,  together  with  its  neutral 
position  in  matters  touching  France  and  England,  made  it  a  haven 
of  refuge  for  the  persecuted  English  Catholics.^  The  scholasticate 
combined  a  continuance  of  the  religious  life  of  the  novitiate  with 
a  rigid  course  of  study  in  philosophy,  rhetoric,  literature,  the 
natural  sciences  and  higher  mathematics. 

In  1758,  John  Carroll  finished  his  philosophy  and  was  sent 
back  to  St.  Omer's,  to  teach  the  classics  to  the  collegians;^  here 
he  was  still  teaching  when  the  Suppression  of  the  Society  was 
decreed  by  the  Parlement  of  Paris  (August  6,  1762).   The  edict 

*  Cf.  Daris,  Histoire  du  diocese  et  de  la  principaute  de  Likgc:  des  origines  A 
1879.  Liege,  1869-1892;  Kurth,  La  CitS  de  Litge  au  Moycn-Age.  Liege,  1910.  The 
history  of  the  English  College  or  Scholasticate  will  be  found  in  Foley,  Records  S.J., 
vol.  vii,  part  i,  pp.  47-53;  cf.  ibid.,  vol.  v,  p.   185. 

'  Shea  (<?/>.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  32),  says  that  he  was  next  employed  at  Li^ge,  as 
professor  of  philosophy  and  of  theology  in  the  scholasticate,  but  this  is  evidently  based 
on  the  inaccurate  date  he  gives  for  Carroll's  ordination,  namely,  1759. 

28 


Priesthood  29 

was  signed  by  Louis  XV,  in  November,  1764,  and  from  that  date 
the  Jesuits  in  France  were  proscribed.  St.  Omer's  College  was 
confiscated  by  the  French  Government  and  was  transferred  to 
the  English  secular  clergy.  Differences  of  an  acrimonious  na- 
ture had  been  only  too  common  between  these  two  bodies  of  the 
English  Catholic  priesthood,  and  the  transfer  added  its  quota  to 
the  "everlasting  jarrs"  of  the  period.^    Dr.  Burton  writes: 

Letters,  memorials  and  pamphlets  appeared  in  profusion;  voluminous 
collections  of  documents  were  made  and  preserved  as  pieces  jiistificatives, 
connected  accounts  were  written  and  even  published.  On  the  side  of 
the  Society  Father  Ralph  Hoskins  compiled  A  Short  Narrative  of  the 
Expulsion  of  the  English  Jesuits  out  of  St.  Outer's,  and  Father  Joseph 
Reeve  wrote  his  Plain  and  Succinct  Narrative  of  Facts  Concerning  the 
Expulsion  of  the  English  Jesuits  from  their  College  at  St.  Omer's; 
while  a  layman,  Ralph  Hodgson,  taking  up  the  case  for  the  seculars, 
produced  in  1768,  his  Dispassionate  Narrative  of  the  Conduct  of  the 
English  Clergy  in  Receiving  from  the  French  King  and  His  Parliament 
the  Administration  of  the  College  at  St.  Omer,  late  binder  the  Direction 
of  the  English  Jesuits.* 

Evil  days  had  come  in  the  history  of  the  great  Company  of 
Jesus.  Portugal  began  the  work  of  banishment  in  1759;  France 
followed,  and  the  prestige  of  the  Society  waned  quickly  under 
the  blows  dealt  by  the  Jansenists  and  by  writers  like  Pascal  and 
Voltaire.  Madame  de  Pompadour  could  never  forget  the  attitude 
of  the  Jesuits  to  her  invidious  situation  at  the  French  Court,  and 
when  the  University  of  Paris  was  influenced  against  them,  the 
Fathers  saw  that  the  end  was  fast  approaching.  The  unfortunate 
bankruptcy  of  Father  La  Valette  was  seized  upon  by  the  Gov- 
ernment as  the  opportune  occasion  to  crush  the  Society.  The 
decree  of  August  6,  1762,  was  at  first  interpreted  by  the  English 
Jesuits  as  inapplicable  to  them  on  national  grounds;  but  the 
French  commissioners  had  already  decided  to  entrust  the  college 
to  the  English  seculars.  On  August  9,  1762,  the  college  boys 
were  called  together  and  told  to  prepare  for  the  worst.  "Without 
exception  all  decided  to  follow  their  masters,  and  their  adventur- 
ous journey  to  Bruges  began.     Without  luggage  of  any  kind, 

*  Cf.  Burton,  Life  and  Times  of  Bishop  Challoner,  vol.  ii,  pp.  39SS.,  for  a  com- 
plete account  of  this  transfer. 

*  Op.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  40.     The  Narrative  by  Father  Reeve  will  be  found  in  Foley, 
Records  S.  J.,  vol.  v,  pp.  168-173;  the  original  MSS.  are  in  the  Stonyhurst  Archives. 


30  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

and  carrying  nothing  to  excite  suspicion,  they  left  the  college  in 
detachments  as  if  on  walking  parties.  But  these  walking  parties 
never  returned.  To  disarm  the  suspicions  of  the  authorities,  the 
usual  amount  of  provisions  was  sent  in  to  the  college,  while  all 
the  time  the  fugitives  were  well  on  their  way  to  the  frontier. 
They  reached  Bruges  safely  on  the  nth  of  the  month,  no  one  at 
St.  Omer  being  yet  the  wiser."^  Dr.  Burton,  from  whom  we  take 
the  foregoing  paragraph,  has  given  a  vivid  description  of  this 
flight,  certainly  famous  in  the  school  annals  of  England,  and  of 
the  negotiations  for  the  restoration  of  the  college  to  the  English 
Jesuits,  which  continued  from  1762  down  to  the  day  when, 
mimeris  sui  necessitate  compulsus  et  pacts  causa,  Clement  XIV 
universally  suppressed  the  Society  (1773).® 

John  Carroll  was  then  a  young  scholastic  of  twenty-seven 
years;  and  though  his  name  is  not  mentioned  in  the  different 
narratives  of  the  expulsion  and  flight,  we  find  him  at  Bruges 
with  the  boys  setting  up  the  new  establishment.  It  was  a  serious 
thing  to  accomplish,  to  lead  one  hundred  and  forty  scholars  across 
the  frontier  in  safety  and  to  keep  their  courage  to  the  sticking 
point.  It  was  no  students'  lark,  but  a  real  test  and  hardship. 
Even  when  they  came  to  Bruges,  disappointment  awaited  them ; 
for,  instead  of  the  stately  buildings,  the  spacious  rooms,  and  the 
furnished  apartfnents  at  St.  Omer's,  they  discovered  in  the  house 
set  aside  for  them  nothing  but  naked  walls  and  empty  chambers — 
the  dismal  specimen  of  an  old  shapeless  Spanish  dwelling-house, 
as  Father  Reeve  describes  it.  But  forlorn  as  was  their  situation, 
it  was  no  small  consolation  to  find  themselves  in  a  country  where 
the  violence  of  the  French  Government  was  no  longer  to  be 
apprehended.  The  confidence  reposed  in  their  masters  by  the 
parents  at  home  was  remarkable,  for  the  change  was  made  with- 
out a  single  scholar  being  withdrawn.  The  boys  submitted  to  all 
the  inconveniences  of  their  comfortless  state  with  singular  tracta- 
bility,  and  the  generosity  of  the  other  English  religious  houses  in 
Bruges  soon  made  the  new  college  comfortable  and  home-like.'' 


•  Burton,  op.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  50. 

"  Cf.  Cr^tineau-Joly,  Clement  XIV  et  les  Jestiites.  Paris,  1847;  Deplace,  La 
Suppression  des  Jesuites  in  Etudes,  vol.  cxvi  (July  5,  20,  1908),  pp.  69-96,  328-2471 
Smith,  Suppression  of  the  Society  of  Jesus  in  the  Month,  vol.  xcix  (1903);  Brucker, 
La  Compagnie  de  Jesus,  pp.  810-822.     Paris,   1920. 

'  Foley,  Records  S.  J.,  vol.  v,  p.   168. 


Priesthood  31 

It  was  about  this  time,  says  Shea,  that  John  Carroll  renounced 
in  favour  of  his  brother  Daniel  and  his  four  sisters,  Ann,  Ellen, 
Mary,  and  Elizabeth,  all  claims  to  the  property  of  his  father. 
This,  of  course,  was  in  accordance  with  the  Jesuit  Rule,  which 
requires  a  vow  of  poverty.  We  now  come  to  a  hazy  part  of  the 
chronology  in  Carroll's  life.  If  he  gave  five  years  of  his  scho- 
lastic days  to  the  work  of  teaching  at  St.  Omer's  and  Bruges 
(1758- 1 763),  it  is  probable  that  he  returned  to  Liege  in  1763 
for  the  purpose  of  beginning  his  four  years  of  theology.  At 
Liege,  it  was  easy  for  him  to  resume  the  old  life;  the  months 
quickly  changed  into  years,  and  he  was  soon  ready  for  ordina- 
tion. Usually  ordination  to  the  priesthood  follows  the  end  of  the 
third  year  of  theology;  the  date,  therefore,  of  his  ordination 
would  be  1766-67.  If,  however,  he  spent  four  years  at  his  the- 
ological studies,  then  it  would  be  1767-68.  If  instead  of  five 
years  at  teaching,  he  had  spent  seven,  owing  to  the  disturbed 
conditions  at  the  new  college  at  Bruges,  the  date  of  his  ordina- 
tion would  be  1769.  This  is  the  date  given  by  Brent  in  his  Bio- 
graphical Sketch.^  Shea,  who  follows  B.  U.  Campbell,  places  his 
ordination  year  as  1759.®  Campbell  writes:  "He  was  ordained 
priest  in  1759,  being  in  the  twenty-fourth  year  of  his  age."^^ 
Twenty-four  is  certainly  an  exceptionally  early  age  for  ordina- 
tion in  the  Society  of  Jesus.  The  fact  that  Father  Carroll  was 
professed  on  February  2,  1771,  would  argue  for  the  year  1769, 
since  profession  is  preceded  by  the  second  novitiate  or  tertianship, 
which  takes  a  full  year. 

It  is  regrettable  that  only  one  letter  of  John  Carroll's  corre- 
spondence during  this  time  has  been  found.  Writing  from  Liege, 
on  May  24,  1764,  to  his  brother  Daniel,  the  future  Signer  of  the 
American  Constitution,  John  tells  him  that  he  is  taking  advan- 
tage of  Carrollton's  return  to  Maryland  to  send  a  letter  to  the 
homef  oiks : 


'  Page  18.     This  is  the  date  given  by  the  Catholic  Encyclopedia,  s.  v.  Carroll. 

'  Op.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  32. 

"  Memoirs  of  the  Life  and  Times  of  the  Most  Rev.  John  Carroll,  in  the  United 
States  Catholic  Magazine  (Baltimore),  vol.  iii  (1844),  p.  34.  I  found  no  record  of 
his  ordination  in  the  Episcopal  Archives  at  Liege  during  my  search  there  in  19 14. 
Bishop  Charles  Van  Outremont  was  the  occupant  of  the  See  at  that  time  (i 763-1771). 
I  was  told  that  many  of  his  papers  disappeared  in  the  French  Revolution.  They 
may  be  elsewhere  in  Belgian  or  French  Archives,  but  a  diligent  inquiry  failed  to 
reveal  them. 


32  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

Dear  Brother: 

Upon  notice  that  our  Cousin,  Charles  Carroll,  is  upon  the  point  of 
setting  out  from  London,  I  cannot  fail  profitting  by  this  opportunity, 
though  upon  a  supposition  that  he  would  have  sailed  last  month  I  inclosed 
a  letter  to  you  dated  end  of  March  which  I  hope  he  has  forwarded  as 
I  directed  him  to  do.  You  will  easily  conceive  I  am  under  a  good  deal 
of  uneasiness  when  I  tell  you  I  have  not  heard  from  Maryland  for  about 
this  twelvemonth  and  I  should  be  at  a  loss  to  know  whether  my  friends 
there  were  alive  or  dead  if  my  Uncle's  letter  had  not  mentioned  them. 
I  am  sorry  that  the  return  of  peace  which  I  hoped  would  greatly  facili- 
tate our  correspondence  has  not  hitherto  afforded  me  that  advantage. 
My  uncle  is  advised  by  his  daughters  that  you  design  [to  come]  to 
Europe  this  year  and  to  see  us  in  Flanders.  If  this  prove  true  I  shall 
derive  abundant  compensation  from  tlie  pleasure  of  your  conversation. 
My  uncle  boards  with  the  English  nuns  of  this  town  and  his  conduct 
gives  as  general  satisfaction  as  his  company  does  entertainment.  It  will 
not  be  necessary  for  me  to  write  this  time  separately  to  our  Dearest 
Mother  as  this  will  be  delivered  into  her  hands  if  you  are  out  of  the 
coimtry  and  if  not  you  will  communicate  with  her. 

My  Uncle  desires  his  love  to  you  all  and  especially  to  our  Dearest 
Mother  whose  blessing  I  ask  for  myself  and  whom  I  hope  this  may  find 
well.  Let  my  sisters  know  I  always  bear  them  in  mind.  Assure  Messrs. 
Brent  of  my  love  and  other  friends  of  my  best  well  wishes,  not  forgetting 
above  all  my  uncle  John  Darnal.  I  know  not  if  you  next  will  find  me 
at  Liege  as  I  am  uncertain  what  destination  I  may  have,  after  having 
finished  my  course  of  Philosophy  which  will  be  now  in  two  months. 
But  at  all  events  forward  your  letters  to  Mr.  Poyntz  with  Mr.  Wright, 
Banker,  in  Henriette  Street,  Covent  Garden,  and  they  will  reach  me. 
I  am  at  a  loss  for  want  of  letters  from  you  whom  to  apply  to  for  money 
this  year.    Write  as  soon  as  possible  and  believe  me  to  be, 

Dear  Brother, 

Your  most  affectionate  Brother, 

John  Carroll." 

Some  time  after  his  reception  of  the  four  vows  which  made 
him  a  full-fledged  member  of  the  Society  of  Jesus,  Carroll's 
superiors  were  asked  by  Lord  Stourton,  an  English  Catholic 
nobleman,  for  permission  to  allow  the  young  American  priest, 
who  was  then  teaching  at  Bruges,  to  accompany  his  son  on  a 
year's  tour  of  Europe.^^    jhgy  get  out  about  the  beginning  of 

"    Georgetown  Archives,  cf.  Researches,  vol.  xiii,  pp.  26-27. 

"  Charles-Philip,  sixteenth  Lord  Stourton,  was  born  in  1752,  and  died  in  1816. 
Cf.  Burke,  Peerage,  pp.  1060-1061;  Kirk,  Biographies  of  Distinguished  Catholics  in 
the  Eighteenth  Century  (London,  1909),  p.  221.  He  was  connected  by  marriage  with 
the  leading  noble  Catholic  families  of  England,  the  Petres,  Howards,  Vavasours,  and 
with  that  of  the  Duke  of  Norfolk,  the  premier  Duke  of  the  realm.    He  was  a  young  man 


Priesthood  33 

the  summer  of  1771.  Carroll's  incomplete  Journal  of  this  tour 
has  been  published  by  Brent/^  who  claims  that,  "remarkable  for 
its  just  and  wise  reflections,  it  is  replete  with  the  classical  taste 
and  erudition  of  the  writer  and  indulges  in  a  free  criticism  upon 
the  journals  of  former  travellers  over  the  same  ground."^*  With 
an  old-fashioned  atlas  of  the  time  in  one's  hand,  it  is  not  difficult 
to  follow  Carroll's  itinerary,  but  the  Journal  on  the  whole  is 
disappointing.  It  has  the  air  of  having  been  composed  after  his 
return,  from  notes  taken  hurriedly  en  route.  He  says  in  the  first 
part  of  the  Journal:  "I  have  not  now  by  me  some  memorials 
I  had  on  the  subject,  and  do  not  remember."  John  Carroll  did  not 
have  the  historical  sense.  His  style  is  the  literary  style  of  the 
times  and  while  the  Journal  pleases,  his  ''reflections"  are  com- 
monplace and  result  only  in  casting  a  brilliant  haze  over  what 
must  have  been  a  rare  opportunity  for  displaying  his  personality. 
A  long  quasi-historical  account  of  Alsace  opens  the  Journal,  but 
at  no  point  do  we  touch  the  personal  note,  so  dear  to  travellers 
since  travelling  began.  His  description  of  the  legal  institutions 
of  Alsace  is  followed  by  the  statement  that  this  may  appear 
extraordinary  to  the  English  reader.  Only  twice  do  the  words 
"I  am  told"  appear.  There  are  the  usual  commonplaces  about 
the  religious  state  of  the  country,  the  industry  of  the  inhabitants, 
the  fertility  of  the  soil,  the  mountains,  the  fir  trees,  the  agreeable 
table  wine,  and  the  roads.  Strassburg  and  Colmar  are  the  only 
towns  mentioned  in  this  part  of  the  Journal.  He  is  especially 
struck  by  the  noble  Cathedral  of  Strassburg,  and  the  fine  palace 
of  the  bishop.    "Nothing  pleased  me  more  than  the  admirable 


of  nineteen  when  he  and  Carroll  started  out  to  tour  the  Continent.  Shortly  after  his 
return,  he  married  on  June  is,  1775,  the  daughter  of  Baron  Langdale.  He  had  a 
prominent  place  in  the  days  of  the  English  Committee  (1782-91),  when  a  species  of 
Gallicanism  had  control  of  the  Catholic  laity  in  England.  The  story  is  told  by  Charles 
Butler  in  his  Historical  Memoirs  (vol.  ii,  pp.  2-26).  Ward  has  given  a  detailed 
account  of  Lord  Stourton's  part  in  the  Committee  in  his  Dawn  of  the  Catholic  Revival 
in  England  (.1781-1803),  vol.  i,  pp.  87-96.  London,  1909.  A  significant  parallel 
between  the  attitude  of  the  Committee  in  England  and  the  American  clergy  during 
these  same  years  (i 782-1 791)  might  be  drawn.  Ward  tells  us  that  the  more  moderate 
members  had  various  objections  to  the  system  of  government  by  vicars-apostolic.  They 
did  not  wish  to  be  ruled  by  those  who  were  nominally  bishops  of  foreign  Sees,  and 
opposed  the  idea  of  the  Church  in  England  being  subject  to  indirect  jurisdiction  (of. 
op.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  99).  The  Congregation  of  Propaganda  Fide  does  not  seem  to  have 
been  very  popular  in  English-speaking  countries  at  this  time  (Ibid.,  p.    105). 

"    As  an  appendix  to  his   Biographical  Sketch,  pp.   223-276. 

"    Op.  cit.,  pp.  32-33. 


34  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

gildings  of  the  stucco  work  of  the  ceilings."  A  rector  of  one  of 
the  parishes  tells  him  that  forty  families  had  come  to  his  village 
in  twenty-five  years.  "I  found  in  general,  on  the  best  information 
I  could  obtain,  that  in  time  of  peace,  the  inhabitants  multiply 
very  fast."  After  Alsace  came  Lorraine.  "I  cannot  be  so  particu- 
lar," he  writes,  "with  regard  to  the  province  of  Lorraine,  though 
we  saw  a  great  part  of  it."  A  long  eulogy  of  King  Stanislaus  is 
given  in  this  section  of  the  Journal    The  only  town  described 
is  Nancy.    "From  Lorraine  and  Alsace,  we  proceeded  across  the 
Rhine  into  the  empire."   Baden-Baden  was  first  reached,  and  he 
remarks :  "France  has  an  easy  entrance  into  Germany,  whenever 
she  wishes  it."    From  the  city  of  Baden  the  travellers  went  to 
Rastadt  and  then  to  Carlsruhe.    Carroll  was  taken  ill  in  Strass- 
burg  "with  fever  and  ague,  which  put  it  out  of  my  power  to  get 
the  information  of  the  country  which  I  wished."  The  educational 
activities  in  the  principality  attracted  his  attention,  and  he  men- 
tions with  pleasure  the  fact  that  every  parish  was  provided  with 
an  able  schoolmaster,  who  taught  the  children  reading,  writing, 
arithmetic,  and   surveying,   "without  being  any  charge  to   the 
parents."   School  attendance  was  obligatory  on  all.    From  Carls- 
ruhe they  journeyed  to  Bruschal,  "where  the  bishop  and  prince 
of  Spire  keeps  his  court."    Young  Stourton  did  some  of  the 
sight-seeing  alone  at  this  time,  for  Carroll  was  ill  and  confined 
to  bed.   After  Bruschal  they  visited  Heidelberg  and  Mannheim. 
The  Elector's  palace  in  the  former  city  contained  "a  noble  library 
of  about  forty  thousand  volumes."   The  Jesuit  professors  at  the 
University  gave  him  a  pleasant  welcome,  and  he  mentions  by 
name  Fathers  Desbillons  and  Meyer,  and  the  two  librarians  in 
the  Elector's  palace.    Desbillons  was  a  classicist  and  Meyer  an 
astronomer.    From  Mannheim,  the  master  and  his  pupil  went  to 
Cologne,  passing  through  Worms  and  Trier.  "I  shall  say  nothing 
of  these  countries,  except  that  they  produce  great  quantities  of 
corn  and  wine."   They  then  returned  to  Mannheim  and  set  out 
through  Wiirtemburg  for  Augsburg  in  Bavaria.    "One  observa- 
tion, however,  the  traveller  through  this  country  [Bavaria]  can- 
not avoid  making,"  he  says,  "which  is  the  strange  contrast  between 
the  magnificence  and  politeness  of  the  court  of  the  Duke  of 
Wiirtemburg,  which  lies  on  the  road,  and  the  uncouthness  of  the 
other  inhabitants."  He  found  the  road  from  Augsburg  to  Munich 


Priesthood  35 

in  general  disagreeable.  "The  harvest  of  1771,  was  just  gotten 
in,"  he  writes,  so  the  travellers  had  no  doubt  journeyed  quickly. 
He  notes  the  magnificence  of  the  Jesuit  church,  and  here,  for  the 
first  time,  we  find  him  writing  a  page  of  praise  for  the  labours  of 
the  Jesuits.  From  Munich  the  journey  continued  through  the 
Tyrol  and  thence  into  Italy.  "Inspruch,  the  capital  of  Tyrol, 
affords  a  few  things  remarkable."  After  Innsbruck,  came  Trent. 
''This  town  is  famous  for  the  holding  of  the  last  general  council. 
.  .  .  The  church  of  St.  Mary  Major,  in  which  it  was  held,  has 
nothing  particular  besides  a  remarkably  fine  organ.  But  the 
remembrance  of  that  august  assembly  which  met  in  it  so  often, 
and  procured  so  great  services  to  Christianity,  made  me  view  it 
as  one  of  the  most  awful  sanctuaries  in  the  world,  and  I  could 
not  refrain  from  expressing  my  gratitude  to  the  Author  of  all 
good."  The  journey  continued  along  the  Adige  to  Rovereto  and 
then  to  Verona.  "We  had  now  fairly  emerged  into  Italy.  It  is 
impossible  for  the  most  saturnine  constitution  not  to  feel  some 
of  that  enthusiasm,  which  the  remembrance  of  great  men  and 
great  actions,  the  remains  of  arts  and  sciences,  the  monuments  of 
sway  and  magnificence  are  apt  to  excite  in  every  cultivated 
mind."  His  knowledge  of  Italian  at  the  time  was  rather  meagre, 
and  he  states  his  determination  to  wait  for  the  return  journey 
before  describing  Verona,  Mantua,  Modena,  and  Bologna.  He 
takes  exception  to  several  English  descriptions  of  Italy,  Addi- 
son's among  them,  and  argues  for  the  superiority  of  Italian 
achievement.  Here  the  Journal,  or  at  least  that  part  of  it  which 
is  extant,  ends.  Carroll  and  young  Stourton  continued  their 
journey  to  Rome.   Shea  says : 


How  under  more  favorable  circumstances  the  Eternal  City  would  have 
impressed  the  American  priest  cannot  be  known;  but  it  chilled  rather  than 
inflamed  his  devotion.  Rome,  which  had  treasured  the  remains  of  the 
founder  of  the  Society,  Saint  Ignatius,  of  Saint  Francis  Borgia,  Saint 
Aloysius,  Saint  Stanislaus,  now  looked  with  such  disfavor  on  the  Order 
to  which  he  belonged  that  the  American  Jesuit  was  compelled  to  conceal 
his  character ;  he  endeavored  to  see  Fathers  of  his  province  who  were 
personal  friends;  but  as  they  were  out  of  Rome,  he  could  hold  no  inter- 
course with  the  members  of  the  Society.  He  saw  sold  in  the  streets 
without  restraint  libels  on  the  Jesuits  in  which  the  prayers  of  the  Mass 
were  burlesqued,  and  treatises  assailing  the  Devotion  of  the  Sacred  Heart 


36  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

of  Jesus.    The  overthrow  of  the  Society  of  Jesus  was  the  common  topic, 
and  was  expected  when  Spain  declared  her  will." 

The  autumn  of  1772  was  spent  at  Naples,  and  the  following 
winter  and  part  of  the  spring  of  1773  in  Rome,  to  which  city  they 
had  returned  on  October  22,  1772.  Leaving  Rome  about  the  end 
of  March,  they  began  the  return  journey,  which  included  Flor- 
ence, Genoa,  Loretto,  Turin,  Lyons,  and  Paris ;  and  from  Paris 
the  two  travellers  went  to  Liege,  where  they  ended  their  tour 

in  July,  1773. 

The  Stonyhurst  Archives  possess  four  important  letters,  writ- 
ten by  Father  John  Carroll  during  this  European  tour.^®  They 
are  written  to  Father  Thomas  Ellerker,  one  of  his  colleagues  at 
Liege,  and  contain  not  only  first-hand  historical  evidence  for  the 
story  of  the  suppression  of  the  Society,  but  also  afford  us  an 
insight  into  John  Carroll's  character.  Here  and  there  the  spirit 
is  bitter,  but  it  could  hardly  be  otherwise ;  and  as  one  of  the  few 
English-speaking  Jesuits  in  Rome  at  the  time,  the  complaisance 
of  the  authorities  of  the  Church  toward  the  Bourbon  intriguers 
burned  a  remembrance  into  Carroll's  mind  which  was  not  for- 
gotten when  he  came  in  later  years  to  treat  with  the  same  offi- 
cials. Cardinal  Marefoschi,  who  is  mentioned  in  the  letters,  had 
been  Secretary  of  the  Congregation  de  Propaganda  Fide  and 
was  an  avowed  enemy  of  the  Jesuits.  That  the  end  of  the  Society 
of  Jesus  was  near  at  hand  is  evident  from  the  first  of  these  letters, 
written  at  Rome,  January  23,  1772: 

My  dear  Sir, 

Our  catastrophe  is  near  at  hand,  if  we  must  trust  to  present  appear- 
ances, and  the  talk  of  Rome.  The  intelligence,  which  was  talked  of 
some  time  ago,  importing  that  Spain  had  acceded  at  length  to  the  Pope's 
plan,  is  greatly  confirmed  by  universal  persuasion  at  present;  and  I  am 
assured  that  some  of  our  best  friends  in  the  Sacred  College,  tho'  not 
admitted  to  State  secrets  yet  now  look  upon  the  determination  of  our  fate 
as  entirely  certain.  All  this  notwithstanding,  I  am  far  from  regarding 
this  intelligence  as  infallible;  to  be  sure,  we  have  great  reason  to  fear 
it  to  be  true;   but  we  have  been  alarmed  so  often  during  the  present 


"    Op.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  pp.   36-37. 

"  I  am  indebted  to  Father  John  Hungerford  Pollen  for  some  thirty  letters  written 
by  Carroll,  which  were  formerly  in  the  Stonyhurst  Archives  but  are  now  in  the 
Archives  at  Farm  Street,  London.  They  are  quoted  in  this  work  as  Stonyhurst 
Transcripts. 


Priesthood  37 

Pontificate  with  like  reports,  and  the  date  of  our  destruction  has  been 
fixed  so  often  without  anything  coming  of  it,  that  I  hope  this  will  have 
the  same  issue.  Our  friends  however  hope  in  nothing  but  the  interposi- 
tion of  providence:  and  indeed  by  the  attack  made  against  the  Sacred 
heart  &  so  much  encouraged  here,  the  cause  of  J.  C.  has  been  so  closely 
connected  with  ours,  that  this  cannot  fail  of  giving  much  confidence 
under  the  present  dreadful  appearances.  Another  very  late  fact  may 
corroborate  the  idea  you  have  probably  formed  of  the  spirit  of  the 
times  here.  On  the  feast  of  the  chair  of  S.  Peter,  it  is  customary  for  a 
graduate  of  ye  Sapienza  to  make  a  discourse  before  the  pope.  The 
young  man,  who  made  it  this  year,  proved  the  truth  of  ye  doctrine  of  the 
Rom:  see  from  the  constant  succession  of  its  pastors,  and  having  occa- 
sion to  introduce  the  mention  of  heresies  springing  from  the  poisoned 
minds  of  their  founders,  he  said  Ante  Nestorium  non  fuere  Nestoriani, 
ante  Lutherum,  L^itherani  etc.,  nee  ante  Jansenium  fuere  Jansenisti.  You 
will  not  believe  that  at  Rome  this  was  looked  upon  as  highly  blameable, 
and  I  was  astonished  beyond  measure  when  I  heard  the  poor  ignorant 
child  Gastaldi,  who  hears  all  the  Card'l  York's  family  discourse,  wonder- 
ing how  the  orator  came  to  rank  Jansenius  amongst  the  sectaries,  or 
Jansenism  amongst  the  heresies.  I  am  assured  likewise  that  when  printed 
copies  of  the  discourse  were  afterwards  carried  to  the  Card'ls  according 
to  custom,  Marefoschi  refused  taking  his,  saying  he  would  not  have  it 
because  Jansenius  made  in  it  the  figure  of  an  archheritick.  You  have 
probably  beared  that  this  Card'l  has  begun  a  visit  of  a  College  left  under 
the  administration  of  the  Gen'l  called  from  its  founder  Fucili  College. 
He  has  Alfani  for  cooperator,  &  no  doubt  between  them  they  will  make 
fine  work  of  it. 

My  situation  at  Rome  affords  me  many  opportunities  of  hearing  the 
sentiments  of  the  uninterested  publick  on  the  present  situation  of  affairs. 
You  may  be  assured  that  discontents  against  the  Government  are  very 
high,  particularly  on  account  of  the  omnipotence  of  F'r  Bontempi,  & 
one  Bischi  &  his  wife.  The  scandalous  chronicle  says  the  Lady  in  par- 
ticular is  a  great  favourite  of  Bontempi;  it  is  certain  that  the  pope  is 
entirely  governed  by  this  junto,  &  that  not  one  gentleman  of  Rome  has 
any  interest  with  them.  Their  hatred  against  the  favourites  is  great  of 
course;  perhaps  it  extends  in  some  measure  to  the  master,  whom  they 
seldom  go  near.  I  have  inclosed  to  L'd  Stourton  a  copy  of  the  mass 
printed  and  circulated  here  by  Almada ;  you  will  receive  it  from  his  Lds'h, 
after  which  I  desire  you  to  forward  it  to  Ch.  Plowden  at  Bruges.  That 
Almada  should  get  such  a  thing  printed,  is  not  surprizing  to  those  who 
know  what  a  fool,  or  madman  rather,  he  is;  but  that  so  horrid  a  profana- 
tion of  the  Church  prayers  &  its  most  august  sacrifice  should  pass  unno- 
ticed in  the  very  center  of  Catholicity,  is  astonishing,  and  gives  a  strange 
idea  of  the  toleration  allowed  here  to  every  thing  done  or  said  against 
us,  while  oppressed  innocence  is  not  allowed  to  urge  the  least  defence 
in  its   favour.     The  Dominican  F'r   Mamachi,  of   whom  Zacheria  often 


38  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

makes  honourable  mention,  &  who  had  gained  much  reputation  by  former 
works,  has  been  gained  over  to  Spain,  &  to  serve  certain  ambitious  views, 
has  just  published  a  work  in  favour  of  Palafoxe's  orthodoxy.  But  when 
I  see  you,  I  will  let  you  into  some  anecdotes  concerning  that  prelate's 
cause;  which  will  convince  you  of  its  being  lost  beyond  recovery.  In 
the  meantime,  with  complts.  as  usual, 

/  remain  Dr.  Sir 

Ever  yours 

J.  C. 

In  a  second  letter  to  Father  Ellerker,  sent  from  Rome  on  Oc- 
tober 22,  1772,  we  learn  the  reasons  for  Carroll's  incognito,  to 
which  reference  has  been  made; 

My  dear  Sir, 

I  suppose  this  will  find  you  returned  from  England,  tho  you  have  not 
yet  given  me  any  account  of  it  We  are  just  arrived  at  Rome,  viz :  the 
22d  of  this  month.  My  intention  was  to  proceed  the  next  day  for  Naples 
before  any  suspicion  could  be  formed  of  my  character  here;  but  certain 
accidents  will  detain  us  here  till  the  27th — I  keep  a  close  incog,  during 
this  time,  not  going  to  any  of  our  houses.  I  called  privately  to  see 
Thorpe  &  Hothersall;  but  they  were  both  in  ye  country:  so  that  having 
had  no  manner  of  communication  with  any  J't,  I  can  send  you  no  news 
concerning  the  affairs  of  ye  Society,  I  beared  it  said  in  some  com- 
pany that  such  Sp.  Jts,  as  being  Europeans  would  not  secularize  them- 
selves, would  be  obliged  to  settle  in  Majorca:  the  natives  of  America 
to  be  fixed  in  the  Canaries.  This  will  be  a  saving  to  Spain  of  a  great 
sum  of  money,  which  is  every  year  sent  out  of  the  country.  I  beared  on 
the  same  occasion  that  the  luoghi  di  monte,  that  is,  the  publick  funds  of 
this  town  have  orders  to  issue  no  money  to  the  soidisans,  tho'  they  are 
concerned  for  great  sums  in  them,  several  Colleges  having  great  part 
of  their  foundations  lying  there.  But  this,  as  well  as  other  points  I 
have  not  been  able  to  clear  up  for  the  reasons  above  mentioned.  The 
immediate  cause  of  the  Suppression  of  the  Irish  College  was  a  petition 
presented  by  the  alumni  to  return  to  the  Jesuit  schools.  Cardl  Mare- 
foschi  foamed  with  wrath,  and  violently  insisted  on  the  pope's  taking 
the  step  which  ensued.  We  were  much  entertained  on  our  road  from 
Bologna  hither.  The  fine  road  along  side  of  the  Adriatick  from  Rimini 
to  Loretto  is  most  delightful.  But  of  this  and  my  other  travelling  obser- 
vations you  shall  hear  more  at  my  return.  A  thousand  comp'ts  to  Plow- 
den,  who  got,  I  hope,  my  letter  from  Milan :  he  shall  hear  from  me 
likewise,  either  from  Naples  or  at  my  return.  I  am  in  debt  likewise  to 
Ch.  Wharton.  I  cannot  yet  tell  where  my  lodgings  will  be  when  we 
come  back;  but  a  letter  to  Mons.  Carroll  Seigneur  Anglois  at  Rome, 
or  inclosed  to  the  English  College  will  find  me.  Remember  to  pray 
for  me;   I  did  most  earnestly  for  you  at  Loretto.     Comp'lts  to  all  my 


Priesthood  39 

friends  as  usual.  Ask  Plovvden  if  he  remembers  all  the  curious  sepul- 
chral inscriptions  in  the  Church  of  S.  Maria  del  Popolo.    If  he  does  not 

1  will  send  him  a  couple,  one  of  which  is  the  most  singular  I  believe 
anywhere  extant. 

Ever  affcly.  yours 

J.  Carroll 

Later,  on  February  3,  1773,  he  tells  Father  Ellerker  of  the 
progress  made  by  the  enemies  of  the  Society  in  the  affair  of  the 
Suppression : 

My  dear  Father, 

You  Liegois  are  sad  correspondents — I  dare  say  you  are  curious  to 
hear  news,  and  yet  give  no  encouragement  to  your  friends  to  write.  Yet 
you  have  many  particularities  to  commimicate  to  us  at  this  distance, 
which  would  give  some  relief  to  the  gloom  which  overspreads  us  here 
at  Rome.  The  report  of  an  agreement  being  at  length  settled  with  Spain 
has  subsisted  now  so  long,  that  it  gains  very  much  credibility.  The 
articles  of   it  are  said  to  be,   i,  depriving  the  Jesuits  of   their  general, 

2  subjecting  them  to  ye  ordinaries,  as  a  congregation  of  priests,  3  For- 
bidding them  (I  suppose  those  of  the  Ecclesiastical  state)  to  admit  any 
supplies  into  their  body.  4.  Avignon  to  be  restored.  5.  The  town  of 
Aquila  with  its  dependencies  to  be  ceded  to  the  pope  in  lieu  of  Benevento. 
6.  Castro  &  Ronciglione  to  be  recognized  formally  as  belonging  to  the 
Holy  See.  This  agreement  with  Spain  will  be  published,  'tis  said,  about 
Easter.  It  is  likewise  stipulated  (tho  not  expressed  in  the  paper  which 
circulates  about  Rome)  that  the  Jesuits  are  all  to  be  sent  at  least  20 
miles  from  hence,  that  they  may  not  keep  up  a  spirit  of  fanatism  [sic] 
and  blind  zeal  amongst  the  Cardinals  and  prelates. 

While  the  Irish  College  was  imder  the  Jesuits,  a  vineyard  belonging 
to  it  was  sold  to  the  Novitiate  of  S.  Andrew.  A  commission  is  now 
made  out  for  Cardl  Marefoschi  and  four  prelates  to  examine  if  the  inter- 
ests of  the  College  were  not  sacrificed  on  this  occasion:  care  has  been 
taken  to  secure  a  proper  determination  by  joining  with  the  Card'l  two 
Neapolitan  Prelates,  whose  dependencies  must  necessarily  influence  their 
judgments  against  the  Novitiate.  Perhaps  likewise  the  other  two  are  as 
sure  tools,  as  any  that  have  been  employed  for  some  time  past  in  this 
kind  of  work.  I  know  not  whether  in  my  mentioned  [sic]  in  my  last 
that  Marefoschi  was  likewise  appointed  Visitator  (&  Alfani  his  sec- 
retary) of  a  small  College,  called  from  ye  prelate  its  Founder,  Fucili 
College,  which  is  destined  for  the  education  of  a  certain  number  of 
Clergymen,  &  tho  not  immediately  governed  by  the  Society,  yet  entirely 
under  its  direction  and  superintendency.  The  deceased  prefect  founded 
a  chaplaincy  disposeable  by  the  Gen'l  for  a  mass  to  be  said  every  day  at 
ye  altar  of  S.  Xavier  of  ye  Gesu.  The  other  day,  the  Cardl  Visitor  sent 
an  order  forbidding  under  pain  of  excommunication  that  mass  to  be 
continued.    The  order,  &  much  more  the  strange  sanction  surprised  every- 


40  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

body  and  appears  very  irregular  for  the  very  first  notice  was  sent  to  ye 
administrators.  But  I  believe  they  are  in  the  right,  who  imagine  the 
Card'l  by  such  proceeding  has  no  other  intention,  than  to  impress  the 
minds  of  the  publick  with  an  idea  that  the  most  violent  methods  are 
necessary  to  in  force  obedience  from  those  refractory  spirits.  Another 
very  serious  affair  here  is  that  the  presses  swarm  with  writings  against 
the  devotion  to  the  Sacred  Heart.  What  a  revolution  of  ideas  do  all 
these  proceedings  produce  in  a  mind  accustomed  to  regard  this  city  as 
the  seat  of  Religion,  and  the  bulwark  against  the  incroachments  of  irre- 
ligion  and  impiety?  Some  of  the  most  understanding  as  well  as  virtuous 
men  here  are  persuaded  entirely  that  the  J'ts  will  be  expelled  Rome, 
that  they  will  lose  the  Rom :  College,  Gesu  etc.  but  still  that  no  essential 
alteration  will  be  made  in  the  Institute:  but  for  the  ground  of  their 
hopes,  they  can  only  alledge  their  trust  in  providence.  My  affte.  com- 
pliments as  usual.  I  most  sincerely  congratulate  you  and  your  good 
fellow-professor  for  the  ceremony  yesterday. 

Drst.  Fr. 

Ever  yrs. 

J.  C. 
Remember  me  kindly  to  F.  F.  Hodgson  &  Clifton. 

The  last  of  these  letters,  dated  June  23,  1773,  at  Loretto, 
shows  how  poignant  was  Carroll's  grief  over  the  inevitable 
Suppression.  Cardinal  York,  who  is  spoken  of  in  these  letters, 
was  the  last  of  the  royal  Stuarts.  The  second  son  of  James 
Francis  Edward,  he  was  known  to  the  Jacobites  as  Henry  IX, 
King  of  Great  Britain,  France,  and  Ireland.  Created  cardinal 
at  the  age  of  twenty-two  (1747),  he  was  ordained  priest  the 
following  year,  and  in  1761,  he  became  Cardinal-Bishop  of 
Frascati.  He  died  in  1807.  He  is  credited  in  Jesuit  history 
with  enmity  towards  the  Society.  The  Spanish  Ambassador, 
Floridablanca,  an  active  agent  in  the  Suppression,  will  appear 
later  in  Carroll's  life,  when  St.  Peter's  Church,  in  New  York 
City,  is  founded  (1785).  The  Palafox  cause  referred  to  was  the 
process  introduced  in  1726  for  the  beatification  of  Juan  de  Pala- 
fox y  Mendoza  (d.  1659),  Bishop  of  Puebla  de  los  Angeles, 
Mexico,  whose  episcopate  was  tarnished  with  an  acrimonious 
attack  upon  the  Jesuits.  The  cause  was  strongly  promoted  by  the 
enemies  of  the  Society,  during  the  pontificates  of  Benedict  XIV, 
Clement  XIII,  Clement  XIV,  and  Pius  VL 

My  dear  Fr., 

Mr.  More  has  probably  left  Liege  by  this  time,  and  I  shall  expect  to 
hear  from  you  the  alterations  his  visit  may  have  caused  amongst  you, 


Priesthood  41 

as  well  as  your  final  determination  concerning  your  visit  to  England. 
It  is  a  long  time  since  I  have  heard  anything  concerning  my  good  Fr. 
Mercer,  and  sincerely  wish  to  be  informed  of  his  entire  recovery.  You 
will  be  pleased  to  inform  the  Rector  that  Mr.  Stourton  continues  reac- 
quiring his  strength  very  prosperously.  In  one  of  my  late  letters  to  Fr. 
Howard,  I  explained  my  sentiments  very  freely  on  Neville's  appointment 
to  Philosophy,  in  the  supposition  of  its  not  being  a  temporary  measure, 
formed  upon  present  necessity.  But  if  it  should  not  be  exclusive  of 
Barrow,  I  dare  say  no  one  will  have  much  objection  to  it.  I  shall  be 
glad  to  hear  from  you  on  this  subject.  Poor  Austin's  misfortune  excited, 
I  doubt  not,  in  you  the  same  sentiments  of  grief  and  compassion,  which 
the  reflection  of  so  many  hours  spent  amicably  together  raised  in  my 
mind.  He  is  indeed  an  example,  which  cannot  but  raise  fears  in  those, 
who  lived  with  him  in  the  course  of  his  studies.  Who  can  either  depend 
on  himself  or  others,  when  a  person  of  so  religious  behaviour,  &  so 
tender  conscience  is  come  to  so  deplorable  a  condition? 

Before  this  comes  to  your  hands,  Fr.  Hothersall  will  have  informed 
you  how  far  he  has  been  affected  by  the  late  operations  at  Rome:  how- 
ever I  will  venture  to  repeat  what  we  heard  by  yesterday's  post.  The 
Chancellor  &  Vicar  of  Card'l  York,  Bishop  of  Frascati  by  Supreme  order, 
as  they  signified,  visited  a  few  days  ago  three  houses  of  the  Jesuits  in 
order  to  search  for  printing  presses,  which  were  suspected  to  be  there. 
The  houses  were  Monte  Portio  of  the  English  College,  Rufanella  of 
the  Roman,  &  ye  residence  of  Frascati.  In  the  last  two  nothing  was  found, 
on  which  a  suspicion  could  be  fastened;  but  in  the  Rector's  room  at 
Monte  Portio  was  discovered  a  paper  with  some  lamp  black  on  it,  which 
is  used  to  make  blacking  for  shoes.  I  suppose  this  was  construed  to  be 
materials  for  making  ink,  &  in  consequence  was  carried  oflr  &  consigned 
to  Card'l  York,  who,  I  suppose,  is  to  present  it  to  his  holiness.  Tho' 
the  visitors  said  their  search  was  for  printing  presses,  yet  they  extended 
it  to  books  etc,  but  with  little  success.  They  carried  away  from  the 
R'rs  room,  besides  the  lamp-black,  the  offices  of  S.  Pulcheria  &  Ven : 
Bede:  &  hearing  the  Curate  of  the  parish  had  a  copy  of  the  Bourgfon- 
taine  project,  they  took  that  likewise  away  from  him.  The  order  for 
this  visit  was  probably  occasioned  by  some  late  printed  sheets  scattered 
about  Rome,  some  on  the  Palafox  cause,  &  others  on  the  scandalous 
decision  of  Fr.  Pisani's  affair.  In  particular  the  judge  Alfani  has  been 
deeply  wounded  by  a  series  of  anecdotes,  which  have  been  published  of 
him.  The  paper  is  badly  written,  but  is  wholly  founded  on  truth,  & 
exposes  the  Judge  to  the  contempt  or  rather  to  the  execration  of  the 
publick. 

Another  thing  has  happened  at  Rome,  which  gives  much  uneasiness,  & 
is  probably  the  effect  of  some  malicious  enemy,  for  surely  no  friend  could 
be  so  indiscreet,  as  to  be  the  author  of  it.  A  letter  was  lately  received 
by  all,  or  at  least  by  several  Card'ls  in  which  they  are  told,  that  the 
Spanish  Ambassador  is  to  come  with  peremptory  demands  for  the  aboli- 


42  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

tion  of  the  Society,  &  that  his  demands  are  to  be  accompanied  with 
threats:  that  there  is  no  vigour  in  the  present  government  or  resolution 
to  make  a  proper  answer,  as  temporal  considerations  prevail  so  much 
over  ye  spiritual  welfare  of  the  church,  which  the  writer  endeavours  to 
shew  by  many  late  facts:  wherefore  he  advises  the  Card'ls  to  consult 
on  the  means  for  hindering  the  mischief  which  may  ensue. 

The  affair  of  the  Roman  Seminary  still  remains  in  suspense.  It  is 
said  that  the  Card'ls  Vicar  Colonna  &  Marefoschi  are  to  hold  a  confer- 
ence on  the  subject.  The  former  is  resolute  in  his  opinion  that  nothing 
be  determined,  without  hearing  the  Seminary  justify  its  conduct.  Water- 
ton  is  still  at  Rome.  Has  Fr.  Stuart  had  another  touch  of  the  gout? 
Does  he  follow  Dr.  Cadogan's  rules  of  drinking  water,  &  eating  only  one 
thing?  Could  he  abide  by  this  regime  during  the  Pentecost  villa?  Should 
one  Fr.  Pellegrini  of  this  province  pass  by  Liege,  I  hope  the  Rr.  will 
shew  him  great  civility.  He  is  an  eminent  preacher,  &  a  very  fine  writer. 
I  know  him  only  by  reputation,  &  he  is  now  travelling  thro  Germany 
&  the  Low  Countries,  attended  by  his  Br.  Count  Pellegrini,  a  Gen'l  in 
the  Queen's  Service.     Compl'ts.  j    c^rrqll 

It  seems  obvious  that  a  priest  and  Jesuit,  even  in  those  trying 
times  for  the  Society,  and  the  guardian  of  a  young  English 
CathoHc  nobleman  of  prominence,  must  have  given  a  good  part 
of  the  six  months  they  spent  in  Rome  to  social  calls.  The  Ven- 
erable English  College  would  attract  such  visitors ;  and  there  was 
the  Cardinal  Duke  of  York  living  a  few  miles  beyond  the  city 
at  Frascati,  and  no  doubt  a  thorough  search  would  reveal  a  num- 
ber of  English,  and  even  American,  residents  at  Rome  during 
that  winter,  with  whom  they  met  and  conversed.^^  But  the  only 
tradition  which  remains  of  his  visit  is  the  sad  certainty  Carroll 
felt  that  the  total  suppression  of  the  Society  was  a  foregone 
conclusion. 

Had  he  but  known  the  truth,  the  decree  Dominus  ac  Redemptor 
was  even  then  being  prepared.  It  was  signed  three  months  after 
his  departure  from  Rome,  by  Pope  Clement  XIV,  on  July  21, 
1773,  and  was  being  promulgated  by  the  time  he  had  again  settled 
down  to  his  work  in  the  English  Jesuit  College  at  Bruges.^^ 

"  The  Diary  of  the  English  College  at  Rome  and  the  Pilgrim  Book  in  Foley, 
Records  S.  J.,  vol.  vi,  do  not  come  down  as  far  as  \772-177z.  Gasquet,  History  of 
the  Venerable  English  College,  Rome  (London,  1920),  gives  us  no  list  of  such  visitors. 

"  Brent  (o/>.  cit.,  pp.  32-33)  says:  "While  engaged  in  this  tour  he  likewise 
wrote  a  succinct  history  o£  England,  for  the  use  of  his  pupil,  in  the  form  of  a  dialogue, 
principally  to  guard  his  young  mind  against  the  general  irreligious  tendency  of  soul, 
and  the  particularly  hostile  tendency  of  other  writings,  upon  the  same  subject,  against 
the  Catholic  faith." 


CHAPTER  IV 
THE   SUPPRESSION   OF   THE   ENGLISH   JESUIT   PROVINCE 

(1773) 

The  decree  suppressing  the  Society  of  Jesus  was  issued  on 
August  16,  1773,  and  was  made  known  to  the  English  Jesuits 
at  Bruges,  on  September  5,  of  that  year.  Father  Carroll's  long 
absence  from  the  college  brought  him  into  close  touch  with  the 
animosity  everywhere  prevalent  in  Europe  against  the  Society, 
and  the  outcome  weighed  heavily  upon  his  heart.  For  the  English- 
born  among  the  Jesuits  at  Bruges,  a  refuge,  paradoxical  as  it 
may  seem,  existed  in  England ;  and  towards  England  they  turned 
their  eyes  for  help  and  safety  in  the  trial  which  had  come  upon 
them.  An  attempt  was  made  to  have  Father  Carroll  remain  in 
Bruges  as  Prefect  of  the  Sodality  of  that  city,  but  "convinced 
that  the  Society  of  Jesus  would  be  either  annihilated  or  so 
restricted  as  to  be  unable  to  continue  its  work,  he  saw  no  avenue 
open  in  Europe  where  all  seemed  seething  with  destructive  fires. 
Everything  convinced  him  that  the  wisest  course  was  to  return 
to  his  native  land."^  On  September  11,  1773,  he  wrote  to  his 
brother  Daniel,  from  Bruges,  informing  him  of  what  had  oc- 
curred at  the  college  and  of  his  intention  to  return  home : 

I  this  day  received  a  few  lines  from  you,  of  July  15,  in  which  you 
complain  with  much  reason  of  my  long  silence.  My  mind  is  at  present 
too  full  of  other  things  to  make  any  apology.  After  spending  part  of 
the  autumn  of  1772  at  Naples,  and  its  environs,  we  returned  to  pass  the 
winter  at  Rome,  where  I  stayed  till  near  the  end  of  March,  from  thence 
came  to  Florence,  Genoa,  Tunis,  Lyons,  Paris,  and  so  to  Liege  and 
Bruges.  I  was  willing  to  accept  of  the  vacant  post  of  prefect  of  the 
sodality  here,  after  consigning  Mr.  Stourton  into  his  father's  hands  about 
two  months  ago,  that  I  might  enjoy  some  retirement,  and  consider  well  in 
the  presence  of  God  the  disposition  I  found  myself  in  of  going  to  join 
my  relatives  in  Maryland,  and  in  case  that  disposition  continued,  to  get 
out  next  spring.     But  now  all  room  for  deliberation  seems  to  be  over. 

1  Shea,  op.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  38. 

43 


44  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

The  enemies  of  the  Society,  and  above  all  the  unrelenting  perseverance 
of  the  Spanish  and  Portuguese   Ministries,  with  the  passiveness  of   the 
court  of  Vienna,  have  at  length  obtained  their  ends:   and  our   so  long 
persecuted,  and  I  must  add,  holy   Society  is  no  more.     God's  holy  will 
be  done,  and  may  his   name  be  blessed   forever   and  ever!     This   fatal 
stroke  was  struck  on  the  2ist  of  July,  but  was  kept  secret  at  Rome  till 
the  i6th  of  August,  and  was  only  made  known  to  us  on  the  5th  of  Sep- 
tember.    I  am  not,  and  perhaps  never  shall  be,  recovered  from  the  shock 
of  this  dreadful  intelligence.     The  greatest  blessing  which  in  my  estima- 
tion  I   could   receive   from   God,   would  be  immediate  death;    but  if   he 
deny  me  this,  may  his  holy  and  adorable  designs  on  me  be  wholly  ful- 
filled.    Is   it  possible  that  Divine  Providence   should  permit  to   such  an 
end,   a  body  wholly  devoted,   and   I  will   still   aver,   with  the   most  dis- 
interested  charity,   in   procuring   every   comfort   and   advantage   to   their 
neighbours,  whether  by  preaching,  teaching,  catechizing,  missions,  visiting 
hospitals,   prisons,   and   every   other    function   of    spiritual    and    corporal 
mercy?     Such  I  have  beheld  it  in  every  part  of  my  travels,  the  first  of 
all  ecclesiastical  bodies  in  the  esteem  and  confidence  of  the  faithful,  and 
certainly  the  most  labourious.    What  will  become  of  our  flourishing  con- 
^  gregations  with  you,  and  those  cultivated  by  the  German  fathers  [m  Penn- 
sylvania] ?     These  reflections  crowd  so  fast  upon  me  that  I  almost  lose 
my  senses.     But  I  will  endeavour  to  suppress  them  for  a  few  moments. 
You  see  that  I  am  now  my  own  master,  and  left  to  my  own  direction.    In 
returning  to  Maryland  I  shall  have  the  comfort  of  not  only  being  with 
you,  but  of  being  farther  out  of  the  reach  of  scandal  and  defamation, 
and  removed  from  the  scenes  of  distress  of  many  of  my  dearest  friends, 
whom  God  knows,  I  shall  not  be  able  to  relieve.     I  shall  therefore  most 
certainly  sail  for  Maryland  early  next  spring,  if  I  possibly  can.2 

It  has  often  been  remarked  that  the  hostility  in  France  to- 
wards the  Society  of  Jesus  was  of  a  dififerent  character  to  that 
of  Portugal  and  Spain,  where  the  design  for  the  total  extinction 
of  the  Jesuits  was  born.  In  France,  it  was  a  group  of  influen- 
tial personages  both  within  and  outside  court  circles  that  had 
decided  upon  the  Suppression.  This  firm  and  impious  alliance, 
as  Theiner  calls  it  in  his  History  of  the  Pontificate  of  Clement 
XIV,  had  not  forgotten  the  Jesuit  opposition  to  Jansenism  in 
the  reign  of  Louis  XIV.  "The  Jansenists  and  the  magistrates 
were  burning  to  retaliate  on  the  Society  in  every  way  in  their 
power,  and,  if  they  did  not  first  think  of  working  for  its  entire 
destruction,  it  was  only  because  they  decided  that  to  be  a  hopeless 
enterprise."^    The  successful  campaign  against  the   Society  in 

'  Brent,  op.  cit.,  pp.  25-27. 

»  Smith,  The  Suppression  of  the  Society  of  Jesus,  in  the  Month,  vol.  xcix,  p.  26S. 


Suppression  of  the  Society  45 

Portugal  emboldened  its  enemies  in  France,  where  at  the  time 
the  real  ruler  was  a  woman,  the  mistress  of  Louis  XV,  Madame 
de  Pompadour,  whose  "reign"  lasted  from  1746  to  1764.  The 
King  had  a  Jesuit  confessor,  and  although  the  royal  penitent 
never  approached  the  sacraments,  the  confessor  was  kept  near 
in  case  of  serious  illness.  Naturally,  everyone  knew  that  the 
confessor's  first  condition  for  absolution  would  be  to  send  the 
mistress  away.  How  far  the  personal  antagonism  thus  created 
contributed  to  the  fall  of  the  Society  in  France  will  never  be  fully 
known,  but  it  is  clear  from  one  of  Father  Carroll's  letters  that 
the  death  of  the  Pompadour  (April  15,  1764)  was  regarded  as 
a  possible  armistice: 

The  death  of  the  famous  Marchioness  de  Pompadour,  will,  it  is  gen- 
erally believed  by  our  French  brethren,   occasion  some  great  change  in 
their  circumstances ;  so  far  is  certain,  that  they  are  delivered  by  this  event 
from  their  greatest  enemy,  I  mean  the  most  powerful  one,  and  who,  by 
her   interest  and  influence   over  the  king   of   France,   could  more  easily 
than  anyone  else  prevail  upon  him  to  view  tamely  the  proceedings  against 
the  Jesuits,  which  she  underhandedly  encouraged  by  all  the  arts  which 
cunning  and  power  could  put  into  her  hands.     The  Jesuits  ground  their 
hopes  upon  the  declared  attachment  of  all  the  royal  family  to  their  in- 
terests, upon  the  intimate  connection  and  intelligence  subsisting  between 
the  king  and  his  queen  and  children,  since  the  great  lady's  death,  upon 
the  zealous  intercessions  of  the  bishops,  all  the  prime  nobility,  and  every 
order  of  magistrates  in  the  different  cities  and  towns  where  the  Jesuits 
were  heretofore  established.    If  we  add  to  this  the  general  discontent  that 
has  ensued  upon  the  appointment  and  conduct  both  in  morals  and  literary 
pursuits  of  the  newly  installed  masters  for  the  education  of   youth,  we 
cannot  absolutely  pronounce  these  hopes  to  have  an  object  merely  chimer- 
ical :    but   I   will   own  to   you   that   the   irresolute   behaviour   which   has 
appeared   so  much   in  the   French   government,   on  many  late   occasions, 
makes  me  apprehend  that  vigour  will  be  wanting  to  bring  about  so  desir- 
able a  revolution,  as  it  is  likely  to  meet  with  great  opposition  from  several 
parliaments,    whose    principles    are    very    incompatible    with     those    tlie 
Jesuits  would  endeavour  to  maintain  and  propagate  in  case  of  their  restora- 
tion.    Thus  you  see  the  prospect  before  us  gives  but  little  cause  to  be 
content  with  this  world,  while  past  sufferings  have  served  to  strengthen, 
if   possible,   our  belief   in   another  better   and  more   equitable   than  this. 
And  indeed  to  a  man  lying  under  the  public  imputation  of  crimes,   for 
w^hich  his  own  conscience  clears  him,  and  who  is  persuaded  of  the  exist- 
ence of  a  Deity,  I  know  no  proof  of  an  immortality  more  sensible  and 
comfortable,  than  this  reflection,  that  an  all  powerful  and  infinitely  just 
Being  cannot  consistently  with  these  attributes,   refuse  him  in  another 


46  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

life  that  justice,  which  passion  and  iniquity  have  denied  him  in  this. 
To  pretend,  as  some  ancient  and  modern  unbelievers  have  done,  that 
virtue  and  a  good  conscience  is  its  own  reward,  argues  very  little  knowl- 
edge of  the  human  heart,  for  many  a  hardy  villain,  from  a  natural 
alacrity  and  cheerfulness  of  mind,  and  possessed  of  worldly  enjoyments, 
seldom  finds,  at  least  for  any  long  time,  his  remorse  to  prey  much  upon 
him,  or  disturb  his  pleasures,  whilst  several  good  men  on  the  contrary, 
from  an  unhappy  temper  or  sickly  constitution,  but  rarely  feel  any  even 
intellectual  enjoyments.  I  cannot  otherwise  account  for  my  having  fallen 
into  this  train  of  philosophising  which  I  hope  you  will  excuse,  than 
because  I  have  habituated  myself  to  it,  as  the  best  relief  amidst  so  many 
affecting  and  melancholy  scenes.* 

But  the  Bourbon  "Family  Compact"  ^  wreaked  its  vengeance 
to  the  end.  The  Suppression  in  Portugal  (1758)  was  followed 
by  that  in  Spain  (1767).  After  the  death  of  Pope  Clement  XIII 
(February  2,  1769),  it  was  openly  asserted  by  the  enemies  of  the 
Jesuits  that  Ganganelli  was  elected  as  Clement  XIV  on  the  ex- 
press stipulation  that  he  would  make  the  Suppression  universal. 

When  we  compare  together  the  three  first  suppressions  of  the  Society 
by  civil  authority  during  the  pontificate  of  Clement  XIII,  we  cannot  but 
observe  that  each  had  its  own  peculiar  physiognomy.  In  France  there 
was  at  all  events  a  trial  in  a  court  of  justice  to  investigate  the  charges 
brought  against  the  Jesuits— though  it  was  an  investigation  carried  on  in 
defiance  of,  rather  than  in  compliance  with,  the  rules  of  equity.  In 
Portugal  there  was  no  trial,  at  least  no  trial  of  which  the  proceedings  were 
published,  but  at  all  events,  there  was  a  public  statement  of  the  offenses 
charged.  In  Spain,  on  the  other  hand,  the  Jesuits  were  not  even  per- 
mitted to  know  what  was  the  crime  for  their  supposed  commission  ol 
which  they  were  visited  with  a  punishment  more  drastic  than  that  which 
befel  them  in  either  France  or  Portugal.  They  were  merely  told  that  the 
King  reserved  the  secret  within  his  royal  breast.^ 

In  one  of  Father  Carroll's  letters  to  his  brother  Daniel,  about 
this  time,  we  find  a  reaction  to  the  popular  rumours  about  the 
attitude  of  Cardinal  Ganganelli  (Pope  Clement  XIV)  : 

Before   you  receive   this   letter   you   will   have    heard    of    the    Pope's 
[Clement  XIII]    death:   in  human  appearance,  nothing   could  have  hap- 

•  Brent,  op.  cit.,  pp.  29-30. 

»  The  "Family  Compact"  was  a  secret  agreement  said  to  have  been  made  on 
August  IS,  1761,  between  the  rulers  of  France  and  Spain  who  afterwards  admitted 
into  their  designs  the  sovereigns  of  Naples  and  Parma.  By  the  Compact  these 
Bourbon  princes  formed  an  offensive  and  defensive  alliance  for  their  mutual  protection. 

•  Smith,  as  in  note  3,  vol.  xcix,  p.  626. 


Suppression  of  the  Society  47 

pened  more  unfortunate  to  us,  especially  in  the  critical  moment  when  an 
answer  was  to  have  been  given  to  the  memorials  of  three  united  courts 
of  the  family  compact,  France,  Spain,  and  Naples,  requiring  the  im- 
mediate dissolution  of  the  society.  His  Holiness  had  himself  minuted 
the  heads  of  the  answer  he  intended  to  make  in  a  few  days  and  had 
delivered  it  to  his  ministers  to  be  put  into  the  due  form.  The  substance 
of  it  was,  that  no  worldly  consideration,  no  loss  of  temporalities,  should 
ever  force  him  into  any  measure  which  he  could  not  justify  to  his  own 
conscience:  that  the  more  he  saw  and  knew  of  the  Jesuits,  the  more  he 
was  convinced  of  their  eminent  services  to  religion,  and  of  the  false- 
hood of  the  imputations  charged  upon  them:  that  he  could  not  there- 
fore acquiesce  in  the  proposal  made  him  by  the  allied  courts.  The  an- 
swer entered  into  a  much  larger  detail  than  I  here  mention,  and  would 
have  been  a  glorious  testimony  of  his  Holiness's  esteem  and  affection  for 
the  society.  How  matters  will  go  on  in  the  conclave,  and  after  the 
election  of  the  new  Pope,  Heaven  knows.  Humanly  speaking,  we  have 
everything  to  dread  from  the  combination  formed  against  us;  yet  when 
I  reflect  on  the  atrocious  falsehoods,  injustices,  cruelties,  and  mean  arti- 
fices employed  against  us,  I  greatly  confide  that  God's  providence  will  not 
permit  our  dissolution  to  be  effected  by  such  wicked  means.  I  know  his 
kingdom  is  not  of  this  world,  and  that  they  who  seek  to  do  his  divine 
will,  and  promote  his  glory,  are  not  to  expect  a  visible  interposition  in 
their  favour  on  every  occasion,  or  to  receive  in  this  life  an  apparent  testi- 
mony of  innocence  and  divine  approbation.''' 

The  Brief  Dominus  ac  Redemptor  (August  16,  1773)  is  one 
of  the  unfairest  pontifical  acts  in  the  history  of  the  papacy.  It 
has  two  main  divisions.  The  first  states  the  thesis  that  it  is  the 
pope's  office  to  secure  unity  of  mind  in  the  bonds  of  peace  within 
the  Church  and  that  the  Supreme  Head  of  the  Church  must  be 
ready  to  destroy  institutions  that  are  very  dear  to  him,  no  matter 
what  loss  such  destruction  may  entail,  in  order  to  preserve  the 
peace  of  Christendom.  Then  follows  a  series  of  charges  made 
against  the  Society  of  Jesus  from  its  foundation:  its  domestic 
dissensions  and  jealousies;  its  quarrels  with  other  religious 
Orders;  the  conflicts  it  had  engendered  with  the  secular  clergy 
and  with  the  universities ;  and  especially  its  opposition  to  certain 
kings  and  princes.  After  long  and  prayerful  consideration, 
Clement  XIV  had  finally  decided  to  yield  to  the  wishes  of  "our 
beloved  sons  in  Jesus  Christ,  the  Kings  of  France,  Spain,  Portu- 
gal, and  the  Two  Sicilies" ;  he  was  compelled  by  his  office,  which 
imposed  on  him  the  obligation  to  maintain  and  consolidate  peace 


'  Brent,  op.  cit.,  pp.  27-29. 


48  The  Life  and  Times  of- John  Carroll 

in  Europe,  to  suppress  and  abolish  the  Society.  The  second  part 
of  the  document  contains  the  actual  Decree  of  Suppression,  with 
the  prescriptions  regulating  the  abolition  of  the  Society.  "All  the 
scholastics  were  to  leave  its  houses  within  the  space  of  a  year, 
and  being  freed  from  the  simple  vows  they  had  taken,  might  on 
leaving  embrace  any  mode  of  life  to  which  they  felt  called ;  all  in 
priest's  orders  must  enter  another  religious  Order  or  place  them- 
selves as  secular  priests  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Bishop 
where  they  might  reside,  their  maintenance  being  secured  to  them 
from  the  revenues  of  the  house  to  which  they  were  attached  at  the 
time  of  the  Suppression."^ 

On  August  i8,  1773,  Cardinal  Corsini,  in  the  name  of  the  spe- 
cial commission  appointed  to  carry  out  the  edict,  despatched  an 
encyclical  letter  to  all  the  bishops  of  the  world,  authorizing  them 
to  publish  the  Domimts  ac  Redemptor  in  their  dioceses  and  to 
carry  out  its  provisions.  A  copy  of  the  Brief  was  to  be  sent  to 
each  Jesuit  house  and  an  Act  of  Submission  was  to  be  inclosed  to 
which  every  member  of  the  Society  was  required  to  append  his 

signature. 

The  death  of  Clement  XIV  on  September  23,  1774,  brought  to 
the  Chair  of  Peter  a  remarkable  pope  in  Pius  VI  (i775-i799) 
who  had  made  no  secret  of  his  disapproval  of  the  treatment  ac- 
corded to  the  Jesuits  in  certain  countries.  To  the  everlasting 
credit  of  the  English  hierarchy  it  can  be  said  that  the  Suppression 
in  England  was  carried  out  in  a  humane  manner  and  without  any 
of  those  refinements  of  cruelty  which,  for  example,  have  tarnished 
the  reputation  of  Spanish  ecclesiastics  for  equity  and  courtesy. 

There  were  at  his  time  in  the  English  Province  274  Jesuits, 
of  whom  139  were  actually  in  England.^  This  would  leave  135 
to  be  accounted  for  in  the  various  colleges  on  the  Continent  and 
in  the  Maryland-Pennsylvania  mission.  The  first  place  where 
the  blow  fell  was  upon  the  English  College,  Rome,  which  had 
been  under  the  direction  of  the  English  Jesuits,  from  the  time  of 
Robert  Persons.'^  And  from  Rome  the  car  of  destruction  moved 
until  it  had  crushed  all  the  institutions  under  the  Society's  control. 


"  Smith,  ut  supra,  vol.  ci,  pp.  501-502. 

•  FoLzv,  Records  S,  J.,  vol.  xii,  p.  214.     Cf.  Burton,  Life  and  Times  of  Bishop 
Challoner,  vol.  ii,  p.  163,  note. 

"  Gasquet,  History  of  the  Venerable  English  College,  Rome,  p.  177'  London,  1930. 


Suppression  of  the  Society  49 

Propaganda,  it  is  true,  had  sent  out  instructions  to  all  the  bishops 
within  its  jurisdiction  ordering  that  a  copy  of  the  Brief  of  Sup- 
pression should  be  sent  to  each  Jesuit  for  his  formal  acceptance ; 
but  such  a  measure  was  highly  imprudent  in  a  land  like  England 
where  the  publication  of  papal  decrees  was  unlawful.  So  far  as 
England  was  concerned  it  was  comparatively  easy  to  communi- 
cate verbally  the  news  to  the  Jesuits,  and  this  Bishop  Challoner 
proceeded  to  do,  at  the  same  time  requiring  each  Jesuit  to  sign 
an  acknowledgment  of  the  non-existence  of  the  Society.  Since 
this  solution  could  not  apply  to  the  ex-Jesuits  in  America,  Bishop 
Challoner  reached  them  by  letter,  addressed  to  the  Superior, 
Father  Lewis,  in  October,  1773.  "The  wise  and  prudent  counsels 
of  the  Vicars-apostolic,"  writes  Burton,  "carried  out  with  pater- 
nal sympathy  for  those  who  thus  unexpectedly  became  their  imme- 
diate subjects,  made  it  easier  for  the  English  Jesuits  to  maintain 
their  dignified  and  edifying  attitude  of  absolute  submission."^^ 

On  the  evening  of  October  14,  1773,  the  Austrian  commis- 
sioners forced  their  way  into  the  college  at  Bruges  and  arrested 
Fathers  Angier,  Plowden,  and  Carroll.  Father  Charles  Plowden 
was  then  minister  of  the  larger  college,  and  his  Account  of  the 
Destruction  of  the  English  Colleges  at  Bruges  in  i/ys,  written  in 
1807,  gives  us  the  details  of  this  second  calamity  in  which  Carroll 
figures.^^  Unfortunately  for  his  biographers,  as  has  already  been 
noted,  all  Carroll's  private  papers  and  his  correspondence  with 
his  mother  and  kindred  at  home  were  confiscated  at  this  time,  and 
have  never  since  been  discovered.  With  Father  Carroll  at  Bruges 
was  another  American  Jesuit,  Father  Nicholas  Sewall,  who  never 
returned  to  Maryland,  and  who  became  provincial  of  the  restored 
Society  in  England,  in  1821.^^ 

Exile  again  faced  the  masters  and  pupils.  In  spite  of  the 
intervention  of  Lord  Arundell  of  Wardour,  who  was  a  Count  of 
the  Holy  Roman  Empire,  there  was  no  hope  of  redress,  and  a 
second  migration  took  place,  this  time  to  the  English  College  at 
Liege,  where  the  secularized  English  Jesuits-  had  set  up  a  college. 
The  Liege  Academy  lasted  down  to  1794,  when  a  third  migration 


"    Burton,  op.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.   i68. 

^  The  original  MSS.  are  in  the  Stonyhurst  Archives,  and  excerpts  are  printed  in 
Foley,  Records  S.  J.,  vol.  v,  pp.  173-183.  Shea  (op.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  pp.  35,  43),  erro- 
neously credits  this  account  to  Carroll. 

"    Hughes,  op.  cit..  Text,  vol.  ii,  p.  704. 


50  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

occurred  to  the  present  site  of  the  college,  Stonyhurst  in  Lanca- 
shire, England/*  Father  Charles  Plowden  went  on  to  Liege, 
but  Father  Carroll  accompanied  the  other  masters  and  the  boys 
who  had  to  return  home,  to  England,  where  he  acted  as  secretary 
for  the  committee  which  drew  up  a  series  of  remonstrances  to 
the  Austrian  Government  over  the  loss  of  the  property  at 
Bruges.^^ 

The  Suppression  was  one  of  the  last  acts  in  a  drama  that  had 
lasted  since  1580 — the  conflict  between  the  religious  and  secular 
clergy  in  England.  Catholic  England  "beyond  the  seas,"  as  the 
chain  of  continental  colleges  was  known,  was  as  important  a 
battleground  as  L.ondon;  and  with  the  Society  condemned  and 
suppressed  by  the  Church,  it  required  consummate  tact  on  the 
part  of  the  English  Catholic  leaders  to  save  the  Church  from  a 
recrudescence  of  the  old  bitterness.^^  "The  larger  question," 
writes  Burton,  "as  to  the  treatment  of  the  ex-Jesuits  and  the 
application  of  their  property  was  one  of  vital  importance  to 
English  Catholics,  and  called  for  the  wisest  handling.  Fortu- 
nately, at  this  difficult  crisis,  every  one  concerned  behaved  with 
the  greatest  restraint  and  self-control.  The  Fathers  of  the  So- 
ciety submitted  to  the  Pope's  decree  with  an  obedience  that  is  ever 
praiseworthy,  especially  when  it  is  remembered  what  a  sacrifice 
on  their  part  was  involved.     Unable  to  foresee  the  restoration 


"  Father  John  Hungerford  Pollen,  S.J.,  regrets  "that  we  have  not  a  special  study 
of  the  three  migrations,  first  from  St.  Omer  to  Bruges,  then  on  to  Liege,  then  to 
Stonyhurst.  Taken  together  these  journeys  (1762-1794),  form  a  unique  page  in  the 
annals  of  school  history,  honorable  in  the  highest  possible  degree  both  to  staff  and 
scholars."  Cf.  Month,  May,  1910.  The  list  of  American  boys  educated  at  the  Liege 
Academy  is  a  goodly  one  (Cf.  Publications  of  the  Catholic  Record  Society,  vol.  xiii, 
pp.  202-214 — Boys  at  Liige  Academy  I773-I79i)'  Some  years  ago  I  went  through  the 
Archives  of  the  Jesuit  house  of  studies  at  Liege,  but  found  nothing  for  my  purpose, 
except  manuscripts  of  philosophical  and  theological  notes.  The  Library  of  the  Univer- 
sity of  Liege  also  failed  to  reveal  any  American  data. 

"  It  would  be  interesting  to  know  when  the  two  colleges  at  Bruges  were  put 
in  charge  of  the  English  Dominicans  of  Bornheim,  whether  any  of  the  American 
Dominicans,  such  as  Father  Fenwick,  were  sent  there.  Cf.  Guilday,  op.  cit.,  p.  411; 
Robinson,  Notice  sur  les  Colleges  des  Pkres  Jesuites  Anglais  a  Bruges.  Bruges,  1884, 
pp.  24-28;  Oliver,  Collections,  etc.,  London,  1857,  p.  484;  Van  Doninck,  Het  voor- 
malig  Engelsch  Klooster  te  Bornheim  (Louvain,  1904);  and  O'Daniel,  Life  of  Bishop 
Fenwick   (Washington,  1921),  do  not  give  us  this  information. 

^«  The  earlier  period  of  the  conflict  has  been  told  with  admirable  obj  ectiveness  by 
Father  John  Pollen  in  his  Institution  of  the  Archpriest  Blackwell  (London,  1916), 
and  the  Ward-Burton  series  carry  the  story  down  to  the  restoration  of  the  English 
Hierarchy  in  1850;  the  final  chapters  will  be  found  in  Snead-Cox,  Life  of  Cardinal 
Vaughan  (London,   1912,  a  vols.). 


Suppression  of  the  Society  5 1 

of  the  Society  forty  years  later,  they  were  face  to  face  with  the 
complete  ruin  of  the  institution  to  which  they  had  devoted  their 
lives."^^ 

Bishop  Challoner's  announcement  to  the  American  Jesuits  was 
as  follows: 

London,  October  6,  17/3, 
To  Messrs.  the  Miss'wners  in  Maryland  and  Pennsylvania: 

To  obey  the  orders  I  have  received  from  above,  I  notify  to  you  by  this 
the  Breve  of  the  total  dissolution  of  the  Society  of  Jesus ;  and  send 
withal  a  form  of  declaration  of  your  obedience  and  submission,  to 
which  you  are  to  subscribe,  as  your  brethren  have  done  here;  and  send 
me  back  the  formula  with  the  subscriptions  of  you  all,  as  I  am  to  send 
them  up  to  Rome. 

Ever  yours, 

Richard  Deboren,  V.  Ap. 

The  form  which  they  were  required  to  subscribe  to  was  as 
follows : 

Infrascripti  Congregationis  Clericorum  regularium  Societatis  Jesu 
dudum  nuncupate  presbyteri  in  Districtu  Londienensi  Marylandise  et  Penn- 
sylvanias  missionarii,  facta  nobis  declaratione  et  publicatione  Brevis  Apos- 
tolici  a  Ssmo.  Dno.  nostro  Clem.  PP.  XIV  editi  die  21  Julii  1773  quo 
prsedictam  Congregationem  et  Societatem  penitus  supprimit  et  extinguit 
toto  orbi  terrarum;  jubetque  illius  instituti  Presbyteros  tanquam  Sacer- 
dotes  saeculares,  Episcoporum  regimini  et  auctoritate  omnino  subjectos 
esse,  nos  supradicti  brevi  plene  et  sincere  obtemperantes  et  omnimodo 
dictse  Societatis  suppressioni  humiliter  acquiescentes  supramemorati  Epis- 
copi  Vicarii  apostolici,  tanquam  presbyteri  saeculares  jurisdictioni  et  regi- 
mini nos  omnino  subjicimus.^^ 

Cardinal  Castelli,  Prefect  of  Propaganda,  in  a  letter  to  Bishop 
Challoner,  August  25,  1773,  conceded  the  privilege  to  the  ex- 
Jesuits  of  remaining  in  the  places  where  they  were,  if  they  sub- 
mitted fully  and  sincerely.  The  Maryland-Pennsylvania  mission 
was  unique  at  that  time,  since  all  the  missionaries  were  members 
of  the  suppressed  Society;  they  were  therefore  necessary  to  the 
continuance  of  Catholic  life  in  the  American  colonies.  It  is 
interesting,  therefore,  to  watch  the  good  bishop's  quiet  ignoring 
of  the  order  he  had  received  to  the  efifect  that  provisional  posses- 

"    op.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  pp.    164-165. 

"    Shea,   op.   cit.,   vol.   ii,   p.    77;   Hughes,   op.    cit..   Documents,   vol.    i,   part   ii, 
pp.  608-609. 


52  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

sion  should  at  once  be  taken  of  all  the  property,  goods,  and  ap- 
purtenances belonging  to  the  Society.  **What  am  I  going  to  do 
with  those  who  are  in  America,"  he  writes  to  his  Roman  agent, 
Monsignor  Stonor,  "living  as  they  are  in  another  world,  without 
bishop  or  even  a  priest  who  is  not  a  Jesuit  ?"^^  In  the  end,  fortu- 
nately, nothing  was  done,  but  it  was  a  long  time  before  the 
American  ex-Jesuits  recovered  from  their  fear  of  confiscation 
on  the  part  of  the  Sacred  Congregation.  The  shadow  of  Propa- 
ganda's hand  was  seen  for  many  a  year  across  the  Atlantic,  and 
this  especially  must  be  remembered  when  the  question  of  a 
bishopric  for  the  United  States  arises.  Episcopal  authority  could 
mean  only  one  thing  to  the  beaten  remnants  of  the  Jesuit  Society — 
confiscation  of  all  they  possessed,  and  with  confiscation  the  fall 
of  the  missions  and  the  end  of  their  own  maintenance. 

The  Act  of  Submission  sent  to  America  was  signed  by  twenty- 
one  members  of  the  suppressed  Society^^  and  was  then  returned 
to  Dr.  Challoner  by  Father  John  Lewis,  the  superior  of  the 
Society  in  the  colonies.  Two  years  later  Propaganda  acknowl- 
edged to  Challoner  the  receipt  of  this  document,  in  a  letter  of 
thanks  for  the  "punctuality  and  attention"  shown  by  the  London 
Vicar-Apostolic  in  the  matter.  There  were  at  Liege  at  the  time 
of  the  Suppression  the  following  American  Jesuits:  Father 
Joseph  Semmes,  who  died  at  Stonyhurst  in  1809;  Father  John 
Boarman,  who  came  to  Maryland  in  March,  1774;  Father 
Charles  Sewall,  who  arrived  in  Maryland  in  May,  1774;  Father 
Augustine  Jenkins,  who  accompanied  Father  Sewall;  Father 
Charles  Wharton,  who  went  to  England  in  1775,  and  later  apos- 
tatized; Father  Leonard  Neale,  who  went  to  the  missions  in 
Demarara.  There  were  also  two  scholastics  at  Liege:  Charles 
Boarman,  who  came  to  Maryland  in  1773  and  became  a  profes- 
sor at  Georgetown  College,  and  who  later  married,  and  Ignatius 
Eaker  Brooke,  who  was  ordained  priest  by  Bishop  Carroll,  in 
1809.=^ 

The  superiors  of  the  American  part  of  the  old  English  prov- 


"    Hughes,  op.  cit.,  Documents,  vol.  i,  part  ii,  p.  604. 

20  The  fac-simile  of  the  Act  can  be  seen  in  Hughes,  op.  cit.,  Doc,  vol.  i,  part  ii, 
opposite  p.  607.  Another  list  in  the  Westminster  Archives  contains  sixteen  names. 
The  original  document,  containing  twenty-one  names,  was  sent  by  Challoner  to  Propa- 
ganda {Propaganda  Archives,   1774,  Missioni — Misc.,  vol.  v,  f.   113). 

**    Cf.  Records,  vol.  xix,  pp.  231-333. 


Suppression  of  the  Society  53 

ince  during  the  hundred  and  fifty  years  of  the  Jesuit  Mission, 
as  given  by  Foley  (Collectanea,  part  I,  73ss),  were  as  follows: 

Father  White,   Andrew  1633 

Brooke  or   Brock,   John  1639 

White,   Andrew  1642 

Fisher,    Philip                  '  1643 

Hartwell,    Bernard  1644 

Fisher,  Philip  1648 

Fitzherbert,  Francis  1659 

Pelham    (Warren)    Henry  1664 

Forster,   Alichael  1676 

Pennington,  Francis  1684 

Harvey,  Thomas  1686 

Hunter,  William  1696 

Brooke,  Robert  1709 

Mansell,  Thomas  17  H 

Thorold,  George  1725 

Atwood,  Peter  1734 

Molyneux,  Richard  1735 

Greaton,  Joseph  1740 

Poulton,  Thomas  1743 

Molyneux,  Richard  1749 

Digges,  Thomas  1750 

Digges,  Thomas  I753 

Hunter,  George  1756 

Lewis,  John  1768- 1773 

Living  in  London,  the  contents  of  Challoner's  letter  to  the 
American  Fathers  wxre  no  doubt  known  to  Father  John  Carroll, 
and  it  must  have  had  some  effect  upon  his  decision  to  return 
home.  His  situation  was  precarious.  He  had  renounced  all 
claim  to  his  father's  estate  in  1762,  and  there  was  no  surety  that 
he  would  be  given  an  income  from  the  property  of  the  suppressed 
Society  in  America.  About  this  time  he  accepted  an  invitation 
from  Lord  Arundell  to  make  his  home  at  Wardour  Castle,  acting 
as  chaplain  to  the  family  and  to  the  Catholics  of  the  neighbour- 
hood. Henry,  the  eighth  Lord  of  Arundell,  entered  St.  Omer's 
College  in  1753,  and  was  probably  Carroll's  classmate.  He  died 
in  1 808."  "This  elegant  leisure  was  not  able  to  detain  the  good 
priest.     He  felt  that  his  real  mission  was  in  his  own  land; 


=»    Cf.  Oliver,  Collections,  etc.,  pp.  87-88;  Foley,  Records  S.  J.,  vol.  v,  pp.  i8a- 
183;  Burke,  Peerage,  pp.  42-43> 


54  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

though  how  Providence  was  to  employ  him  there  he  could  not 
foresee.  His  affectionate  heart  prompted  him  to  return  to  his 
aged  mother,  and  he  felt  that  he  must  act  at  once."^^  Several 
courses  were  open  to  him :  he  might  have  remained,  as  did  many 
of  the  professors  of  the  suppressed  colleges  in  England,  as  a 
chaplain  to  a  Catholic  family  or  to  a  district,  or  he  might  have 
gone  back  to  the  Academy  of  Liege  as  one  of  the  English  gentle- 
men, and  no  doubt  influence  was  brought  to  bear  on  him  to  do  so. 
But  once  his  decision  to  return  to  America  was  made,  he  did 
not  waver. 

Father  John  Carroll  was  in  his  fortieth  year  when  he  set  sail 
from  England  in  the  late  spring  of  1774.  He  had  left  home  a 
boy  of  thirteen  and  was  returning  "a  care-worn  man  of  forty, 
destitute  of  fortune  and  disappointed  in  the  hopes  he  had  formed 
for  the  triumphs  of  religion,  to  be  achieved  by  the  Society  to 
which  he  had  pledged  his  faith  forever.  Its  banner  had  been 
struck  down,  but  the  glorious  motto.  Ad  majorem  Dei  gloriam, 
was  inscribed  upon  his  heart ;  and  while  he  bowed  in  submission 
to  the  decree  of  Heaven,  he  sought  to  make  himself  useful  as  a 
priest  in  the  station  to  which  God  had  called  him."^* 

There  is  no  doubt  that  the  home  ties  were  felt  intensely  by  all 
the  Americans  abroad  at  this  time,  but  another  factor  must  not 
be  forgotten  in  judging  his  return  to  Maryland.  The  letters 
which  are  extant  between  the  parents  at  home  and  the  American 
boys  abroad  are  filled  with  the  political  news  of  the  day,  and 
John  Carroll's  correspondence  from  home,  which  is  now  lost  to 
us  through  the  confiscation  at  Bruges  and  by  other  unforeseen 
circumstances,  must  have  contained  its  share  of  warnings  that 
a  state  of  rebellion  towards  England  in  the  American  colonies 
was  festering  ever  since  the  close  of  the  French  and  Indian  War. 
A  careful  perusal  of  the  correspondence  between  Charles  Carroll 
and  his  son,  Charles  Carroll  of  Carrollton,  reveals  a  constant 
and  uniform  indoctrination  of  American  principles.  "You  know 
ye  old  proverb,"  wrote  Charles  Carroll  of  Carrollton  after  his 
return  to  Maryland,  " — nothing  so  dangerous  as  to  provoke  a 
person  able  to  revenge  ye  provocation.     If  England  forces  her 


2^    Shea,  op.  cit.,  vol,  ii,  pp.  43-44. 

'^    B.  U.  Campbell,  in  the  United  States  Catholic  Magazine,  vol.  iii  (1844),  p.  36. 


Suppression  of  the  Society  55 

colonies  to  rebellion  .  .  ."^^  Pamphlets — it  was  the  era  of  poli- 
tical pamphleteers — were  sent  from  both  sides  of  the  Atlantic. 

The  English  colonies  were  vocal  with  rebellion  when  John 
Carroll  arrived  at  Richland,  Va.,  the  homestead  of  his  brother- 
in-law,  William  Brent.^®  Lord  North's  coercive  policy  had 
resulted  in  the  so-called  Intolerable  Acts.  The  port  of  Boston 
was  closed  on  June  i,  1774,  and  after  July  i,  1774,  the  people 
of  Massachusetts  were  deprived  of  their  chartered  rights.  The 
Administration  of  Justice  Act,  and  the  Quartering  Act  of  June  2, 
1774,  unified  the  spirit  of  the  colonies,  and  in  September  of  that 
year  the  Revolution  was  born  at  the  First  Continental  Congress 
at  Philadelphia. 

The  vessel  on  which  John  Carroll  came,  accompanied  by 
Father  Anthony  Carroll,"  a  native  of  Ireland,  who  returned  to 
England  in  1775,  was  one  of  the  last  to  leave  for  America  before 
the  Revolution.  At  Richland,  Father  Carroll  met  his  two  sisters, 
Ellen  and  Ann.  His  long  absence  of  about  twenty-seven  years 
had  brought  many  changes  in  the  family  circle.  His  elder  brother, 
Daniel  of  Rock  Creek,  had  married  Eleanor  Carroll,  daughter 
of  Daniel  Carroll  and  Ann  Rozier,  and  cousin  of  Charles  Carroll 
of  Carrollton.  Ann,  his  elder  sister,  had  married  Robert  Brent, 
of  Woodstock,  Aquia,  Va.,  who  had  been  John's  classmate  at 
Bohemia  and  at  St.  Omer's ;  Eleanor,  the  next  youngest  to  John, 
had  married  William  Brent  of  Richland,  Va.  Father  John 
Carroll  spent  two  days  at  Richland,  surrounded  by  the  families 
of  his  sisters,  and  then  proceeded  to  Rock  Creek,  where  his 
mother  had  settled.  'Tn  a  heart  like  that  of  John  Carroll,"  says 
Brent,  "such  a  scene  was  peculiarly  calculated  to  awaken  the 
kindest  emotions.  In  no  period  of  his  existence  abroad  did  dis- 
tance ever  sever  him  in  affection,  nor  avocation  or  society  with- 
draw him,  from  a  correspondence  with  his  family  in  this 
country."^^ 

The  political  situation  of  the  English  colonies  had  been  gvow- 


^  Monograph  Series,  United  States  Catholic  Historical  Society,  no.  i,  p.  149;  of. 
Researches,  vol.  iv,  p.  190;  vol.  v,  p.  99;  vol.  xix,  p.  39. 

2«  Cf.  Eddis,  Letters  from  America,  etc.,  pp.  156-188.  London,  1792.  From 
Annapolis,  on  May  25,  1774,  Eddis  writes:  "All  America  is  in  a  flame!  I  hear 
strange  language  every  day"   (Ibid.,  p.   158). 

^    Foley,  Records  S.  J.,  vol.  vii,  part  i,  pp.  1 17-118. 

"    Op.  cit.,  p.  36.     Cf.  Researches,  vol.  xii,  p.  53;  vol.  xiii,  p.  73. 


^6  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

ing  intensely  during  the  decade  preceding  Father  Carroll's  return. 
The  public  prints  of  London  had  kept  up  a  running  commentary 
on  the  opposition  to  English  rule  in  the  colonies,  and  the  debates 
in  Parliament  brought  the  revolutionary  spirit  which  was  alive 
in  America  home  to  the  heart  of  the  Empire.    During  his  year  of 
residence  in  England,  John  Carroll  had  excellent  opportunities 
to  gauge  public  opinion,  and  he  returned  fully  equipped  to  take 
part  in  the  movement.   There  was  no  question  of  his  patriotism, 
for  he  was  the  first  priest  of  the  rebellious  colonies  to  refuse 
obedience  to  the  last  of  the  superiors.  Father  John  Lewis,  who 
acted  all  through  the  war  as  Vicar-General  of  the  London  District. 
This  was  not  in  a  spirit  of  insubordination,  but  with  political 
cleavage  from  England,  John  Carroll  believed  ecclesiastical  sep- 
aration went  also.    He  declined  to  conform  to  the  English  juris- 
diction of  Father  Lewis  and  chose  to  reside  independently  with 
his  mother  at  Rock  Creek.    As  a  result  Father  Lewis  informed 
him  that  he  would  not  be  entitled  to  any  share  in  the  revenues 
from  the  ex-Jesuit  estates.   "Because  I  live  with  my  mother,  for 
whose  sake  alone  I  sacrificed  the  very  best  place  in  England,  and 
told  Mr.  Lewis  I  did  not  choose  to  be  subject  to  be  moved  from 
place  to  place,  now  that  we  had  no  longer  the  vow  of  obedience  to 
entitle  us  to  the  merit  of  it,  he  does  not  choose  to  bear  any  part 
of  my  expense.    I  do  not  mention  this  by  way  of  complaint,  as 
I  am  perfectly  easy  at  present."^^ 

He  returned  an  amiable,  cultured,  and  polished  man,  endowed 
with  all  the  acquirements  of  the  learning  of  the  day.  He  left 
England  at  a  time  when  unrest  sat  high  in  political  and  ecclesi- 
astical circles,  and  he  was  not  to  find  the  land  of  his  birth  in  a 
peaceful  condition.  A  long  and  successful  career  in  the  American 
vineyard  lay  before  him,  and  events  were  so  to  shape  themselves 
within  the  next  decade  that  upon  him  and  upon  his  judgment 
would  rest  the  very  difficult  problem  of  organizing  the  distracted 
Church  in  the  United  States  into  a  compact,  learned  and  thor- 
oughly patriotic  body  of  clergy  and  laity.  With  the  Suppression 
of  the  Society,  the  old  order  of  things  had  changed,  and  how 
well  he  succeeded  is  now  known  to  all  who  are  familiar  with  the 
beginnings  of  the  American  Republic. 

»    Carroll  to  Plowden,  in  Woodstock  Letters,  vol.  xxiv,  p.  128. 


CHAPTER  V 

THE  CATHOLIC  CHURCH  IN  THE  ENGLISH  COLONIES  ON 
THE   EVE   OF   THE   REVOLUTION 

(1774) 

The  year  of  John  Carroll's  return  (1774)  was  an  important 
one  in  the  history  of  the  Church  in  this  country.  It  marked  the 
end  of  the  canonical  system  of  jurisdiction  by  which  the  clergy 
and  laity  were  governed  in  the  English  colonies  from  the  found- 
ing of  Maryland  in  1634.  It  marked  also  the  year  of  one  of  the 
most  interesting  stages  in  the  history  of  English  religious  intol- 
erance, namely,  the  passage  by  Parliament  of  the  famous  Quebec 
Act,  both  of  which  events  were  far-reaching  in  their  effect  upon 
the  Catholic  body  in  the  colonies. 

It  would  be  very  helpful  to  us  in  attempting  to  describe  the 
political,  social,  and  religious  condition  of  the  Church  in  the 
colonies  at  this  time,  if  we  had  the  exact  number  of  priests, 
people,  churches,  and  chapels,  together  with  their  location  in  the 
thirteen  provinces,  upon  which  to  base  such  a  description.  The 
inhabitants  of  the  thirteen  colonies  were  unevenly  distributed. 
A  rough  estimate  places  the  entire  population  at  three  million, 
and  an  equally  rough  estimate  claims  a  Catholic  population  of 
about  twenty-two  thousand.  Harper's  Atlas  of  American  His- 
tory^ gives  the  total  population  in  1770  as  2,205,000.  The  great- 
est number,  450,000,  is  accredited  to  Virginia  (and  Kentucky), 
with  309,000  in  Massachusetts,  250,000  in  Pennsylvania,  200,000 
in  Maryland  and  20,000  in  Delaware.  The  largest  cities  were 
Philadelphia  (28,000),  New  York  (21,000),  Boston  (15,520) 
Charleston  (10,000)  and  Baltimore  (5000). 

The  geographical  location  of  the  Catholics  in  the  English  colo- 
nies can  be  ascertained,  though  not  with  absolute  accuracy,  from 
contemporary  sources  which  are  still  extant.     In  Maryland,  the 


*  New  York,  1920. 

57 


58  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

Catholics  were  mostly  of  English  and  Irish  origin;  in  Pennsyl- 
vania there  were  Irish,  Scottish,  French  and  German  Catholics, 
with  the  Germans  predominating.  New  York  and  New  Jersey 
had  but  few  members  of  the  Faith  at  that  time,  and  in  the  other 
colonies  the  Catholics  existed  as  individuals  lost  in  the  gen- 
eral body  of  the  population.^  All  along  the  coast  were 
the  scattered  remnants  of  the  exiled  Acadians.^  West  of 
the  Proclamation  Line,  were  French  Catholic  settlements  at 
Detroit,  Green  Bay,  Prairie  du  Chien,  Peoria,  Cahokia,  Chartres, 
Kaskaskia,  Vincennes,  Natchez,  New  Orleans  and  Mobile.*  There 
was  practically  no  correspondence  between  these  Catholics  and 
those  along  the  Atlantic  coast.  Even  in  1785,  John  Carroll  was 
obliged  to  report  to  Rome  that  he  was  unable  to  learn  anything  of 
these  members  of  the  Church  living  in  the  Mississippi  Valley. 
Florida  had  been  divided  in  1763  into  two  provinces,  East  and 
West  Florida;  and  during  the  twenty  years  of  British  rule  in 
that  colony  (1763- 1783),  the  Spanish  Catholics  who  had  re- 
mained, and  the  Minorcans  who  had  accompanied  Dr.  Turnbufl 
to  New  Smyrna,  were  experiencing  the  effects  of  Protestant 
intolerance.^ 

For  the  state  of  the  Church  in  the  thirteen  original  colonies, 
namely,  in  that  part  of  the  English  domain  in  America,  east  of 
the  Mississippi  and  Ohio  Valleys  and  north  of  East  and  West 
Florida,  we  have  scanty  records,  but  being  few  they  are  all  the 
more  precious.    The  first  of  these,  though  not  first  in  point  of 


'  The  Catholic  Church  in  the  United  States  (1776-1876),  in  the  Catholic  World, 
vol.  xxiii   (1876),  pp.  488-499. 

'  Richard,  Acadia:  Missing  Links  of  a  Lost  Chapter  in  American  History,  New 
■York,  1885.  Cf.  Acadia:  Rcconstitution  d'un  chapitre  perdu  de  I'histoire  de  I'Amcrique; 
par  Henri  D'Arles,  vol.  iii,  Appendice  xi  (La  Deportation  des  Acadicns),  pp.  503SS. 
Quebec,   1921. 

*  FiNLEY,  The  French  in  the  Heart  of  America,  pp.  2i6ss.  New  York,  19 10. 
A  good  map  of  French  settlements  in  old  Louisiana  will  be  found  in  Thwaites,  France 
in  America,  p.  36.     New  York,  1905. 

'  DoGGETT,  Dr.  Andrew  Turnbull  and  the  New  Smyrna  Colony  of  Florida,  pp.  96- 
108.  Jacksonville,  1919.  Shea  (op.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  pp.  90-93),  says:  "In  direct  viola- 
tion of  the  treaty  the  Catholic  inhabitants  were  at  once  subjected  to  vexations;  the 
Bishop's  house  was  seized  for  the  use  of  the  Church  of  England;  the  Franciscan 
convent,  inasmuch  as  it  had  the  best  well  of  water  in  the  place,  was  seized  for  the 
use  of  the  British  troops,  and  extensive  barracks  were  erected  on  the  old  foundations, 
with  lumber  imported  from  New  York.  A  general  system  of  destruction  was  inaugur- 
ated. Of  the  suburbs  of  St,  Augustine  no  trace  was  soon  left,  except  the  Church  in 
the  Indian  town  to  the  north  of  the  city,  which  the  English  converted  into  a  hospital. 
The  steeple  of  the  Franciscan  Church  stood  like  a  monument  of  the  sacrilegious  work, 
and  the  parish  Church  was  soon  little  more  than  a  heap  of  ruins." 


Eve  of  the  Revolution  59 

time,  is  the  account  of  the  state  of  Catholicism,  said  to  have  been 
written  by  Bishop  Carroll  in  1790,  and  published  in  the  Metro- 
politan for  1830,  by  the  Rev.  C.  C.  Pise,  who  translated  it  from 
a  French  version.®  Shea  gives  us  the  following  excerpts  from 
Bishop  Carroll's  manuscript: 

Attempts  were  frequently  made  to  introduce  the  whole  code  of  penal 
English  laws,  and  it  seemed  to  depend  more  on  the  temper  of  the  courts 
of  justice  than  on  avowed  and  acknowledged  principles  that  these  laws 
were  not  generally  executed  as  they  were  sometimes  partially.  Under 
these  discouraging  circumstances  Catholic  families  of  note  left  their  church 
and  carried  an  accession  of  weight  and  influence  into  the  Protestant  cause. 
The  seat  of  government  was  removed  from  St.  Mary's  where  the  Catholics 
were  powerful,  to  Annapolis,  where  lay  the  strength  of  the  opposite  party. 
The  Catholics,  excluded  from  all  lucrative  employments,  harassed  and 
discouraged,  became,  in  general,  poor  and  dejected. 

But  in  spite  of  their  discouragements  their  numbers  increased  with  the 
increase  of  population.  They  either  had  clergymen  residing  in  their  neigh- 
borhoods or  were  occasionally  visited  by  them;  but  these  congregations 
were  dispersed  at  such  distances,  and  the  clergymen  were  so  few  that 
many  Catholic  families  could  not  always  hear  Mass,  or  receive  any  in- 
struction so  often  as  once  in  a  month.  Domestic  instruction  supplied,  in 
some  degree,  this  defect;  but  very  imperfectly.  Amongst  the  poorer 
sort,  many  could  not  read,  or  if  they  could,  were  destitute  of  books, 
which,  if  to  be  had  at  all,  must  come  from  England;  and  in  England 
the  laws  were  excessively  rigid  against  printing  or  vending  Catholic  books. 
Under  all  these  difficulties,  it  is  surprising  that  there  remained  in  Mary- 
land, even  so  much  as  there  was,  of  true  religion.  In  general,  Catholics 
were  regular  and  inoffensive  in  their  conduct;  such,  I  mean,  as  were 
natives  of  the  country;  but  when  many  began  to  be  imported,  as  servants, 
from  Ireland,  great  licentiousness  prevailed  amongst  them  in  the  towns  and 
neighborhoods  where  they  were  stationed,  and  spread  a  scandal  injurious 
to  true  faith.  Contiguous  to  the  houses  where  the  priests  resided  on  the 
lands,  which  had  been  secured  for  the  clergy,  small  chapels  were  built; 
but  scarcely  anywhere  else;  when  divine  service  was  performed  at  a 
distance  from  their  residence,  private  and  inconvenient  houses  were  used 
for  Churches.  Catholics  contributed  nothing  to  the  support  of  religion 
or  its  ministers;  the  whole  charge  of  their  maintenance,  of  furnishing 
the  altars,  of  all  travelling  expenses,  fell  on  the  priests  themselves,  and 


•  Metropolitan;  or  Catholic  Monthly  Magazine,  vol.  i  (1830),  pp.  90-93,  152-155. 
The  translator  says:  "The  following  interesting  particulars,  relating  to  the  establish- 
ment of  the  Catholic  Religion  in  the  United  States,  are  selected  from  an  old  French 
MSS.  preserved  in  the  library  of  the  Archbishop  of  Baltimore.  From  certain  passages, 
I  am  inclined  to  believe,  that  it  was  originally  written  in  English  by  Archbishop  Car- 
roll, and  translated  into  the  language  in  which  I  find  it"  {Ibid.,  p.  90).  This  French 
document  is  missing  in  the  Baltimore  Cathedral  Archives. 


6o  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

no  compensation  was  ever  offered  for  any  service  performed  by  them,  nor 
did  they  require  any,  so  long  as  the  produce  of  their  lands  was  sufficient 
to  answer  their  demands.  But  it  must  have  been  foreseen  that  if  rehgion 
should  make  considerable  progress,  this  could  not  always  be  the  caseJ 

The  emphatic  stress  of  this  source  is  to  the  effect  that  on  many 
occasions  attempts  were  made  to  introduce  the  whole  code  of 
EngHsh  anti-Catholic  legislation  in  the  colonies,  and  that  only 
the  mercy  of  particular  judges  saved  Catholics  from  receiving 
the  full  penalty  of  the  law  on  account  of  their  faith.  Even  in 
Maryland,  apostasies  were  not  infrequent  as  a  result,  and  the 
Catholics,  ostracized  from  all  public  offices  and  places  of  employ- 
ment, were  in  a  dejected  and  despised  condition.  Their  numbers, 
however,  kept  pace  with  the  increase  of  the  population,  and  they 
were  never  wholly  destitute  of  religious  aid.  There  were  few 
Catholics  who  could  not  hear  Mass  at  least  three  or  four  times  a 
year.  What  was  true  for  Maryland  was  no  doubt  true  for  the 
other  colonies,  and  a  surprising  thing  it  is,  that  they  remained 
loyal  to  the  Faith  in  spite  of  so  much  opposition  and  discourage- 
ment. The  second  of  these  sources  is  an  Account  of  the  Condi- 
tion of  the  Catholic  Religion  in  the  English  Colonies  of  America, 
sent  by  Bishop  Challoner  to  Rev.  Dr.  Stonor,  the  English  clergy 
agent  at  Rome,  written  some  time  after  1763.^  Those  sections  of 
the  document  referring  to  the  English  colonies  are  as  follows : 

Now,  coming  to  the  rich  and  populous  provinces  of  New  England  and 
of  Neiv  York  one  may  find  a  Catholic  here  and  there,  but  they  have  no 
opportunity  of  practicing  their  religion  as  no  priest  visits  them,  and  if 
we  are  to  judge  of  the  future  from  the  present  conditions  of  the  inhabi- 
tants, there  is  not  much  likelihood  that  Catholic  priests  will  be  per- 
mitted to  enter  these  provinces,  for  the  reason  that  the  majority  of  the 
inhabitants  are  strict  Presbyterians,  or  belong  to  other  sects  which  are 
likewise  most  bitterly  opposed  to  Catholicism. 

Among  the  old  possessions  of  Great  Britain  on  the  continent  of  A^nerica, 
the  only  colonies  in  which  priests  are  permanently  located  are  the  prov- 
inces of  Maryland  and  Pennsylvania.  In  the  latter,  the  Catholic  Religion 
is  formally  tolerated  by  law.    In  Maryland,  the  laws  are  opposed  to  it,  as 


*  Op.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  pp.   48-49. 

»  Shea,  {Ibid.,  pp.  11-12),  cites  part  of  this  document.  It  is  printed  for  the  first 
time  in  Italian  and  English  in  the  Catholic  Historical  Review,  vol.  vi,  pp.  517-524.  irom 
the  Propaganda  Archives,  Scritture  riferite,  America  Centrale,  vol.  ii,  fols.  288-293, 
and  bears  the  title  Ragguaglio  dello  State  della  Religione  Cattolica  nelle  Colonic  inglesi 
d' America. 


Eve  of  the  Revolution  6 1 

in  England;   however,  these  laws  are  rarely  put  into  execution  and  usually 
there  is  a  sort  of  tacit  toleration. 

It  is  claimed  in  Maryland  there  must  be  around  sixteen  thousand  Cath- 
olics, of  whom  about  half  approach  the  sacraments.  To  take  care  of  these 
there  are  twelve  missionaries  of  the  Society  of  Jesus. 

The  number  of  Catholics  in  Pennsylvania  is  between  six  and  seven 
thousand.  They  have  a  public  church  at  Philadelphia  which  is  the  capital 
of  the  province.  They  are  ministered  to  by  four  priests,  likewise  Jesuits. 
These  religious  manifest  great  zeal  and  lead  edifying  lives. 

There  are  besides  some  Catholics  in  Virginia,  on  the  confines  of  Mary- 
land, and  in  those  parts  of  New  Jersey  which  border  on  Pennsylvania.  But 
they  have  no  priests  permanently  residing  among  them,  their  spiritual  wants 
being  ministered  to  by  missionaries  from  the  two  provinces  above  men- 
tioned. As  to  Carolina  and  Georgia,  it  is  impossible  to  say  whether  there 
are  any  Catholics  there  or  not.  One  thing  is  certain,  there  are  no  priests 
in  those  provinces. 

Florida,  a  province  ceded  by  Spain  in  the  same  Treaty  of  Paris,  already 
mentioned,  is  almost  a  wilderness,  but  the  few  Catholics  who  have  remained 
there  are  allowed  the  freedom  of  practicing  the  Catholic  Religion  in  the 
same  manner  as  the  inhabitants  of  Canada. 

Louisiana,  or  the  Province  of  Mississippi,  which  formerly  belonged  to 
the  French,  has  for  the  most  part  been  ceded  to  the  English  by  the  same 
treaty,  that  is,  up  to  the  Mississippi  River,  which  gives  the  province  its 
name.  The  same  freedom  of  worship  has  been  granted  in  favor  of  the 
Catholic  inhabitants,  of  whom  there  must  be  a  considerable  number.  But 
as  to  how  they  are  taken  care  of  spiritually  the  writer  has  no  information 
whatsoever. 

The  Vicars- Apostolic  of  London  since  the  time  of  King  James  II  have 
always  had  authority  over  the  English  Colonies  and  islands  of  America. 
But,  whereas,  the  reason  for  this  custom  was  not  evident,  the  Sacred 
Congregation  of  Propaganda  in  the  month  of  January,  1757,  secured  from 
Benedict  XIV,  of  happy  memory,  a  decree  in  favor  of  Monsignor  Ben 
jamin  Petre,  Bishop  of  Prusa,  at  that  time  Vicar-Apostolic  of  London, 
giving  him  for  six  years  jurisdiction  over  all  the  colonies  and  islands  of 
America  under  English  rule;  and  after  the  death  of  that  prelate  the  same 
decree  was  confirmed,  March  31,  1759,  for  another  six  years  in  favor  of 
Monsignor  Richard  Challoner,  Bishop  of  Deboren,  at  the  present  time 
Vicar-Apostolic  of   London, 

The  same  Vicar-Apostolic,  far  from  having  any  ambition  or  desire  to 
increase  his  jurisdiction  in  those  parts,  would  regard  with  evident  pleasure 
an  act  of  the  Sacred  Congregation  relieving  him  of  a  burden  which  is 
already  too  great  for  him,  and  to  which  he  is  unable  to  give  the  necessary 
attention.  The  great  distance  of  those  provinces  from  his  residence  in 
London  hinders  him  from  visiting  them  personally.  And,  therefore,  he 
cannot  have  the  information  necessary  to  know  abuses  and  to  correct 
them ;  he  cannot  administer  the  Sacrament  of  Confirmation  to  those  faithful 
who  remain  totally  deprived  of  this  spiritual  aid;   he  cannot  furnish  them 


62  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

with  priests,  partly  for  the  same  reason  of  remoteness  and  partly  because 
of  the  lack  of  the  necessary  means  to  meet  the  required  outlay. 

If  the  Sacred  Congregation,  moved  by  these  considerations  and  by  others 
which  will  easily  come  to  mind,  considers  it  meet  to  create  a  Vicar- 
Apostolic  over  the  other  English  colonies  and  islands,  it  seems  that  the 
city  of  Philadelphia,  in  Pennsylvania,  would  be  the  place  best  suited  for 
him  to  reside  in,  for  the  reason  that  it  is  a  very  populous  city  and  is 
moreover,  a  seaport,  and  consequently  is  convenient  for  the  easy  exchange 
of  letters  with  the  other  provinces  of  the  mainland,  as  also  with  the 
islands.  To  these  various  reasons  may  be  added  the  fact  that  there  is 
no  place  within  the  English  dominions  where  the  Catholic  Religion  is 
exercised  with  greater  freedom. 

The  maps  appended  to  Hughes'  History  of  the  Society  of 
Jesus  in  North  America  show  the  geographical  location  of  the 
Catholic  population  in  1774. 

Two  other  contemporary  documents  assist  us  in  locating  these 
"congregations"  and  in  ascertaining  the  state  of  Catholic  life 
at  this  period.^  The  first  is  a  Relation  by  Father  John  Mattingly, 
dated  September  6,  1773.^°  At  the  head  of  the  first  page  is  the 
statement  that  in  1764  there  were  seventeen  missions  in  Maryland ; 
in  1 77 1  there  were  twenty-three;  anno  vere  currente  (1773), 
there  were  twenty.  The  principal  house  of  the  Society  was  then 
at  Port  Tobacco,  in  Charles  County.  The  next  in  order  of  dignity 
was  the  house  at  Newtown,  in  St.  Mary's  County,  and  from  this 
centre  the  Fathers  attended  the  various  "congregations,"  within 
a  radius  of  twenty  miles  or  more  on  Sundays  and  holy  days  of 
obligation.  In  this  way  Mass  was  celebrated  once  a  month  in  all 
the  surrounding  districts.  The  Relation  describes  how  thoroughly 
the  missioners  laboured.  From  early  morning  until  eleven  o'clock 
confessions  were  heard,  and  then  Mass  was  said,  Holy  Commun- 
ion distributed,  and  at  the  end  of  ]\Iass  a  sermon  was  preached 
and  points  of  doctrine  explained.  All  these  ministrations  were 
given  gratuitously  and  only  voluntary  offerings  were  accepted. 


'  These  two  documents  (.Propaganda  Archives,  Scritture  riferite  nei  Congres.';i, 
America  Centrale,  vol.  i,  fols.  608,  292)  are  published  in  the  original  Latin  in  the 
Catholic  Historical  Review,  vol.  ii,  pp.   316-320. 

"  The  only  Father  John  Mattingly  mentioned  by  Foley  in  the  Records  S.  J. 
(vol  vii,  part  i,  p.  494).  is  one  born  in  Maryland,  January  25,  1735.  He  entered  the 
Society  of  Jesus  in  Belgium,  September  7,  1760,  was  ordained  in  1770,  and  after  the 
Suppression  (1773),  became  travelling  tutor  to  Sir  William  Gerard  and  other  English 
Catholic  gentry.  He  does  not  appear  to  have  returned  to  America.  He  died  in  Ireland, 
November  23,  1807. 


Eve  of  the  Revolution  63 

Among  the  varied  labours  of  their  ministry,  the  hardest  was  that 
of  visiting  the  sick  and  dying.  On  account  of  the  distance 
separating  their  flocks,  one  from  another,  long  journeys  had 
often  to  be  made. 

The  Fathers  themselves  took  no  part  in  the  secular  aflfairs 
going  on  around  them  and  were  therefore  held  in  high  regard 
by  Catholics  and  non-Catholics.  They  all  felt  the  need  of  a 
bishop  for  the  administration  of  Confirmation,  but  they  recog- 
nized the  difficulty  of  establishing  a  bishopric  in  Maryland  in 
view  of  the  fact  that  the  Nonconformist  element  was  averse  to 
the  presence  of  an  Anglican  bishop  in  the  community.  The  Jesuit 
missions  were  fairly  well  provided  for,  owing  to  the  excellent 
care  and  administration  of  the  property  they  possessed  from 
the  original  grants  made  to  them  in  the  time  of  Cecil  Calvert. 
Some  of  the  Fathers  resided  as  chaplains  with  private  families, 
and  were  thus  enabled  to  extend  their  missionary  labors  to  the 
surrounding  towns.  The  Catholics  at  that  time  in  Maryland  and 
Pennsylvania  numbered  about  20,000.  In  Maryland  there  was 
practically  complete  freedom  of  worship,  but  it  was  more  re- 
strained than  in  Pennsylvania,  where  the  Church  was  free. 

The  second  of  these  documents,  which  is  to  be  found  in  the 
same  volume  of  the  Propaganda  Archives,  is  of  later  date  than 
the  Relation  of  Father  Mattingly.^^  It  purports  to  give  a  com- 
plete catalogue  of  all  the  Missions  of  the  Society  in  the  United 
States.^2 

Catalogus  miss'wnum  Societatis  Jesu  in  statibus  unitis  Americce. 

Collegium  Georgiopolitanum.  Patres  4.  Scholastici  7.  Sacerdotes 
Saeculares  i. 

Domus  studiorum  in  Washington  (civitate).  Patres  2.  Scholastici  7. 
Frat.  3.  Novitiatus  apud  White-Marsh.  Patres  i.  Novitii  9.  Frat.  10. 
Sacerdotes  Sseculares  i. 

In  comitatu  Principis  Georgii. 
Missiones  quae  pertinent  ad  White-Marsh. 

1.  Ecclesia  in  praedio  White  Marsh. 

2.  Annapolis  sacellum  in  domo  privata,  distat  14  mill. 


"  Hughes  (op.  cit.,  Documents,  vol.  i,  part  ii,  p.  963),  gives  the  year  1822  to 
this  document.     A  copy  exists  in  the  Georgetown  Archives  under  date  of  1823. 

"  Hughes  (op.  cit..  Documents,  vol.  i,  part  ii,  pp.  33S-338)  gives  additional  names 
to  this  list  from  one  sent  in  1765  by  Father  Hunter,  the  superior,  to  the  English 
Provincial. 


64  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

3.  Prsdium  domini  Young  in  quo  convcniunt  plurimi  Catholici,  distat 

6  mill. 

4.  Congregatio  McGruder.     Distat  19  milliar. 

Pro   his   omnibus   unus   sacerdos    saecularis    et    Pater    magister 
novitorum. 
Missiones    in    comitatu    Principis    Georgii    quae    pertinent    ad    Sanctum 
Thomam. 

1.  Congregatio  vulgo  Domini  Diggs  sacellum  distat  20  mill. 

2.  Congregatio  Boone's  chapel.    Distat  26  mill. 

3.  Congregatio  Piscatavvay.     Distat  23  mill. 

4.  Congregatio  Mattawoman. 

Missiones  in  comitatu  Caroli  quje  etiam  ad  Sanctum  Thomam. 

1.  Ecclesia  in  prsedio  Sancti  Thomae. 

2.  Congregatio  Pomfret's  Neck  16  mill. 

3.  Congregatio  Cornevallis's  Neck  16  mill. 

4.  Congregatio  Cedar's  Point.     Nulla  ibi  ecclesia. 

5.  Congregatio  Chekomeen.    Nulla  ecclesia,  distat  20. 

6.  Congregatio  Newport.     Distat  10. 

7.  Congregatio  Cob-Neck.     Distat  20. 

8.  Congregatio  Upper-Zachiah.     Distat   18. 

9.  Congregatio  Lower-Zachiah.     Distat   18. 

Pro  omnibus  his  tredecim  missionibus  sunt  tres  Patres  e  Societate, 
quorum  unus  est  valde  infirmus,  et  unus  sacerdos  ssecularis. 
In  Comitatu  Sanctse  Marise. 

1.  Ecclesia  in  prsedio  Newtown. 

2.  Congregatio  Nostrae  Dominae  vulgo  Meddley-Neck.     Distat  12. 

3.  Congregatio  Sancti  Joannis.     Distat   12. 

4.  Congregatio  S.  Aloysii.     Distat  6. 

5.  Congregatio  S.  Josephi.     Distat  12. 

6.  Congregatio  SS.  Cordis.     Distat  12. 

7.  Congregatio  parva  trans  flumen  Patuxent.     Distat  20. 

Pro  his  7  imus  Pater  e  Societate  Jesu,  sed  propter  infirmitatem 
nunquam  pr.-Edicat,  et  duo  sseculares  sacerdotes. 
Missiones  in  comitatu   Sanctse  Mariae  quae  pertinent  ad  praedium   Sancti 
Ignatii. 

1.  Ecclesia  in  praedio. 

2.  Congregatio  Sancti  Nicolai.     Distat  17. 

3.  Congregatio  Domini  Smith.     Distat  12. 

Duo  Patres  e  Societate  et  unus  Prater  coadjutor. 
In  Marylandia. 

1.  In  civitate  Frederick-town  ecclesia  et  domus  cum  praedio  parvo. 

2.  Ecclesia  in  Carroll's  Manor.     Distans    17    mill.      Unus    Pater    e 

Societate. 
In  littore  orientali  vulgo  Eastern  Shore. 

1.  Ecclesia  in  praedio  Bohemia. 

2.  Ecclesia  S.  Josephi. 


Eve  of  the  Revolution  65 

Unus   Pater   et    f rater   coadjutor   e    Societate   et   unus    sacerdos 
saecularis. 
In  Pennsylvania. 

1.  In  civitate  Philadelphise,  ecclesia  S.  Joseph!  et  domus,  unus  saecularis. 

2.  Ecclesia  in  praedio  Cochenhoben  [Goshenhoppen],    Unus  e  Societate. 

3.  In  civitate  Lancaster.     Duo  sacerdotes  saeculares. 

4.  In  civitate  Elizabeth,  qua?  distat  a  residentia  Lane.     30  mill. 

5.  Mount  Lebanon.     20  mill. 

6.  Harrisbourg  (oppidum).    35  mill. 

7.  Sunbury.    25  mill. 

8.  Chester  County.     15  mill. 

9.  Little  Britain.     18  mill. 

Duo  sacerdotes  sseculares. 
Conewago  etiam  in  Pennsylvania. 

1.  Ecclesia  in  praedio. 

2.  Carlisle  ecclesia  et  domus    (civitas  est)    distat  30. 

3.  In  civitate  York  ecclesia  distat.     22. 

4.  In  oppido  Littlestown,  distat  6. 

5.  Brand  sacellum,  distat  9. 

6.  South  Mountains,  distat  150, 

Duo  Patres  Societatis.    Unus  vero  senex  et  infirmus,  ut  nunquam 

exire  potest,  audit  tamen  confessiones. 
Nnmerus  sociormn  in  tota  missione  Americana: 
Sacerdotes  26. 

Saeculares  sacerdotes  in  nostris  missionibus  sunt  septem. 
Scholastici  25. 
Nov.  Scholastici  10. 
Coadjutores  25. 
Nov.  coadjutores  9. 

(Sunmia)   95. 

The  number  of  Jesuit  priests  was  twenty-six  at  the  time. 
There  were  twenty-five  scholastics,  ten  novices,  twenty-five  lay 
brothers,  and  nine  lay  novices — making  a  total  of  ninety-five 
members  in  the  Society.  The  different  congregations  are  given, 
with  their  approximate  distances  from  the  central  houses.  It  is 
impossible  to  fix  the  exact  date  of  this  document,  but  it  must  be 
after  1806,  the  year  of  the  partial  restoration  of  the  Society  in 
the  United  States.  The  figures  given  can,  therefore,  be  taken  only 
in  a  relative  sense,  but  the  location  of  the  parishes  or  "congre- 
gations" is  accurate  for  the  period  under  discussion.  The  bulk 
of  the  Catholic  population  lived  in  Pennsylvania  and  Maryland. 
The  important  centres  of  Catholic  missionary  activity  in  Mary- 
land were:  St.  Inigoes,  Newtown,  Port  Tobacco,  Whitemarsh, 


66  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

Deer  Creek,  Frederick,  and  Bohemia.  The  estimate  of  1765 
claims  about  ten  thousand  adult  communicants  for  these  missions 
and  for  the  chapels,  and  "congregations"  attached  to  them.  In 
Pennsylvania  the  chief  Catholic  centres  were :  Philadelphia,  with 
two  churches,  St.  Mary's  and  St.  Joseph's;  Goshenhoppen ; 
Lancaster,  and  Conewago.  About  three  thousand  adult  commun- 
icants belonged  to  these  churches.  Attached  to  these  four 
centres  were  other  "congregations,"  or  private  houses,  where  the 
faithful  came  whenever  it  was  announced  that  a  priest  would 
hear  confessions  and  celebrate  Mass.  The  exact  number  of 
priests  in  the  English  colonies  at  the  outbreak  of  the  Revolution 
is  not  known  with  certainty.  If  we  accept  Carroll's  statement 
of  1785  as  a  basis,  the  number  could  not  have  been  over  thirty. 
In  that  year  there  were  nineteen  priests  in  Maryland  and  five  in 
Pennsylvania.^^  In  1773,  as  has  been  seen,  there  were  twenty-one 
whose  names  are  appended  to  the  act  of  submission  to  the  Brief 
of  Suppression :  George  Hunter,  John  Lewis,  John  Bolton, 
Thomas  Digges,  Ignatius  Matthews,  John  Ashton,  Joseph  Mosley, 
Matthias  Manners,  Bernard  Diderick,  Ferdinand  Farmer,  Robert 
Molyneux,  Luke  Geissler,  John  B.  De  Ritter,  James  Pellentz, 
James  Frambach,  Benjamin  Roels,  Benjamin  Neale,  James 
Walton,  Peter  Morris,  Augustine  Jenkins,  and  John  Boarman. 
Scattered  throughout  the  colonies  at  this  time  were  the  rem- 
nants of  the  Acadians  who  had  been  forcibly  ejected  from  Nova 
Scotia  in  1755-56.  From  Massachusetts  to  Georgia,  groups  of 
these  unfortunate  Catholic  exiles  were  thrust  upon  unwilling 
towns  and  cities.  "The  Acadians  suffered  as  Catholics.  No  other 
cause  is  brought  home  to  them  .  .  .  They  were  required  to  take 
an  oath  which,  as  Catholics,  they  felt  to  be  against  their  con- 
sciences .  .  .  They  were  therefore  expressly  condemned  as 
Papist  Recusants,  condemned  for  their  religion  and  not  on  any 
political  ground."^*  Massachusetts  received  grudgingly  some 
two  thousand  of  these  exiles,  and  Lawrence,  who  had  carried  out 
the  nefarious  work,  wrote  to  friends  in  Boston  urging  the  people 
to  proselytize  the  children.    Georgia  had  a  clause  in  its  constitu- 


"  Cf.  Shea,  op.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  pp.  259-260,  where  the  names  and  residences  of  these 
twenty-four  priests  are  given. 

"  The  Acadian  Confessors  of  the  Faith  in  1755,  in  the  American  Catholic  Quar- 
terly Review,  vol.  ix  (1884),  p.  592. 


Eve  of  the  Revolution  67 

tion  forbidding  the  existence  of  Catholics  in  that  colony,  and  the 
four  hundred  Acadians  who  took  refuge  there  were  inhospitably 
driven  out.  Fifteen  hundred  of  the  exiles  reached  South  Carolina 
and  met  with  sympathy,  the  authorities  assisting  them  to  reach 
Louisiana  or  to  return  to  France.  Those  who  were  sent  to  New 
England  were  treated  as  pariahs,  and  the  two  thousand  who 
reached  Maryland  were  treated  with  humaneness  by  their 
fellow-Catholics.  Nevertheless,  they  were  not  v/anted  by  the 
Protestant  element  in  the  colony,  for  we  read  in  the  Maryland 
Gazette  of  February  10,  1757,  the  following  formal  protest 
against  their  presence : 

That  the  wretched  Acadians,  in  a  manner  quartered  upon  us,  are  become 
a  grievance,  inasmuch  as  we  are  not  at  present  in  a  situation,  and  in  cir- 
cumstances, capable  of  seconding  their  own  fruitless  endeavors  to  support 
their  numerous  families,  as  a  people  plundered  of  their  effects.  For  though 
our  magistrates  have  taxed  us,  perhaps  sufficient  to  feed  such  of  them  as 
camiot  feed  themselves,  they  cannot  find  houses,  clothing  and  other  com- 
forts, in  their  condition  needful,  without  going  from  house  to  house  beg- 
ging, whereby  they  are  become  a  nuisance  to  the  country  hereby  unable 
to  afford  necessary  comfort  to  their  own  poor.  And  as  it  is  no  easy  task 
for  a  Christian  to  withstand  the  unfortunate  cravings  of  their  distressed 
fellow  citizens,  those  among  us  who  especially  possess  the  greatest  degree 
of  humanity,  must,  of  course,  be  the  greatest  sufferers.  But  this  is  not 
all.  Their  religious  principles  in  a  Protestant  country,  being  dangerous, 
particularly  at  this  juncture,  and  their  attachment  to  their  mother-country, 
added  to  their  natural  resentment  of  the  treatment  they  have  met  with, 
render  it  unsafe  to  harbor  them  in  case  of  any  success  of  the  enemy,  which 
visibly  affords  them  matter  of  exultation  on  the  slightest  news  in  favor 
of  the  French  and  the  Indians.  We  therefore  pray  that  you  will  use  your 
endeavors  in  the  assembly  to  have  this  pest  removed  from  among  us, 
after  the  example  of  the  people  of  Virginia  and  Carolina,  at  their  own 
expense,  as  they  request,  or  otherwise  as  the  Assembly  shall,  in  their  wis- 
dom, think  fit.  We  humbly  conceive  that  any  apprehensions  of  their  add- 
ing to  the  strength  of  the  enemy,  if  transported  into  their  colonies, 
would  argue  a  degree  of  timidity  not  to  be  approved  of.  That,  on  the 
contrary,  they  would  rather  be  burdensome  to  their  country  in  their  pres- 
ent circumstances,  encumbered  with  their  wives  and  children  whose  im- 
mediate wants  will,  for  a  long  time,  employ  the  utmost  industry  of  a 
few  able-bodied  fathers  amongst  them.  Besides,  they  need  not  be  discour- 
aged without  binding  them  as  strongly  as  people  of  their  principles  can 
be  bound,  by  an  oath  of  neutrality  for  so  long  time  as  may  be  judged 
needful.  It  will  have  perhaps  this  further  effect,  that  since  they  so 
earnestly  desire  to  quit  his  Majesty's  protection,  in  a  manner  renouncing 


68  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

it,  they  enfeeble  their  claim  to  the  restitution  and  restoration  they  con- 
tend for;  a  point  it  would  be  greatly  to  the  interest  of  the  colonies  to 
gain  with  a  good  grace.^^ 

The  Acadians  arrived  in  Maryland  at  an  inauspicious  time 
in  the  history  of  religious  toleration  within  that  province.  The 
old  bigotry  was  alive  again,  and  Catholics  were  preparing  them- 
selves for  a  renewal  of  the  penal  legislation  of  earlier  days. 
Russell  writes : 

The  old  order  of  charity  had  changed,  giving  place  to  a  new  one  of 
cold  repulsion  and  intolerance.  In  the  formal  correspondence  of  the  pe- 
riod, the  stark  tragedy  of  the  Acadians  and  their  position  in  Maryland, 
appears  in  striking  contrast  with  the  past  traditions  of  the  Province.  We 
catch  here  and  there  a  glimpse  of  husbands  seeking  their  wives,  mothers 
in  quest  of  their  children,  of  poor,  starving,  simple  people  left  upon  the 
shore  destitute,  consigned  to  the  cold  charity  of  those  who  feared  and 
hated  them  as  political  enemies,  and,  worst  of  all,  as  Catholics.  The 
government  of  the  Province  made  a  feeble  and  inefifectual  attempt  to 
afford  some  succor  to  these  exiles,  but  so  meagre  was  the  provision  made, 
that  these  pitiful  outcasts  were  compelled  to  roam  the  country,  dragging 
after  them  from  farm-house  to  farm-house,  their  starving,  ill-clothed 
children,  begging  for  the  very  necessities  of  life.  Governor  Sharpe  did, 
indeed,  give  permission  for  such  as  could  procure  the  means  to  leave  the 
Province  for  the  more  hospitable  colony  of  Pennsylvania,  but  the  greater 
number  were  compelled  to  remain,  the  objects  of  the  scant  charity  and 
endurance  of  the  Protestants,  and  were  not  allowed  to  receive  from 
the  Catholics  the   shelter   and  assistance  which  would  have  been  gladly 


given." 


The  French  and  Indian  War  made  the  Acadians  enemies  in 
the  land  of  forced  hospitality,  and  when  in  November,  1755, 
there  landed  in  Philadelphia  some  four  hundred  and  fifty  of 
these  exiles,  ''scorpions  in  the  bowels  of  the  country,"  as  Gov- 
ernor Morris  of  Pennsylvania  called  them,  the  Quakers,  ever 
true  to  their  religious  profession  of  love  for  all  men,  came  to  the 
assistance  of  the  Acadians  and  by  private  and  public  benefactions 
lessened  their  sufferings.  "Blessed  be  God,"  these  Acadians 
wrote,  "that  it  was  our  lot  to  be  sent  to  Pennsylvania,  where  our 
wants  have  been  relieved  and  we  have  in  every  respect  been 


^    Cited  by  Scharf,  History  of  Maryland  from  the  Earliest  Period  to  the  Present 
Day,  vol.  i,  p.  478.     Baltimore,   1879. 

*•    Russell,  Maryland,  the  Land  of  Sanctuary,  pp.  421-422.     Baltimore,  1907. 


Eve  of  the  Revolution  69 

treated  with  Christian  benevolence  and  charity."  ^^  But  smallpox 
and  other  epidemics  carried  off  many  among  them,  and  the  de- 
sire to  return  to  their  beloved  Acadia  proved  too  strong  for  the 
rest  to  remain.  They  disappeared,  and  by  the  time  the  American 
Revolution  broke  out,  there  were  few  of  these  confessors  of  the 
Faith  alive  in  the  colonies.  In  Baltimore,  however,  a  little  group 
lemained,  for  there  is  a  record  that  about  1756  a  purchase  was 
made  of  Mr.  Fottrell's  house  as  a  temporary  chapel.  There  prob- 
ably for  the  first  time  the  Holy  Sacrifice  of  the  Mass  was  offered 
in  the  future  episcopal  city  of  John  Carroll.  There  is  no  certainty 
about  the  priest  who  ministered  to  them.^^ 

To  sum  up  the  status  of  the  Catholic  Church  on  the  eve  of  the 
Revolution,  it  must  be  admitted  that  comparatively  little  has  come 
down  to  us  from  the  past  clothed  in  the  habiliments  of  historical 
certitude.  Legends  there  are  in  abundance,  and  traditions  in 
every  town  and  city  along  the  Atlantic  coast,  but  no  secure  history 
can  be  based  upon  these  uncertain  data.  The  use  of  aliases  on  the 
part  of  the  priests;  the  fear  of  committing  historical  facts  to 
paper;  the  inefficient  system  of  keeping  records;  and  the  hard 
missionary  life  of  the  day  have  had  the  regretable  effect  of  wrap- 
ping these  years  in  a  cloak  of  silence.  Only  occasionally  in  old 
registers  that  have  survived  do  we  catch  a  glimpse  of  these  years 
of  crypto-Catholicism  in  the  colonies ;  or,  as  in  old  deeds  that  are 
recorded,  we  are  enabled  to  picture  the  sturdy  Catholic  life  that 
was  veritably  hidden  in  the  Lord. 

After  the  suppression  of  the  Jesuits  in  1773  no  appreciable 
change  occurred  in  the  American  colonies.  The  priests  continued 
to  live  as  heretofore  under  the  guidance  of  Father  John  Lewis, 
the  last  Jesuit  superior,  and  the  people  obeyed  the  clergy  in  all 
things  spiritual  as  if  nothing  had  occurred  to  change  the  canon- 
ical status. 

The  social  status  of  the  Catholics  in  the  colonies  was  not  an 
enviable  one.  We  have,  fortunately,  a  description  for  the  years 
1763-75  of  the  position  of  Catholics  at  that  time  in  a  series  of 


"  Cf.  Memorial  of  the  Acadians  Sent  to  King  George  III,  in  Researches,  vol.  ix, 
pp.  25-32;  Haliburton,  History  of  Nova  Scotia,  vol.  i,  p.  183.  Halifax,  1884.  Cf. 
The  Acadians  in  Pennsylvania,  in  Researches,  vol.  xxviii,  pp.  108-111,  based  upon 
Reed,  in  the  Memoirs  of  the  Pennsylvania  Historical  Society,  vol.  vi,  pp.  283-316. 

"  Rev.  J.  A.  Frederick,  Old  St.  Peter's,  or  the  Beginnings  of  Catholicity  in 
Baltimore,  in  the  Historical  Records  and  Studies,  vol.  v,  pp.  3 54-39 1- 


70  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

sermons  by  an  Episcopalian  minister,  Reverend  Jonathan 
Boucher.i^  The  fortitude  of  the  CathoHcs,  he  said,  under  trials 
of  peculiar  poignancy,  was  almost  as  unexampled  as  their  op- 
pressions ;  and  their  acquiescence  under  a  long  series  of  accumu- 
lated wrongs  was  such  an  instance  of  true  patriotism  that  it  en- 
titled them  to  the  highest  respect. 

With  a  patient  firmness  of  character,  worthy  of  all  praise  and  all 
imitation,  they  have  long  submitted  to  such  injuries  and  indignities,  as 
their  high-spirited  forefathers  would  have  ill-brooked;  and  such  as  their 
undegenerate  posterity  would  not  endure,  were  it  not  that  they  have  the 
wisdom  and  the  virtue  to  respect  the  laws  more  than  their  own  personal 
feelings.  Everything  most  dear  to  the  human  heart  has  been  torn  from 
them,  excepting  their  attachment  to  their  religion,  and  their  determina- 
tion to  love  and  bless  those  fellow-subjects,  who  unmindful  of  the  duties 
resulting  from  their  religion,  and  unmoved  by  so  endearing  an  example, 
foolishly  and  wickedly  continue  to  regard  Papists  as  Samaritans,  with 
whom  they  resolve  to  have  no  dealings. 

There  is  a  quaintness  about  Boucher's  hypocrisy.  He  tells  the 
truth  about  the  status  of  the  Catholics  in  the  colonies,  but  the 
reason  of  this  appeal  to  his  fellow- Anglicans  to  assume  a  more 
friendly  attitude  towards  their  Catholic  neighbours  has  as  its 
motive  the  desire  to  enlist  their  sympathies  against  the  Puritan 
rebels  of  Massachusetts  and  Virginia.    Pie  writes : 

I  endeavour  to  forget  the  long  series  of  oppressions  and  wrongs  which 
these  unfortunate  people  have  suffered  among  us.  Hardly  a  book  or  an 
article  of  religion  has  been  written,  hardly  a  sermon  on  any  controverted 
point  has  been  preached,  hardly  any  public  debate  or  private  conversations 
have  been  held  on  the  subject  of  religion  or  politics  in  which  (in  the 
strong  phrase  of  a  noted  Divine  of  the  last  century)  the  parties  have  not 
contrived  a  thwack  at  Popery.  ...  To  justify  our  rigour  towards  them, 
we  pretend  that  by  their  education,  modes  and  habits  of  thinking,  they 
are  disqualified  from  exercising  certain  offices  of  citizenship,  from  which, 
therefore,  we  exclude  them. 

Sanford  Cobb  has  described  the  political  situation  of  the  Catho- 
lics in  his  Rise  of  Religious  Liberty  in  America.    Everywhere 

"  A  View  of  the  Causes  and  Conseque^ices  of  the  American  Revolution.  In 
Thirteen  Discourses  Preached  between  the  Years  J763-r775-  ^ith  an  Historical 
Preface  Dedicated  to  George  Washington,  Esq.,  London,  1797-  The  Reverend  Jonathan 
Boucher  was  born  in  England,  emigrated  to  America  in  1754,  was  pastor  of  several 
Anglican  parishes  in  Maryland,  and  in  1785  was  obliged  to  leave  America  because  of 
his  strong  Loyalist  views.     He  died  in  England,  April  27,   1804. 


Eve  of  the  Revolution  71 

except  in  Pennsylvania,  to  be  a  Catholic  was  to  cease  to  possess 
full  civil  rights  and  privileges.  There  can  be  but  one  interpreta- 
tion to  the  oath  of  allegiance  or  abjuration  common  to  the  colo- 
nies :  it  w^as  intended  to  exclude  Roman  Catholics  from  citizenship. 
And  it  is  a  problem  of  no  small  difficulty  to  explain  how  the 
Catholics  of  the  thirteen  original  States,  legally  disabled  at  every 
turn,  were  in  such  sympathy  from  the  beginning  with  the  patri- 
otic movement  which  led  to  the  American  Revolution.  Certainly, 
they  had  nothing  to  expect  from  the  Nonconformist  element  in 
the  colonies  but  loathing  and  detestation. 

Boucher,  whose  sermons  have  already  been  quoted,  explains  the 
patriotism  of  the  Catholics  as  follows : 

The  Catholics  of  Maryland  seemed  to  hesitate  and  to  be  unresolved 
what  part  fhey  should  take  in  the  great  commotions  of  their  country 
which  were  then  beginning.  Their  principles,  no  doubt,  led  them  to  side 
with  the  government,  whilst  their  inclinations,  and  (as  they  then  thought) 
their  interest  made  it  policy  to  be  neutral.  The  persons  in  America  who 
were  most  opposed  to  Great  Britain  had  also,  in  general,  distinguished 
themselves  by  being  particularly  hostile  to  Catholics ;  but  then,  though 
Dissenters  and  Republicans  were  their  enemies,  the  friends  of  government 
could  hardly  be  said  to  be  their  friends.  In  America,  if  they  joined 
the  Government,  all  they  had  to  look  for  was  to  be  bitterly  persecuted 
by  one  party  and  to  be  defeated  by  the  other.  Hence  for  some  time  they 
appeared  to  be  wavering  and  undetermined.  This  irresolution  drew  down 
upon  them  many  suspicions,  censures  and  threats  ...  At  length  the  Cath- 
olic gentleman  who  was  possessed  of  one  of  the  first  fortunes  in  the 
country  (in  short  the  Diike  of  Norfolk  of  Maryland),  actuated  as  was 
generally  thought,  solely  by  his  desire  to  become  a  public  man,  for  which 
he  was  unquestionably  well  qualified,  openly  espoused  the  cause  of  Con- 
gress. Soon  after  he  became  a  member  of  that  body.  This  seemed  to 
settle  the  wavering  disposition  of  the  Catholics  in  Maryland;  under  so 
respectable  a  leader  as  Mr.  Carroll,  they  all  soon  became  good  Whigs, 
and  concurred  with  their  fellow-revolutionists  in  declaiming  against  the 
misgovernment  of  Great  Britain. 

The  colonial  period  of  American  history,  especially  during 
the  eleven  years  which  separated  the  Treaty  of  Paris  (1763) 
from  the  passage  of  the  Quebec  Act  (1774),  was  ending  in  a 
whirlwind  campaign  of  anti-Catholicism,  or  No  Popery,  when  the 
Revolution  broke  out.  In  those  provinces  where  Catholics  were 
allowed  to  live  without  public  molestation,  they  were  distrusted 
by  the  law  and  laid  under  heavy  disabilities.    They  could  not 


72  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

enjoy  any  place  of  profit  or  of  trust  while  they  continued  faithful 
to  their  religious  belief,  and  prejudice  of  the  No  Popery  kind 
was  mistress  of  the  land  of  future  liberty.  The  bonds  of  bigotry 
bound  down  all  whose  conscience  would  not  permit  compromise 
in  matters  of  faith.  Toleration,  when  it  did  come,  came  not  as  the 
result  of  any  high-minded  principles  of  liberty  on  the  part  of 
the  leaders  of  the  Revolution,  but  accidentally  as  a  by-product  of 
the  policy  which  was  born  with  the  spirit  of  independence. 

The  story  of  religious  liberty  in  the  United  States  begins  with 
George  Mason's  Bill  of  Rights,  presented  in  the  Virginia  State 
Convention  in  1776.  The  sixteenth  section,  presented  by  Patrick 
Henry,  and  amended  by  James  Madison,  expressed  the  best 
conception  of  religious  freedom  uttered  up  to  this  time.  With 
Jeflferson  as  the  leader,  in  the  days  when  the  Constitution  was 
before  the  assembled  delegates  of  the  free  and  independent  na- 
tion for  adoption,  it  was  a  foregone  conclusion  that  that  same 
cleavage  from  "religious  slavery"  was  to  be  made  a  part  of  the 
new  government.  The  blow  which  fell,  in  consequence,  was  a 
disastrous  one  for  the  Episcopal  clergy.  Many  of  them  had  been 
Loyalists,  and  the  relief  which  religious  liberty  brought  was  an 
especial  boon  to  the  Catholics  in  the  thirteen  States ;  but  it  is  an 
idle  fancy  to  assert  that  either  the  number  or  the  social  position 
of  the  Catholics  during  the  War  had  the  effect  of  creating  the 
policy  of  non-interference  in  religious  matters  which  has  been 
the  guiding  star  of  the  American  spirit  since  that  time. 


CHAPTER  VI 
CATHOLICS  IN   THE  AMERICAN   REVOLUTION 

(1775-1783) 

The  Catholics  who  aided  in  the  success  of  the  American  Revo- 
lution can  be  divided  for  convenience  sake  into  four  classes :  those 
residing  in  the  colonies ;  the  Catholic  Indians  of  Maine  and  of  the 
old  Northwest;  Catholic  Canadian  volunteers  in  the  Revolu- 
tionary Army ;  and  the  French  and  Spanish  allies.  The  status  of 
the  Catholics  in  the  thirteen  colonies  has  been  sufficiently  dis- 
cussed. A  distinction  should  be  made  between  those  Catholics 
living  in  Pennsylvania  and  in  the  other  colonies.  In  Pennsyl- 
vania they  enjoyed  full  religious  liberty,  though  they  were  not 
accorded  the  full  enjoyment  of  the  franchise.  This  distinction 
explains  the  presence  of  loyalism  in  Pennsylvania  Catholic  circles, 
for  that  State  was  a  centre  of  American  Toryism ;  whereas  every- 
where else  in  the  colonies  the  Revolution  won  the  whole-hearted 
support  of  the  Catholic  body.  The  hope  was  that  the  Revolution, 
though  begotten  in  intolerance,  would  yet  be  the  cause  of  religious 
liberty.  There  are  many  names  on  the  roster  of  Catholic  patriots 
during  these  dark  days — Moylan,  Barry,  d'Estaing,  Meade,  Dil- 
lon, DeGrasse,  Rochambeau,  FitzSimons,  Colvin,  Lloyd,  Fitz- 
gerald, Pulaski,  Kosciuszko,  the  Catholic  Indians  of  Maine — the 
St.  John,  Micmacs,  Penobscot  and  Passamaquoddy  tribes — who 
were  important  factors  in  the  eyes  of  the  Continental  Congress, 
and  in  particular,  Orono,  the  Catholic  Chief  of  the  Penobscots; 
but  the  name  which  has  always  been  given  preeminence  in  Cath- 
olic Revolutionary  annals  is  that  of  Charles  Carroll  of  Car- 
rollton. 

Charles  Carroll  of  Carrollton  was  unquestionably  one  of  the 
foremost  Americans  of  the  Revolutionary  period.  His  Letters 
of  the  First  Citizen,  written  against  the  famous  jurist,  Daniel 
Dulany,  in  1773,  won  him  a  prominence  he  never  afterwards 

73 


74  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

lost.  His  action  in  the  burning  of  the  Peggy  Stewart;  his  out- 
spoken attitude  on  independence  in  the  Maryland  Convention  and 
in  the  First  Continental  Congress  of  1774;  his  commission  to 
Canada  in  1776;  his  signature  to  the  Declaration  of  Independ- 
ence on  August  2,  1776;  his  loyalty  to  Washington  in  the  foiling 
of  the  Conway  Cabal ;  his  three  months'  residence  at  Valley  Forge 
with  Washington  and  the  American  troops;  his  part  in  bringing 
about  the  French  Alliance ;  his  assistance  in  organizing  the  Bank 
of  North  America  with  Robert  Morris,  Chase  and  others;  and 
his  later  career  as  the  First  Citizen  of  the  land  down  to  his  death 
in  1832 — these  give  him  a  place  in  our  annals  of  which  all  Amer- 
icans are  proud.  During  the  long  period  of  the  struggle  for  inde- 
pendence, **he  devoted  more  of  his  time  and  more  of  his  money  to 
the  cause  of  the  people  than  any  other  patriot;  he  served  the 
people  in  more  different  positions  of  responsibility  and  usefulness 
than  did  any  other  man,  and  he  never  failed  in  a  single  instance 
to  measure  up  to  the  highest  standard  of  statesmanship  and 
patriotism."^ 

To  suggest,  as  Boucher  has  done,  that  the  Catholics  in  the 
colonies,  priests  and  laity  alike,  found  their  leader  in  Charles 
Carroll  of  Carrollton,  and  that  this  leadership  explains  their  ad- 
herence to  the  principles  of  the  American  rebellion,  would  be  a 
simple  way  of  answering  a  problem  we  are  trying  to  analyze  here, 
namely,  the  paradox  of  Catholic  patriotism  from  the  very  begin- 
ning of  the  Revolution  and  the  No  Popery  mob  cry  of  the  first 
revolutionists.^  It  is  not  a  popular  thesis,  that  held  by  Van  Tyne 
and  others,  that  the  more  the  evidence  for  the  causes,  remote 
and  immediate,  of  the  American  Revolution  is  brought  to  light 
and  studied,  the  more  do  the  popularly  given  causes  diminish  in 
importance  and  the  more  does  the  religious,  sectarian,  or  ecclesi- 
astical cause  force  itself  to  the  front.^  This  thesis  has  many  angles 
of  vision.  In  the  main,  it  places  the  controversy  which  raged 
from  the  Proclamation  Line  of  1763  to  the  Quebec  Act  of  1774 


*  Leonard,  Life  of  Charles  Carroll  of  Carrollton,  p.  17;  Byrne,  Charles  Carroll 
of  Carrollton.      Berkeley,  Cal.,    1919    (Newman  Hall  Prize  Essay). 

*  On  March  9,  1775,  at  the  Exchange,  in  New  York,  a  Union  Jack  with  a  red 
field,  was  hoisted  bearing  the  inscription  George  III  Rex — The  Liberties  of  America — 
No  Popery.      Cf.   Researches,  vol.   xxiv,  p.    151. 

^  Van  Tyne,  Influence  of  the  Clergy  and  of  Religious  and  Sectarian  Forces  on 
the  American  Revolution,  in  the  American  Historical  Review,  vol.  xix,  p.  44;  cf. 
Van  Tyne,   The  Loyalists  in  the  American  Revolution.     New  York,   1902. 


The  Revolution  75 

as  the  chief  cause  of  the  Revokition.  In  its  controversial  phases, 
as  Charles  Evans  points  out,  *'the  struggle  for  civil  liberty  in  the 
American  Colonies  assumes  something  of  the  nature  of  religious 
warfare,  in  which  the  dissenting  churches  are  opposed  by  the 
Established  Church  of  England. ""*  Evans'  lists  show  the  signifi- 
cant fact  that  from  1700  to  1750,  two-thirds  of  the  books  and 
pamphlets  published  in  the  colonies  were  on  religious  questions, 
and  from  1750  to  1775,  at  least  one-half  dealt  with  the  religious 
aspect  of  the  Revolution.  The  pulpit  was  the  most  direct,  most 
effectual  way  of  reaching  the  public,  for  the  newspapers  were 
then  in  their  infancy;  and  to  those  who  see  in  the  eleven  years  of 
pulpit  utterances  on  the  religious  clause  in  the  Quebec  Act  the 
underlying  motive  for  rebellion,  there  is  little  doubt  that  the  Revo- 
lution was  an  anti-Catholic  movement,  at  least,  in  its  origin. 
To  British  writers,  such  as  the  eminent  Cardinal  Gasquet,  the 
Quebec  Act — "the  great  Charter  of  Religious  Liberty  in  Canada" 
— was  the  "price  paid  by  the  Empire  to  secure  for  Canada  free- 
dom for  the  exercise  of  the  Catholic  religion,  and  was  in  some 
real  sense  the  cause  of  the  loss  of  the  other  American  Depend- 
encies."^ Van  Tyne,  the  historian  of  the  loyalist  element  in  the 
Revolution,  believes  that  more  weight  should  be  given  to  this 
religious  factor  among  the  causes  of  the  war.  The  economic 
causes,  he  holds,  are  not  adequate  enough  to  explain  the  bitter- 
ness of  the  controversy,  and  he  rates  religious  bigotry,  sectarian 
antipathy,  and  the  influence  of  the  Calvinist  clergy  as  among  the 
most  important  factors.^  Gasquet  writes  ^  :  "The  'drum  ecclesi- 
astic' was  beaten  for  all  it  was  worth  by  the  bigots,  both  in  Eng- 


*  American  Bibliography,  vol.  v,  p.  9.     Chicago,  1909. 

'  The  Price  of  Catholic  Freedom  in  Canada,  in  The  Tablet  (London),  July  20-27, 
191a,  vol.  cxx,  pp.  82-83,  122-125.  For  a  different  view  cf.  Victor  Coffin,  The  Prov- 
ince of  Quebec  and  the  Early  American  Revolution,  pp.  480-528  (Madison,  1896), 
where  the  question  why  Canada  did  not  join  the  States  in  the  Revolution  is  ably 
discussed.  "It  is  the  purpose  of  this  chapter  [on  the  Quebec  Act  and  the  American 
Revolution],"  he  says,  "to  show  that  not  only  was  the  Quebec  Act  not  effectual  in 
keeping  the  mass  of  the  Canadians  loyal,  but  that  what  effect  it  did  have  was  in 
exactly  the  opposite  direction  .  .  .  overwhelming  evidence  shows  that  the  French 
Canadians  were  not  faithful  to  British  Rule  at  this  crisis,  and  that  they  were  least 
faithful  at  the  time  when  the  Quebec  Act  might  be  supposed  to  have  had  most  influence. 
Further  evidence,  equally  strong,  if  not  so  great  in  quantity,  shows  that  the  effect 
of  the  Act  on  the  mass  of  the  people  was  one  of  alienation  rather  than  conciliation" 
ilbid.,  pp.  487-488). 

•  Influence  of  the  Clergy,  etc.,  in  the  American  Historical  Review,  vol.  xvii,  p.  64. 
'  Ut  supra,  July  27,   19 12. 


76  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

land  and  in  America,  and  the  cry  of  Trotestantism  in  danger' 
was  worked  up  in  the  interest  of  those  British  colonists  who  held 
separatist  views."  The  difficulty  with  this  theory  is  that  it  is  too 
simple.  And  yet,  in  the  face  of  such  collections  as  Griffin's 
Catholics  in  the  American  Revolution,^  it  cannot  be  lightly  passed 
by  on  the  score  of  being  narrow  or  bigoted  in  itself.  Griffin  says : 

The  Revolution  was  not  due  solely  to  oppressive  tax  laws  nor  to  re- 
strictions on  popular  rights.  Indeed  though  these  hold  the  main  place  in 
the  popular  narration  of  causes  which  brought  on  the  Revolt,  it  is  a 
question  for  historical  consideration  whether  these  oppressions  alone 
would  have  moved  the  body  of  the  people  to  acts  of  resistance,  had  not 
Religion  been  a  moving  force  upon  the  minds  of  the  people.  The  active 
malcontents  or  leaders  of  the  Revolt  sought  to  impress  upon  the  people  that 
Protestantism  had  been  assailed  and  might  in  America  be  overthrown.  .  .  . 
We  will,  then,  give  ample  evidence  that  an  active  motive  of  the  Amer- 
icans in  taking  up  arms  against  Great  Britain  was  the  belief  of 
large  and  influential  numbers  that  the  Protestant  Religion  was  being  as- 
sailed and  threatened  with  oppression,  and  that  the  fear  of  Topery'  was, 
after  all,  the  incentive  which  made  great  numbers  of  the  Colonists  take 
up  arms  who  could  not  have  been  moved  to  activity  by  recitals  of  oppres- 
sive tax  laws  which  did  not  affect  directly  the  great  body  of  the  people, 
though  they  may  have  effected  those  in  mercantile  pursuits.  .  .  .  Resist- 
ance to  Popery  was  the  cementing  sentiment.^ 

The  Quebec  Act  Theory  of  the  Revolution,  if  such  it  may  be 
called,  sees  in  number  lo  of  the  famous  Suffolk  County  Reso- 
lutions, passed  on  September  6,  1774,  the  origin  of  the  anti- 
Catholic  phrases  of  the  Address  to  the  People  of  Great  Britain, 
and  of  the  Petition  to  the  King. 

10.  That  the  late  act  of  parliament  for  establishing  the  Roman  Cath- 
olic Religion  and  the  French  laws  in  that  extensive  country,  now  called 
Canada,  is  dangerous  in  an  extreme  degree  to  the  Protestant  religion  and 
to  the  civil  rights  and  liberties  of  all  Americans;  and,  therefore,  as  men 
and  Protestant  Christians,  we  are  indispensably  obliged  to  take  all  proper 
measures  for  our  security.^^ 


»  Three  volumes,  published  for  private  circulation,  at  the  author's  home,  Ridley 
Park,  Pa.  (1907-1911). 

*  Op.  cit.,  vol.  i,  pp.   1-4. 

»o  Journals  of  the  Continental  Congress,  vol.  i,  pp.  34-35-  Washington,  D.  C. 
1904.  Cf.  Anti-Catholic  Spirit  of  the  Colonies  as  Slwzvn  on  the  Passage  of  the 
Quebec  Bill,  in  the  Researches,  vol.  xxviii,  pp.  384-392. 


The  Revolution  77 

British  soldiers  on  Bunker  Hill  were  appealed  to  by  the 
American  patriots  from  Prospect  Hill  in  a  printed  Address  which 
besought  them  not  to  imbrue  their  hands  in  the  blood  of  their 
fellow-subjects  in  America,  because  these  latter  were  "alarmed 
at  the  establishment  of  Popery  and  Arbitrary  Power  in  One- 
Half  of  their  Country." 

The  Address  was  as  follows : 


Gcntlouen: 

You  are  about  to  embark  for  America,  to  compel  your  Fellow  Sub- 
jects there  to  submit  to  Popery  and  Slavery. 

It  is  the  Glory  of  the  British  Soldier,  that  he  is  the  Defender,  not  the 
Destroyer,  of  the  Civil  and  Religious  Rights  of  the  People.  The  English 
Soldiery  are  immortalized  in  History,  for  their  Attachment  to  the  Reli- 
gion and  Liberties  of  their  Country. 

When  King  James  the  Second  endeavored  to  introduce  the  Roman  Cath- 
olic Religion  and  arbitrary  Power  into  Great  Britain,  he  had  an  Army 
encamped  on  Hounslow-Heath,  to  terrify  the  People.  Seven  Bishops 
were  seized  upon,  and  sent  to  the  Tower.  But  they  appealed  to  the  Laws 
of  their  Country,  and  were  set  at  Liberty.  When  this  News  reached  the 
Camp,  the  Shouts  of  Joy  were  so  great,  that  they  re-echoed  in  the  Royal 
Palace.  This,  however,  did  not  quite  convince  the  King,  of  the  Aversion 
of  the  Soldiers  to  be  the  Instruments  of  Oppression  against  their  Fellow 
Subjects.  He  therefore  made  another  trial.  He  ordered  the  Guards  to 
be  drawn  up,  and  the  Word  was  given,  that  those  who  did  not  chuse  to 
support  the  King's  Measures,  should  ground  their  Arms.  When,  behold, 
to  his  utter  confusion,  and  their  eternal  Honour — the  whole  body  ground 
their  Arms. 

You,  gentlemen,  will  soon  have  an  Opportunity  of  shewing  equal 
Virtue.  You  will  be  called  upon  to  imbrue  your  Hands  in  the  Blood  of 
your  Fellow  Subjects  in  America,  because  they  will  not  admit  to  be 
Slaves,  and  are  alarmed  at  the  Establishment  of  Popery  and  Arbitrary 
Power  in  One  Half  of  their  Country. 

Whether  you  will  draw  those  Swords  which  have  defended  them 
against  their  Enemies,  to  butcher  them  into  a  Resignation  of  their 
Rights,  which  they  hold  as  the  Sons  of  Englishmen,  is  in  your  Breasts. 
That  you  will  not  stain  the  Laurels  you  have  gained  from  France,  by 
dipping  them  in  Civil  Blood,  is  every  good  Man's  Hope. 

Arts  will  no  doubt  be  used  to  persuade  you,  that  it  is  your  Duty  to 
obey  Orders;  and  that  you  are  sent  upon  the  just  and  righteous  Errand 
of  crushing  Rebellion.  But  your  own  Hearts  will  tell  you,  that  the 
People  may  be  so  ill  treated,  as  to  Make  Resistance  necessary.  You 
know,  that  Violence  and  Injury  offered  from  one  Man  to  another,  has 
always  some  Pretence  of  Right  or  Reason  to  justify  it.  So  it  is  between 
the  People  and  their  Rulers. 


78  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

Therefore,  whatever  hard  Names  and  heavy  Accusation  may  be  be- 
stowed upon  your  Fellow  Subjects  in  America,  be  assured  they  have  not 
deserved  them;  but  are  driven,  by  the  most  cruel  Treatment,  into  De- 
spair. In  this  Despair  they  are  compelled  to  defend  their  Liberties,  after 
having  tried,  in  Vain,  every  peaceable  Means  of  obtaining  Redress  of  their 
manifold  Grievances. 

Before  God  and  Man  they  are  right. 

Your  Honor,  then  Gentlemen,  as  soldiers,  and  your  Humanity  as  Men, 
forbid  you  to  be  the  Instruments  of  forcing  Chains  upon  your  injured 
and  oppressed  Fellow  Subjects.  Remember  that  your  first  obedience  is 
due  to  God,  and  whoever  bids  you  shed  innocent  Blood,  bids  you  act 
contrary  to  his  Commandments. 

/  am,  Gentlemen, 

your  sincere  Well-wisher, 

An  Old  Soldier. 

The  Rev.  Daniel  Barber,  who  became  a  Catholic  in  1818,  in 
the  History  of  My  Ozvn  Times,  gives  as  the  popular  viewpoint : 

We  are  all  ready  to  swear  that  King  George,  by  granting  the  Quebec 
Bill  (that  is,  the  privilege  to  Roman  Catholics  of  worshipping  God 
according  to  their  own  conscience),  had  thereby  become  a  traitor,  had 
broken  his  coronation  oath,  was  secretly  a  papist,  and  whose  design  was 
to  oblige  this  country  to  submit  itself  to  the  unconstitutional  power  of 
the  English  monarch,  and  under  him  and  by  his  authority  to  be  given 
up  and  destroyed,  soul  and  body,  by  that  frightful  image  with  seven 
heads  and  ten  horns.  The  real  fear  of  Popery  in  New  England  had  its 
influence;  it  stimulated  many  people  to  send  their  sons  to  join  the  ranks. 
The  common  word  then  was:    No  King,  No  Popery?-'^ 

The  colonial  opinion  is  well  described  by  Alexander  Hamilton 
in  his  Full  Vindication  of  the  Measures  of  Congress,  in  the  fol- 
lowing trenchant  paragraph: 

The  affair  of  Canada  is  still  worse.  The  Romish  faith  is  made  the 
established  religion  of  the  land,  aiid  his  Majesty  is  placed  at  the  head 
of  it.  The  free  exercise  of  Protestant  faith  depended  upon  the  pleasure 
of  the  Governor  and  Council.  The  Parliament  was  not  content  with 
introducing  arbitrary  power  and  Popery  into  Canada  with  its  former 
limits,  but  they  have  annexed  to  it  vast  tracts  which  surround  the 
Colonies.  Does  not  your  blood  run  cold  to  think  an  English  Parlia- 
ment should  pass  an  act  for  the  establishment  of  arbitrary  power  and 
Popery  in  such  an  extensive  country.  If  they  had  any  regard  to  the 
freedom,  and  happiness  of  mankind  they  would  never  have  done  it.  If 
they  had  been   friends  to   the   Protestant  cause,   they   never   would  have 


"    Page  17.     Washington,  D.  C,   1823. 


The  Revolution  79 

provided  such  a  nursery  for  its  great  enemy.  They  would  never  have 
given  such  encouragement  to  Popery.  The  thought  of  their  conduct  in 
this  particular  shocks  me.  It  must  shock  you,  too,  my  friends.  Beware 
of  trusting  yourselves  to  men  who  are  capable  of  such  an  action.  They 
may  as  well  establish  Popery  in  New  York  and  the  other  colonies  as 
they  did  in  Canada.  They  had  no  more  right  to  do  it  there  than  here. 
Your  lives,  your  property,  your  religion,  are  all  at  stake. 

The  presence  of  this  bitterness  in  the  Address  to  the  People 
of  Great  Britain  and  in  the  Petition  to  the  King  is  explainable 
on  the  ground  of  this  popular  sentiment.  The  tare  in  the  wheat 
of  all  this  indignation  is  the  sedulous  care  with  which  all  refer- 
ence to  the  Quebec  Act  is  silenced  in  the  Address  to  the  Inhabi- 
tants of  Quebec,  prepared  and  signed  by  the  same  American 
leaders.  They  wrote — let  us  hope  without  hypocrisy — "We  are  too 
well  acquainted  with  the  liberality  of  sentiment  distinguishing 
your  nation  to  imagine  that  difference  of  religion  will  prejudice 
you  against  a  hearty  amity  with  us.  You  know  that  the  tran- 
scendent nature  of  freedom  elevates  those  who  unite  in  her 
cause,  above  all  such  low-minded  infirmities.  The  Swiss  Cantons 
furnish  a  memorable  proof  of  this  truth.  Their  union  is  com- 
posed of  Roman  Catholic  and  Protestant  States,  living  in  the 
utmost  concord  and  peace  with  one  another  and  thereby  enabled, 
ever  since  they  bravely  vindicated  their  freedom,  to  defy  and 
defeat  every  tyrant  that  has  invaded  them."  The  dates  of  the 
composition  of  these  three  important  documents,  embryonic  of 
the  Declaration  of  Independence,  are  rather  close  (October  21-26, 
1774),  in  case  one  wishes  to  uphold  the  integrity  of  leaders  such 
as  John  Adams  and  John  Jay,  both  violently  opposed  to  religious 
freedom;  Samuel  Chase;  Richard  Henry  Lee,  who  declared  that 
"of  all  the  bad  acts  of  Parliament  the  Quebec  Act  is  the  worst"; 
Patrick  Henry;  and  George  Washington;  and  to  protect  their 
good  name  from  the  alleged  remark  of  the  Canadians — Perfi- 
dious Congress! 

A  comparison  of  these  three  state  papers  ^^  may  help  the  reader 
to  understand  the  sentiment  expressed  by  the  Canadians: 


"    Journals  of  the  Continental  Congress,  vol.  i,  pp.  81-89,   1 15-120. 


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The  Revolution  8 1 

It  is  hardly  necessary  to  treat  in  detail  the  anti-Catholic  invec- 
tive which  reached  an  intense  stage  on  the  eve  of  the  Revolution. 
The  American  Archivcs^^  are  filled  with  examples  of  this  spirit 
of  hostility  to  the  Church,  an  hostility  which  lasted  down  to  the 
French  Alliance. ^^  But  the  prevalence  of  this  bigotry  does  not 
explain  the  problem,  namely,  that  of  Catholic  American  loyalty 
to  American  arms.  xA.part  from  the  Quebec  Act,  there  were 
other  reasons  why  Catholics  should  have  been  found  among  the 
Loyalists.  The  official  class  and  the  clergy  of  the  Established  or 
Episcopal  Church  were  largely  of  this  anti-independence  group. 
**The  officers  and  clergy  received  the  support  of  land-owners  and 
the  substantial  business  men,  the  men  who  were  satisfied  with 
the  existing  order  of  things.  The  aristocracy  of  culture,  of  dig- 
nified professions  and  colleges,  of  official  rank  and  hereditary 
wealth  was  in  a  large  measure  found  in  the  Tory  party."  '^^  Al- 
though we  find  among  the  Catholics  some  of  the  most  aristo- 
cratic and  wealthy  of  the  colonists,  and  certainly  no  other  clergy 
in  the  provinces  could  be  compared  to  the  Catholic  priests  for 
culture  and  refinement,  nevertheless  it  is  impossible  to  find  a  single 
case  similar  to  that,  for  instance,  of  the  Rev.  Jonathan  Boucher, 
whom  we  have  quoted,  who  was  driven  out  of  America  for 
loyalty  to  the  King;  even  Griffin,  whose  method  of  research, 
though  slightly  crude,  left  few  documents  untouched,  could  dis- 
cover no  Catholic  of  important  social  or  financial  standing  who 
sided  with  Great  Britain  in  the  struggle. 

But  it  is  not  true,  as  is  generally  believed  by  Catholics,  on  the 
assertions  of  their  historians,  that  there  were  no  Catholic  Tories 
in  the  colonies  during  the  Revolution.  To  a  certain  extent  John 
Gilmary  Shea  is  responsible  for  this  tradition.  In  an  address 
before  the  United  States  Catholic  Historical  Society  in  1884,  he 
said :  *'The  Catholics  spontaneously,  universally,  and  energetically 
gave  their  adhesion  to  the  cause  of  America,  and,  when  the  time 
came,  to  American  Independence.    There  was  no  faltering,  no 


13  Peter  Force,  American  Archives,  ivth  series,  6  vols.  (March  7,  1777-August 
21,  1776),  Washington,  D.  C,  1837-1853.  Cf.  Catholic  and  Anti-Catholic  Items  in 
American  Colonial  Papers,  in  the  United  States  Catholic  Historical  Maga-ine,  vol.  i 
(1887),   pp.    81,    203,    316,   442. 

"  A  choice  collection  of  anti-Catholic  invectives  on  this  question  will  be  found 
in  Griffin,  op.  cit.,  vol.  i,  pp.    1-40,  279. 

"    Van   Tyne,    The  Loyalists,   etc.,   pp.   4-5. 


82  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

division,  every  Catholic  in  the  land  was  a  Whig.  In  the  list  of 
Tories  and  Loyalists,  in  the  volumes  written  since  about  them, 
you  cannot  find  the  name  of  a  single  Catholic.  There  were  no 
Catholic  Tories." 

This  is  an  echo  of  his  words,  to  be  found  in  an  article  in  the 
American  Catholic  Quarterly  Revieiv:  "There  were  no  Tories, 
no  faherers  and  final  deserters  among  the  Catholics;  none  to 
shout  for  Congress,  while  they  carefully  carried  a  British  pro- 
tection for  emergencies.  The  Catholics  were,  to  a  man,  with 
their  clergy,  staunch  and  true,  which  can  be  said  of  none  of  the 
sects."'^  Giiftin  takes  Shea  to  task  for  this  general  statement: 
"When  we  know,"  he  says,  "how  Catholics  fared  at  the  hands 
of  their  fellow  colonists,  and  remember  the  deep  anti-Catholic 
hostility  to  'Papists'  in  the  early  days  of  the  Revolution,  we  regard 
it  as  a  credit  to  those  Catholics  who  were  Tories  rather  than  as 
an  ignominy."^^  The  list  given  by  Grifiin  does  not,  it  is  true, 
contain  the  name  of  any  Catholic  colonist  of  social  or  political 
prominence,  but  the  list  is  a  large  one,  and  Father  Molyneux,  the 
pastor  of  the  Church  in  Philadelphia  during  the  Revolution,  is 
placed  thereon,  because  "not  a  line  or  word  of  his  for  or  against 
the  Revolution  has  ever  been  produced."'^  For  that  matter,  it 
would  be  hard  to  show,  aside  from  Father  John  Carroll's  part  in 
the  delegation  to  Canada  in  1776,  that  the  Catholic  clergy  took 


^«  Vol.  xxiii  (1876),  p.  154.  A  typical  illustration  of  this  popular  legend  will 
be  found  in  the  article  referred  to — "never  was  there  such  harmonious  Catholic  action 
as  that  in  favor  of  American  Independence  a  hundred  years  ago.  The  Catholics  in 
the  country  were  all  Whigs  .  .  .  and  there  are  no  Catholic  names  in  all  the  lists  of 
Tories"  (p.  499).  It  is  difficult  to  say  how  this  legend  of  a  unanimous  Catholic 
support  of  the  purposes  of  the  Revolution  arose;  but  from  the  similarity  of  the 
phraseology,  one  is  inclined  to  believe  that  it  had  its  origin  in  the  letter  written  by 
Charles  Carroll  of  Carrollton,  Baltimore,  February  20,  1829,  to  George  Washington 
Parke  Custis,  the  adopted  son  of  President  Washington,  in  which  he  says:  "When 
I  signed  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  I  had  in  view  not  only  the  independence  of 
England  but  the  toleration  of  all  sects,  professing  the  Christian  Religion,  and  com- 
municating to  them  all  great  rights.  Happily  this  wise  and  salutary  measure  has 
taken  place  for  eradicating  religious  feuds  and  persecution,  and  become  a  useful 
lesson  to  all  governments.  Reflecting,  as  you  must,  on  the  disabilities,  I  may  truly 
say,  of  the  proscription  of  the  Roman  Catholics  in  Maryland,  you  will  not  be  surprised 
that  I  had  much  at  heart  this  grand  design  foundetl  on  mutual  charity,  the  basis  of 
our  holy  religion"  (Cf.  Researches,  vol.  xiv,  p.  27,  from  the  National  Gazette,  Phila- 
delphia, February  26,  1829).  One  is  at  liberty  to  suspect  that  the  great  Catholic 
patriot  was  reading  this  laudable  motive  into  his  part  in  the  Revolution  a  half-century 
before;  it  is  the  only  statement  of  tliis  kind  to  be  found  in  his  writings. 

"     Op.    cit.,   vol.    ii,    p.    167. 

"    op.   cit.,  vol.   ii,   p.    169. 


The  Revolution  83 

any  active  steps  in  the  patriotic  cause.^''  The  Roman  CathoHc 
Regiment,  recruited  in  Philadelphia,  in  1777- 1778,  while  General 
Howe  and  his  officers  occupied  that  city,  was  in  command  of 
Lieutenant  Colonel  Alfred  Clinton,  who  was  then  a  member  of 
St.  Mary's  parish.  Clinton,  it  is  true,  was  able  to  raise  only  a 
group  of  180  Catholics,  and  the  regiment  dwindled  to  about 
eighty  men  in  five  months.  We  find  Father  Farmer's  name 
given  as  chaplain,  though  it  is  not  certain  that  he  accepted  the 
post.^"  Bancroft  has  laid  undue  stress  on  the  existence  of  this 
Roman  Catholic  regiment  of  Tories,-^  but  the  truth  is  that 
Catholics  were  as  divided  as  others  were.  There  were  gallant  war- 
riors among  the  Quakers  and  there  were  Loyalists  among  the 
Presbyterians ;  and  the  wonder  is  that  the  Catholic  body,  after  a 
century  of  persecution  by  the  colonial  leaders,  did  not  remain 
entirely  neutral. 

Washington's  action  at  Cambridge  in  issuing  an  order  on 
"Pope's  Day,"  November  5,  1775,  to  his  soldiers  that  "the  obser- 
vance of  that  ridiculous  and  childish  custom  of  burning  the  effigy 
of  the  Pope"  would  not  be  permitted,  may  have  been  that  of  a 
brave  and  tolerant  mind ;  or  it  may  have  been  purely  a  political 
move,  owing  to  the  fact  that  Congress  was  then  making  every 
exertion  to  win  the  support  of  the  Catholics  in  Canada,  in  the 
northwest,  and  in  Maine  ;^^  but  it  was  significant  in  this  sense 
that  from  the  day  the  first  shot  was  fired  at  Lexington  on  April 
19,  1775,  the  patriots,  who,  upon  their  own  declaration,  had  gone 
to  war  with  Great  Britain,  among  other  grievances,  for  the  preser- 
vation of  Protestantism,  began  quickly  to  subdue  the  religious 
element  in  the  struggle.  When  the  French  Alliance  was  in  the 
air,  however,  there  was  a  recrudescence  of  the  anti-Catholic  spirit, 
on  the  part  of  the  Loyalists,  especially  after  Louis  XVI  had 
recognized  the  independence  of  the  United  States  (February 
6.  1778). 


^    KiRLiN,  Op.  cit.,  p.   104;  O'Brien,  Hidden  Phase,  etc.,  pp.    188-204. 

^^i  In  a  letter  (cf.  Griffin,  op.  cit.,  vol.  i,  pp.  325-339)  to  a  priest  in  London, 
dated  Philadelphia,  March  2,  1778,  Father  Farmer  says  that  though  asked  in  September, 
1777,  he  had  not  yet  accepted  the  post.  To  have  done  so  would  have  been  imprudent 
for  the  British  evacuated  Philadelphia  on  June   18,   1778. 

2^    History  of  the  United  States,  vol.  x,  p.   175.     New  York,   1834. 

^2  Cf.  Researches,  vol.  xxiii,  (1906),  pp.  13-14;  Writings  of  Washington,  vol.  ii, 
pp.  123-124;  for  a  history  of  "Pope's  Day"  in  the  colonies,  cf.  Researches,  vol.  xxiv 
(1907),   pp.    132-136. 


84  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

The  most  vulnerable  point  of  attack  on  the  French  Alliance  was  the 
fact  that  the  ally  was  Catholic.  The  Tories  declared  that  Congress 
adopted  all  sorts  of  Romish  mummery.  Loyalist  newspapers  printed 
absurd  canards  announcing  that  the  French  king  was  preparing  a  fleet 
which  should  come  to  America  and  convert  his  new  subjects.  Some 
of  the  vessels  were  laden  with  tons  of  holy  water  and  casks  of  conse- 
crated oil.  A  thousand  chests  of  relics,  beads  and  crucifixes  were  ready, 
and  a  vast  number  of  hair  shirts,  cowls  and  scourges.  Another  vessel 
contained  many  thousand  consecrated  wafers,  crucifixes,  rosaries  and 
massbooks  as  well  as  bales  of  indulgences.  To  provide  for  the  conver- 
sion of  heretics  of  whom  America  had  many,  the  good  king  has  not 
forgotten  the  necessary  equipment  of  wheels,  hooks,  pincers,  shackles, 
and  firebrands.  To  instruct  the  Americans  in  the  use  of  these  pious 
instruments,  there  was  ready  an  army  of  priests,  confessors  and  mendi- 
cants .  .  .  the  contract  for  a  Bastille  in  New  York  had  already  been 
granted,  and  America  would  soon  enjoy  the  blessings  of  French  gov- 
ernment and  the  felicity  of  Popery.23 

The  French  Alliance,  the  friendly  attitude  of  Spain  during  the 
American  Revolution,-*  the  loyalty  of  the  Catholic  Indians  of 
Maine;  the  assistance  of  Father  Gibault  in  the  West,  the  active 
cooperation  of  the  French  Army,  and  the  gift  of  six  million 
dollars  by  the  Catholic  bishops  and  priests  of  France  to  the  new 
Republic,  in  1780,^^  gave  a  very  different  outlook  to  the  religious 
causes  of  the  Revolution.  The  anti-Catholic  spirit,  therefore, 
would  seem  to  have  died  out  among  the  patriots  only  to  linger 
with  all  the  bitterness  of  defeat  among  those  who  hated  to  see  the 
colonies  free  and  independent.  Probably  the  last  phase  of  the 
bigotry  which  has  left  a  smirch  on  the  Revolution  is  the  treason 
of  Benedict  Arnold,  for  the  eye  that  guided  his  defiant  vindica- 
tion of  his  disloyalty  had  lately  seen  "your  mean  and  profligate 
Congress  at  Mass  for  the  soul  of  a  Roman  Catholic  in  purgatory 
and  participating  in  the  rites  of  a  Church  against  whose  anti- 
Christian  corruption  your  pious  ancestors  would  bear  witness 
with  their  blood."2« 


^  Van  Tyne,  The  Loyalists,  etc.,  p.  154;  cf.  Fischer,  The  Struggle  for  Ameri- 
can Independence,  vol.  ii,  pp.    1 19-121.   Philadelphia,    1908. 

^  McCarthy,  The  Attitude  of  Spain  during  the  American  Revolution,  in  the 
Catholic   Historical    Review,    vol.    ii,    pp.    47-65. 

^  The  French  Clergy's  Gift  to  America,  in  the  Catholic  Mind,  vol.  xviii  (April 
22,  1920),  pp.  147-153;  also  in  Griffin,  op.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  pp.  389-396. 

^  This  refers  to  the  Requiem  Mass  at  St.  Joseph's  Church,  Philadelphia,  for  the 
soul  of  Juan  de  Miralles,  the  Spanish  Agent,  who  died  at  Washington's  camp,  Morris- 
town,  N.  J.,  April  28,  1780.  Arnold  was  present,  not  having  had  courage  to  decline, 
as  did  Dr.  Benjamin  Rush,  because  attending  was  not  compatible  with  the  principles 


The  Revolution  85 

Like  the  great  rivers  of  the  country,  American  Independence 
had  many  sources ;  and  while  each  of  these  sources  can  be  traced 
to  its  origin,  it  is  difficult  to  fix  upon  the  spot  where  each  one 
joins  itself  to  the  great  river  that  swept  the  country  into  freedom 
in  1776.  The  religious  source  is  the  most  turbulent  and  crooked 
of  all  these  tributary  streams  and  upon  its  flow  the  frail  bark  of 
the  Catholic  Church  in  the  country,  while  directed  by  its  leaders 
towards  the  meeting  of  the  waters,  was  not  uncertain  of  wreck- 
age in  the  mighty  river  below. 

The  two  Carrolls — John  and  Charles — are  not  alone  among 
the  members  of  their  Faith  in  the  ranks  of  the  rebels.  There  are 
other  Catholic  priests  besides  John  Carroll  in  the  scene.  There  is 
Father  Lotl)iniere,  "chaplain  of  the  United  States,"  as  he  signs 
himself  in  his  letter  to  Congress,  dated  Philadelphia,  July  8, 
1777;^^  there  is  Father  Peter  Huet  de  la  Valiniere,  the  "perfect 
rebel,"  as  Governor  Haldimand  of  Canada  called  him,  and  who 
was  deported  because  "he  was  too  dangerous  at  this  present  crisis 
to  be  allowed  to  remain  here  (Quebec)  ;"^^  there  were  the  nu- 
merous chaplains  of  the  French  navy,  some  of  whom  were  to 
remain  as  missioners  under  Carroll's  Pref ectship :  ^^  Father  Sera- 
phim Bandol,  O.F.M.,  the  chaplain  to  the  French  Ministers; 
Father  La  Poterie,  the  unworthy  founder  of  the  Church  in  Bos- 
ton; and  Father  Sebastian  De  Rosey,  O.M.Cap.,  who  laboured 
until  1813  in  Maryland.  There  were  the  French  Army  chaplains, 
some  of  whom  are  well-known  in  Catholic  annals :  Abbe  Robin, 
the  author  of  the  Nouvcau  Voyage  dans  VAmerique  Septen- 
trionale,  which  was  translated  by  the  poet  of  the  Revolution, 
Philip  Freneau,  and  published  at  Boston,  in  1783;  Father  Paul 
de  St.  Pierre,  who  laboured  in  the  Illinois  country,  and  died  at 
New  Orleans,  in  1826;  Father  Charles  Whelan,  around  whom 
Carroll's    first    serious    difficulty    as    prefect-apostolic    was    to 

of  a  Protestant.  (Griffin,  op.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  257.)  Arnold's  proclamation  will  be 
found  in  Rivington's  Gazette,  for  November  i,  1780.  C£.  Van  Tyne,  The  Loyalists, 
etc.,  p.  1 88. 

^    Griffin,  op.  cit.,  vol.  i,  pp.  41-63,  92-95. 

^  Ibid.,  pp.  75-91;  cf.  Tetu,  L'Abbe  Pierre  Huet  de  la  Valiniere,  in  tbe  Bulletin 
des  Recherches  Historiques,  vol.  x,  no.   5. 

^  The  list  of  chaplains  with  the  French  auxiliary  forces  contains  the  names  of 
ninety  priests.  Cf.  Griffin,  op.  cit.,  vol.  iii,  pp.  386-293,  from  Les  Combattants 
Frangois  de  la  Guerre  Americaine  {1778-1783).  (Paris,  1903.)  Cf.  Doniol,  Histoire 
de  la  Participation  de  la  France  a  I' J^tablissement  des  6,tats-Unis  d'Amerique  (Paris, 
1901);  DuRAND,  Documents  on  the  American  Revolution.     New  York,  1889. 


86  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

centre;   and   the   celebrated   Abbe    Raynal,   who    stayed    but   a 
short  time  and  returned  an  ardent  LoyaHst.^° 

There  were  other  CathoHc  men  of  note  in  the  forefront  of  the 
patriot  party  besides  Charles  Carroll  of  Carrollton.  Michael  J. 
O'Brien  has  given  us  a  distinctly  new  light  on  Catholic  cooper- 
ation in  the  war  in  his  Hidden  Phase  of  American  History,  and 
Griffin  has  gathered  the  names  of  many  persons  who  served  and 
have  received  honour  and  renown — Commodore  John  Barry,  the 
Father  of  the  American  Navy;  General  Stephen  Moylan,  "Mus- 
ter-Master General  to  the  Army  of  the  United  Colonies/'  and  the 
Colonel  of  the  I.ight  Horse  Dragoons ;  Colonel  John  Fitzgerald, 
aide-de-camp  and  secretary  to  General  Washington ;  Thomas  Fitz 
Simons,  a  Catholic  signer  of  the  Constitution ;  George  Meade,  Dr. 
Joseph  Cauffmann,  Colonel  Francis  Vigo,  Orono,  and  the  most  ro- 
mantic figure  of  adventure  during  the  whole  war,  Timothy  Mur- 
phy. The  names  of  two  foreign  officers,  probably  Catholics,  in  the 
American  Army  are  well  known — Count  Pulaski  and  Kosciuszko. 
Lafayette,  though  born  a  Catholic,  neglected  his  faith  until  on 
his  deathbed.  Father  Charles  Constantine  Pise,  when  Chaplain 
of  the  United  States  Senate,  in  an  address  delivered  on  the 
Fourth  of  July,  1833,  ^^  the  House  of  Delegates,  at  Annapolis, 
recalled  to  his  hearers  the  fact  ''that  the  nations  which  gave  birth 
to  those  immortal  benefactors  of  America,  those  pure  and  lofty 
lovers  of  liberty  and  republicanism,  were  Roman  Catholic." 
France,  the  birthplace  of  so  many  of  the  gallant  defenders  of  the 
principles  for  which  America  fought,  and  Poland,  "the  home 
of  the  spirit  of  freedom,"  were  Catholic  lands;  and  the  conduct 
of  their  sons,  "in  our  regard,  ought  to  silence  forever  the  voice  of 
prejudice,  which,  even  at  the  present  day,  proclaims  the  Roman 
Catholic  religion  hostile  to  the  genius  of  republican  institutions."  ^^ 
Charles  Carroll  of  Carrollton's  sentiment  in  1829  that  he  signed 
the  Declaration  of  Independence  for  the  purpose  of  bringing 
about  toleration  of  all  sects  professing  the  Christian  religion,  and 
communicating  to  them  all  equal  rights,  may  be  the  mellowed 
reflection  of  an  old  man  of  ninety,  whose  words  at  this  time  were 


3«  Cf.  Fischer,  The  True  Story  of  the  American  Revolution,  p.  212,  Philadel- 
phia, 1902. 

"  The  address  was  printed  in  the  Catholic  Expositor  and  Literary  Magazine,  for 
July,   1842. 


The  Revolution  87 

always  couched  in  the  pious  accents  of  reHgion  and  of  peace. 
The  truth  is  that  American  Cathohcs  in  1775  had  Httle  to  choose 
in  either  side  of  the  quarrel.  Independence  might  not  mean 
freedom  for  them,  and  the  history  of  the  adoption  of  the  First 
Amendment  by  the  thirteen  original  States  shows  how  peril- 
ously they  gambled  when  they  threw  their  weight  and  financial 
backing  into  the  patriots'  cause. 

The  cooperation  of  Father  Peter  Gibault  in  the  winning  of 
the  West  during  the  Revolution  presents  a  problem.  In  the 
French  towns  of  the  old  Illinois  country  there  were  few  who 
favoured  England  in  the  struggle.  After  the  treaty  with  France 
(1778)  the  friendship  for  America  became  more  outspoken. 
The  exploits  of  Colonel  George  Rogers  Clark  in  Kentucky  were 
to  be  followed  by  the  conquest  of  the  Illinois  country.  Kaskaskia, 
one  of  the  oldest  of  these  French  posts,  was  taken  on  July  4, 
1778,  and  with  the  help  of  Father  Gibault,  the  "Patriot  Priest  of 
the  West,"  as  he  is  usually  called,  Clark  was  enabled  to  win  over 
the  other  posts,  such  as  Vincennes,  which  was  taken  on  February 
25 »  ^779-  Theodore  Roosevelt  has  said  that  Gibault  was  "a  de- 
voted and  effective  champion  of  the  American  cause,"  ^^  and  Shea 
claims  that  this  conquest  of  the  West  was  due  "mainly  to  the 
influence  of  Rev.  Peter  Gibault."  In  his  Colonial  History  of 
Vincennes,  Law  says  that  "no  man  has  paid  a  more  sincere  trib- 
ute to  the  services  rendered  by  Rev.  Mr.  Gibault  to  the  American 
cause  than  Clark  himself."  ^^ 

Father  Peter  Gibault  was  born  at  Montreal,  Canada,  in  1737. 
He  was  educated  at  the  Seminary  of  Quebec  and  was  ordained 
to  the  priesthood  on  March  19,  1768.  Shortly  afterwards  he  was 
entrusted  by  Bishop  Briand  with  the  missions  of  Illinois,  and 
acted  as  vicar-general  of  that  part  of  the  vast  Quebec  Diocese. 
He  resided  mostly  at  Kaskaskia,  though  his  name  is  found  in  the 
church  registers  at  St.  Genevieve,  Vincennes,  and  Cahokia.  For 
a  long  time  he  was  the  only  priest  in  the  old  Illinois  country,  and 
it  was  at  Kaskaskia  that  Colonel  Clark  first  met  him  in  1778. 
P'or  his  services  to  the  American  cause,  he  received  the  formal 
thanks  of  the  Virginia  Legislature.  To  have  taken  so  bold  a 
stand  in  favour  of  American  independence  undoubtedly  cost  the 


^^    The  Winning  of  the  West,  vol.  ii,  p.   igo. 
33    Pages  53-55.     Vincennes,   1858. 


88  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

valiant  priest  his  post  as  Vicar-General  of  Bishop  Briand. 
Charges  seem  to  have  been  made  against  him,  but  whether  con- 
nected with  his  cooperation  with  the  conquest  by  Clark  is  uncer- 
tain. There  is  a  document  in  the  Quebec  Archives,  dated  June 
29,  1780,  in  which  Briand  recalls  Father  Gibault  to  Quebec. 
There  is  nothing  to  show  that  he  obeyed,  for  between  the  years 
1776  and  1783  there  are  no  letters  in  the  Quebec  Archives  from 
Father  Gibault.^*  On  May  22,  1788,  he  wrote  to  Bishop  Briand 
asking  for  leave  to  return  to  Canada,  especially  because  he  feels 
a  repugnance  against  serving  under  another  bishop  either  in  Spain 
or  in  "republican  America."  In  this  same  letter  we  find  him  writ- 
ing as  follows :  "As  for  opposition  to  me  because  of  the  fear  that 
T  may  have  been  or  was  active  for  the  American  Republic,  you 
have  only  to  reread  my  first  letter  in  which  I  gave  you  an  account 
of  our  capture,  and  my  last  letter  in  which  I  sent  you  a  certificate 
of  my  conduct  at  Post  Vincennes,  in  the  capture  of  which  they 
said  I  had  taken  a  hand,  and  you  will  see  that  not  only  did  I  not 
meddle  with  anything,  but  on  the  contrary  I  always  regretted  and 
do  regret  every  day  the  loss  of  the  mildness  of  British  rule."  ^® 
At  this  same  time  Gibault  was  in  correspondence  with  Father 
Carroll  regarding  the  exercise  of  his  faculties  in  the  newly  ac- 
quired territory.  Carroll  wrote  to  him  on  May  5,  1788,  telling 
him  that  he  would  not  be  unmindful  of  Gibault's  twenty  years 
of  service  in  the  Illinois  country,  but  that  he  was  waiting  for  in- 
formation from  Canada  on  the  method  of  making  the  necessary 
change  in  ecclesiastical  government.^'^  Carroll  had  learned  that 
the  Bishop  of  Quebec  had  taken  umbrage  at  his  exercise  of  juris- 
diction in  the  former  French  missions,  and  he  hoped  that  some 
arrangement  might  be  made  between  the  United  States  Govern- 
ment and  Quebec  for  the  continuance  of  Quebec's  authority. 
Father  Huet  de  la  Valiniere  had  been  sent  as  Vicar-General  to 
the  Illinois  country  by  Carroll,  but  with  instructions  not  to  inter- 
fere with  Gibault  until  the  question  of  jurisdiction  should  be 
settled.     Father  Gibault  left  the  Illinois  country  in  1791,  after 


•*  Gibault's  correspondence  with  Bishop  Briand  {Quebec  Archie  pise  opal  Archives) 
will  be  found  in  Records,  vol.  xx,  pp.  406-430. 

**    Records,  vol.  xx,  p.  430 

^  Baltimore  Cathedral  Archives,  Case  9A-G1;  Carroll's  last  letter  to  Gibault 
(Jan.   23,    1792,  ibid.,   Case  9A-G3)   gives  us  no  intimation  of   Gibault's  plans. 


The  Revolution  89 

having  unsuccessfully  appealed  to  General  St.  Clair,  then  Gov- 
ernor of  the  Northwest  Territory,  to  have  certain  lands  deeded 
to  him  for  his  support/"*^  What  became  of  him  after  this  time  is 
unknov^'n,  only  the  record  of  his  death  at  New  Madrid,  about 
1804,  being  certain.^® 

All  attempts,  however  laudable,  to  ascertain  the  exact  quota 
of  American  and  foreign  Catholic  soldiers  in  the  Revolutionary 
Army,  are  of  little  value  since  they  are  based  on  criteria  which 
cannot  bear  thorough  investigation.  It  was  natural  for  all  the 
Irish  colonists.  Catholic  and  Protestant,  to  ally  themselves  with 
a  cause  which  gave  them  the  opportunity  of  a  blow  at  their 
hereditary  foe.  It  was  also  to  be  expected  that  in  those  days  no 
serious  difficulty  would  be  encountered  in  France  to  recruit  regi- 
ments for  the  war  with  England,  even  though  the  seas  had  to 
be  crossed  before  their  weapons  could  be  drawn.  The  Amer- 
ican army,  judging  by  the  regiment  lists  we  possess,  would  seem 
to  be  predominantly  made  up  of  Irish  and  French  officers  and 
soldiers.  That  the  majority  of  these  French  adherents  to  the 
cause  were  Catholics,  is  now  an  established  fact;  and  the  asser- 
tion scarcely  needs  proof  that  the  7,800  French  soldiers  at  York- 
town,  together  with  the  20,000  men  in  the  fleets  of  DeGrasse 
and  DeBarras,  were  of  the  Catholic  Faith.  The  presence  of  the 
French  fleet  with  its  chaplains  stimulated  a  change  of  sentiment 
on  the  part  of  the  Americans  in  the  matter  of  their  attitude 
towards  the  Catholic  religion.  They  were  too  hard-headed  and 
too  utilitarian  not  to  subdue  the  old  antipathy,  when  it  was  to 
their  benefit  to  do  so.  Religious  antagonisms  had  played  their 
part  in  cementing  the  independent  spirit  of  the  American  colo- 
nists, but  once  the  larger  question  of  freedom  was  understood 
in  all  its  force  and  potency,  the  watchword  became :  "Difference 
in  religion  should  make  no  diflference  between  those  seeking 
liberty." 

There  will  always  remain  for  the  historian  of  the  American 
Revolution  the  thorny  question  of  how  far  religious  differences 
entered  into  the  causal  elements  of  that  great  fight  for  freedom. 


"    Illinois  Historical  Collections,  vol.  v,  p.  585. 

^    Cf.  Researches,  vol.  xv,  p.  157;  Alerding,  History  of  the  Diocese  of  Vincettnes, 
pp.  64-68. 


90  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

Few  American  historians  give  sufficient  attention  to  this  paradox 
of  the  war — the  anti-CathoHc  outbursts  among  the  colonists  at 
the  passage  of  the  Quebec  Act  and  the  striking  cooperation  of 
CathoHcs,  both  American  and  foreign,  in  the  cause  of  the  Revo- 
kition.  Only  a  few,  and  among  them  is  the  noted  Benedictine 
historian  Gasquet,  have  a  definite  thesis  on  the  question.  "The 
American  Revolution,"  writes  Gasquet,  "was  not  a  movement  for 
civil  and  religious  liberty,  its  principal  cause  was  the  bigoted  rage 
of  the  American  Puritan  and  Presbyterian  ministers  at  the  con- 
cession of  full  religious  liberty  and  equality  to  Catholics  of 
French  Canada.  The  Taxation  Acts  were  only  a  minor  cause,  or 
rather  occasion,  and  the  dispute  could  have  been  settled  by  consti- 
tutional agitation  without  secession  but  for  Puritan  firebrands  and 
the  bigotry  of  the  people." 

Cardinal  Gasquet,  however,  leaves  an  important  part  of  the 
question  unsolved;  he  does  not  explain  why   Catholic  leaders 
like  the  two   Carrolls  took   such   a  prominent  part,   from  the 
very  beginning,  in  the  cause  of  independence.      Nor    does    he 
explain  the  outstanding  factor  in  Catholic  cooperation,  the  French 
Alliance.     The  Catholic  historian  of  those  days  of  struggle  for 
national  freedom  has  many  difficulties  to  explain;  and  his  work 
has  been  complicated  to  a  considerable  degree  by  the  number  of 
legends  which  have  been  interwoven  into  the  general  story  of 
Catholic  cooperation  in  the  Revolution.     Many  of  these  legends 
bear  the  stamp  of  their  origin,  namely,  an  over-zealous  enthusi- 
asm to  claim  as  much  of  the  glory  as  possible ;  others  are  subtle 
and  require  historical  disproof.     Among  these  is  the  oft-quoted 
story  that  it  was  through  Father  John  Carroll  that  the  Pope 
used  his  influence  to  induce  King  Louis  of  France  to  aid  Amer- 
ica.    This  claim,  entirely  fictitious,  is  part  of  the  general  tradi- 
tional belief  that  John  Carroll  had  aided  Jefiferson  in  drafting 
the  Declaration  of  Independence.     The  climax  of  these  popular 
legends  is  the  one  which  reports  that  King  George  III  refused 
to  sign  the  Catholic  Emancipation  Bill   (1829)   because  of  his 
hatred    for    John    Carroll.     "He    detached    America    from   my 
dominions  by  the  aid  of  the  French  army  and  navy,  and  the 
force  of  the  Irish  Catholics" — such  is  the  supposed  speech  of  the 
King  to  Pitt !     Nimis  probans,  nihil  probans.     The  truth  is  that 
Father  John  Carroll  took  no  active  part  in  the  Revolution,  apart 


The  Revolution  9^ 

from  his  invitation  by  the  Continental  Congress  to  accompany 
the  American  Commissioners  to  Quebec.  That  fact,  indeed, 
gives  him  a  prominence  in  Revolutionary  Catholic  annals,  shared 
by  none,  but  all  else  claimed  for  him  by  over-enthusiastic  writ- 
ers is  historically  untenable. 


CHAPTER  VII 
JOHN  CARROLL'S   MISSION   TO   CANADA 

(1776) 

That  the  American  opposition  to  the  Act  granting  religious 
liberty  to  all  who  lived  beyond  the  Proclamation  Line  was  a  short- 
sighted policy,  and  one  to  which  must  be  credited  the  worst  fail- 
ure of  the  war  is  now  an  accepted  fact  among  historians.  "It 
is  easy,"  Gasquet  writes,  "to  conceive  how  fiercely  a  Protestant- 
ism as  jealous  and  sensitive  as  that  of  New  England  must  have 
resented  the  establishment  of  Catholicism  in  Canada."  The 
Protestant  churches  became  as  so  many  meeting-houses  for  the 
purpose  of  protesting  against  the  iniquitous  Act,  and  the  pulpits 
resounded  with  proclamations  against  Parliament.  All  the  con- 
temporary sources  for  the  period  are  so  filled  with  invectives  over 
the  Quebec  Bill  that  historians  like  Gasquet  are  within  the 
strictest  rules  of  historical  criticism  in  emphasizing  the  pre- 
dominance of  the  anti-Catholic  feelings  of  the  times.  The  other 
intolerable  Acts  seem  to  be  forgotten  after  June  17,  1774,  when 
the  Quebec  Bill  became  a  law;  and  though  no  one  would  ven- 
ture to  assert  that  the  Bill  was  the  real  casus  belli,  nevertheless 
its  passage  and  the  opposition  it  created  in  the  colonies  are 
inevitably  bound  up  with  the  Revolution.  The  Archives  of  the 
Archbishop's  House  in  Quebec  contain  for  this  phase  of  the  war 
many  documents  which  have  not  yet  been  studied  and  without 
which  the  influence  of  American  bigotry  cannot  be  fully  and 
impartially  weighed.  Commenting  upon  the  religious  toleration 
granted  by  the  Quebec  Act  and  upon  the  fact  that  anti-Catholi- 
cism was  still  at  that  time  a  popular  platform  in  Great  Britain 
and  the  colonies,  Dr.  Alvord  points  out  in  his  masterly  thesis, 
The  Mississippi  Valley  in  British  Politics,  that  historical  events 
are  usually  so  complex  in  their  nature  that  they  elude  all  ade- 
quate explanation.     "The  speculative  mind,"  he  writes,  "finds 

92 


Mission  to  Canada  93 

delight  in  the  search  for  fundamental  motives  of  human  action 
and  may  demand  a  more  precise  definition  of  the  Quebec  Act  in 
terms  of  political  philosophy."  ^  One  man  at  that  time  had  no 
illusions  about  its  influence  in  American  politics,  and  it  is  this 
man  whom  John  Carroll,  as  a  Catholic  priest,  had  to  face  in  his 
endeavour  to  make  the  Canadians  forget  all  the  bitter  things  said 
and  done  before  the  outbreak  of  the  Revolution.  That  man 
v^^as  Jean  Briand,  Bishop  of  Quebec,  and  sole  ecclesiastical  leader 
of  the  Catholics  of  Canada. 

Bishop  Briand  saved  Canada  to  the  British  Empire.  He  real- 
ized the  difficulty  of  the  task  his  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  English 
crown  imposed  upon  him.  Many  of  the  hahitans  were  eager 
to  strike  a  blow  at  England  in  revenge  for  the  downfall  of 
French  power  in  Canada,  and  his  courage  is  seen  in  the  use  of 
those  ecclesiastical  weapons,  suspension  and  excommunication. 
It  needed  a  strong  hand  to  hold  Canada  in  check  in  spite  of  the 
fact  that  the  faith  of  the  Canadians  had  been  so  generously  vili- 
fied in  the  colonies ;  and  Briand  won  out,  even  though  the  priests 
of  his  episcopal  city  and  elsewhere  had  been  shot  at  by  Amer- 
ican sympathizers. 

There  is  a  dramatic  touch,  therefore,  to  the  distinctly  Catholic 
act  on  the  part  of  the  First  Continental  Congress,  when  it  sent 
to  Canada,  in  company  with  Franklin  and  Chase,  Charles  Car- 
roll of  Carrollton  and  Father  John  Carroll,  the  foremost  Cath- 
olics of  the  rebelling  colonies,  to  interview  the  leaders  of  Church 
and  State  on  the  banks  of  the  St.  Lawrence. 

The  strategic  importance  of  Canada  to  the  American  cause 
was  obvious  from  the  beginning  of  the  war.  The  New  Eng- 
land colonies  could  easily  have  been  isolated  by  a  British  force 
working  southwards  from  Quebec  and  Montreal  as  their  base. 
Two  expeditions  were  therefore  planned  in  1775  by  the  Amer- 
icans, and  they  may  be  classed  as  "the  most  aggressive  and 
daring  effort  that  the  patriots  made  during  the  war."  ^  The  two 
expeditions  under  the  command  of  Generals  Philip  Schuyler, 
Richard  Montgomery,  and  Benedict  Arnold,  failed  miserably, 
and  Carleton  ''slowly  but  surely  defeated  and  hammered  out  of 


*  Vol.  ii,  p.  248.     Cleveland,   191 7. 

'  Fisher,  True  History  of  the  American  Revolution,  p.  271.     Philadelphia,   1903. 


94  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

Canada  the  little  patriot  army."  ^  Arnold,  who  was  in  command 
after  Montgomery's  death,  began  the  retreat  in  the  early  summer 
of  1776.  In  February,  1776,  Congress  met  to  discuss  the  report 
of  its  secret  committee  on  the  Canadian  invasion.  The  Journals 
of  the  Continental  Congress  give  us  a  summary  of  this  report: 

The  Committee  of  secret  correspondence  report  that  they  have  con- 
ferred with  a  Person  just  arrived  from  Canada.  .  .  .  He  says  that 
when  the  Canadians  first  heard  of  the  Dispute  they  were  generally  on 
the  American  side;  but  that  by  the  Influence  of  the  Clergy  and  the 
jwblcsse,  who  had  been  continually  preaching  and  persuading  them  against 
us,  they  are  brought  into  a  State  of  Suspense  or  Uncertainty  which 
side  to  follow.  That  papers  printed  by  the  Tories  at  New  York  have 
been  read  to  them  by  the  priests,  assuring  them  that  our  Design  was  to 
deprive  them  of  their  religion  as  well  as  their  Possessions.  .  .  .  That 
he  therefore  thinks  it  would  be  of  great  Service  if  some  Persons  from 
the  Congress  were  sent  to  Canada,  to  explain  vira  voce  to  the  People 
there  the  Nature  of  our  Dispute  with  England.  .  .  .•* 

The  following  day,  February  15,  1776,  it  was  resolved  that  a 
Committee  of  Three  (two  of  whom  were  to  be  members  of  Con- 
gress) be  appointed  to  proceed  to  Canada,  "there  to  pursue  such 
instructions  as  shall  be  given  them  by  Congress."  The  members 
chosen  were  Benjamin  Franklin,  Samuel  Chase  and  Charles 
Carroll  of  Carrollton.  It  was  further  resolved  *'that  Mr.  Carroll 
be  requested  to  prevail  on  Mr.  John  Carroll  to  accompany  the 
Committee  to  Canada."  ^ 

Father  Carroll  was  then  at  Rock  Creek,  the  guest  of  his 
mother,  attending  to  the  spiritual  wants  of  the  Catholics  in  that 
vicinity.  His  residence  there  has  already  been  mentioned,  but 
it  needs  a  word  of  explanation.  The  two  problems  of  imminent 
import  to  the  secularized  Jesuits  in  1774  were  first,  the  upholding 


»  Ibid.,  p.  286. 

*  Journals  of  Continental  Congress,  vol.  iv  (1776),  p.  148.  Washington,  D.  C, 
1906. 

^  Franklin  was  then  over  seventy  years  of  age.  In  a  letter  to  a  friend,  dated 
February  18,  1776,  speaking  of  the  Committee,  John  Adams  writes:  "The  characters 
of  the  two  first  you  know.  The  last  is  not  a  member  of  Congress,  but  a  gentleman 
of  independent  fortune,  perhaps  the  largest  in  America — a  hundred  and  fifty  or  two 
hundred  thousand  pounds  sterling;  educated  in  some  University  in  France,  though  a 
native  of  America;  of  great  abilities  and  learning,  complete  master  of  the  French 
language,  and  a  professor  of  the  Roman  Catholic  religion;  yet  a  warm,  a  firm,  a 
zealous  supporter  of  the  rights  of  America,  in  whose  cause  he  has  hazarded  his  all." 
(Cf.  Rowland,  op.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  145.) 


Mission   to  Canada  95 

of  authority  among  themselves  until  the  Holy  See  should  pro- 
vide for  their  government  in  religious  matters,  and  secondly, 
the  protection  of  the  property  entrusted  to  them  as  members  of 
the  Society  of  Jesus  for  missionary  purposes  in  the  colonies. 
Father  John  Lewis,  the  last  of  the  Jesuit  superiors,  continued 
after  1773  to  act  as  Vicar-General  of  the  London  District.  This 
arrangement  was  agreed  to  by  all  with  one  exception,  and  a  quasi- 
association  of  the  clergy  was  formed  under  Father  Lewis  as 
chief.  This  exception  was  John  Carroll  himself.  Shea  says 
that  it  was  because  their  association  lacked  the  formal  sanction 
of  the  Vicar-Apostolic  of  London,  Dr.  Challoner,  and  of  the 
authorities  in  Rome.  'Trudence  dictated  caution,  and  he  re- 
solved to  act  simply  as  a  missionary  priest  under  the  faculties 
he  held,  rather  than  become  subject  to  removal  from  place  to 
place."  ^  This  caution,  however,  does  not  explain  Carroll's  atti- 
tude, because  he  knew  what  a  loosely  knitted  organization  the 
body  of  the  clergy  in  the  English  colonies  had  always  been. 

The  authority  of  the  Vicar-Apostolic  of  London  from  1685 
down  to  1757  was  a  rather  shadowy  one,  but  the  Jesuits  were 
so  accustomed  to  living  under  the  rule  of  their  superior  that  the 
continuance  of  Father  Lewis'  authority  was  quite  reasonable. 
Father  Carroll  came  back  to  Maryland  with  faculties  from 
Bishop  Challoner,  and  of  course  could  not  refuse  to  recognize 
Challoner's  Vicar-General,  Father  Lewis;  but,  though  it  seems 
apparent  that  he  meant  to  have  his  independence,  in  order  to  re- 
main at  Rock  Creek  with  his  mother,  there  was  a  more  serioixs 
reason  for  his  decision  not  to  take  part  in  the  new  association  of 
the  clergy.  It  is  not  only  the  prudent  resolve  of  a  priest  who  may 
have  felt  that  such  an  association  was,  in  spirit  at  least,  a  viola- 
tion of  the  wishes  of  the  Holy  See  in  the  matter  of  the  Sup- 
pression, but  also  the  action  of  a  determined  patriot.  At  Rock 
Creek  "the  x\merican  priest,"  as  Shea  calls  him,  ''beheld  a  field 
of  labour  where  much  could  be  accomplished.  There  were  Cath- 
olics in  the  neighbourhood,  and  many  at  greater  or  less  distance 
who  could  be  reached  by  a  priest  willing  to  devote  himself  to 
their  service.  There  were  stations  in  Virginia  which  had  been 
occasionally  attended  bv  the  Fathers  till  the  difficulties  of  the 


•  op.  cit.,  vol.   ii,  p.   85.     Cf.  Researches,  vol.  xxiii,  p.    183;    Woodstock   Letters, 
vol.  xxxiv,  p.  128. 


96  The  Life  arid  Times  of  John  Carroll 

Order  diminished  the  numher  of  missioners,  and  none  came  from 
abroad  to  replace  those  whose  vigor  was  impaired  by  age  or 
over-exertion."  "  Father  John  Carroll  could  easily  have  trav- 
elled all  over  southern  Maryland  and  the  northern  part  of  Vir- 
ginia, and  pass  his  days  in  visiting  relatives  of  both  sides  of  his 
family,  the  Carrolls,  the  Darnalls,  the  Youngs  and  the  Brents. 
Certainly  he  did  not  shirk  work  in  his  new  field,  and  he  began 
at  once  to  visit  all  the  Catholic  homes  in  that  part  of  the  old  Mary- 
land mission.  A  room  in  his  mother's  house  at  Rock  Creek  was 
set  aside  as  a  chapel  for  the  Catholics  of  the  surrounding  coun- 
try, and  the  people  gathered  to  hear  Mass  and  to  revive  their 
faith 

...  in  the  clear  practical  instructions  of  the  clergyman  who  had  won 
attention  in  the  polished  literary  circles  of  France  and  the  Netherlands 
as  well  as  in  the  castles  of  the  English  nobility.  The  little  congregation 
at  Rock  Creek  grew  so  rapidly  that  it  was  soon  necessary  to  prepare 
a  special  building,  and  the  erection  of  St.  John's  Church  was  begun 
about  half  a  mile  from  his  residence.  It  was,  from  all  we  know,  the 
first  Church  under  the  secular  clergy  established  in  Maryland,  erected 
by  a  congregation  which  supported  a  pastor — a  system  common  enough 
to  us  now,  but  till  then  unknown  in  Maryland,  where  the  Jesuit  Fathers 
had  maintained  the  services  of  religion  at  their  own  expense.^ 

It  was  at  Rock  Creek  that  Charles  Carroll's  letter  found  him. 
The  selection  of  the  two  Carrolls  shows  the  foresight  of  Con- 
gress in  such  a  delicate  piece  of  diplomacy. 

A  hrouillo7i  of  an  interesting  memorandum  by  Father  Carroll, 
now  in  the  Baltimore  Cathedral  Archives,  shows  that  he  did  not 
accept  the  invitation  of  Congress  without  weighing  well  the  risk 
he  ran  in  thus  mingling  religion  with  politics.  The  remarkable 
part  of  his  acceptance  is  that  he  foresaw  the  futility  of  the  mis- 
sion to  Canada : 

The  Congress  has  done  me  the  distinguished  and  unexpected  honour  of 
desiring  me  to  accompany  the  Committee  ordered  to  Canada  and  of  assist- 
ing them  in  such  matters  as  they  shall  judge  useful.  I  should  betray 
the  confidence  put  in  me  by  the  Honourable  Congress,  and  perhaps  dis- 
appoint their  expectations  were  I  not  to  open  my  mind  to  them  with  the 


^  Op.   cit.,   vol.   ii,  p.   86. 
»  Ibid. 


Mission  to   Canada  97 

utmost  sincerity,  and  plainly  tell  them  how  little  service  they  can  hope 
to  derive  from  my  assistance.  In  the  first  place,  the  nature  and  func- 
tions of  that  profession  in  which  I  have  engaged  from  a  very  early 
period  in  life,  render  me,  as  I  humbly  conceive,  a  very  unfit  person  to 
be  employed  in  a  negotiation  of  so  new  a  kind  to  me,  of  which  I  have 
neither  experience  nor  systematical  knowledge.  I  hope  I  may  be  allowed 
to  add,  that  though  I  have  very  little  regard  to  my  personal  safety 
amidst  the  present  distress  of  my  country,  yet  I  cannot  help  feeling  my 
character ;  and  I  have  observed  that  when  the  ministers  of  religion, 
leave  the  duties  of  their  profession  to  take  a  busy  part  in  political 
matters,  they  generally  fall  into  contempt,  and  sometimes  even  bring  dis- 
credit to  the  cause  in  whose  service  they  are  engaged.  Secondly — From 
all  the  information  I  have  been  able  to  collect  concerning  the  State  of 
Canada,  it  appears  to  me  that  the  inhabitants  of  that  country  are  no  wise 
disposed  to  molest  the  United  Colonies,  or  prevent  their  forces  from  taking 
and  holding  possession  of  the  strong  places  in  that  province,  or  to  assist 
in  any  manner  the  British  arms.  Now  if  it  be  proposed  that  the  Can- 
adians should  concur  with  the  other  colonies  any  further  than  by  such 
neutrality,  I  apprehend  that  it  will  not  be  in  my  power  to  advise  them  to 
do  it.  They  have  not  the  same  motives  for  taking  up  arms  against 
England  which  render  the  resistance  of  the  other  colonies  so  justifiable. 
If  an  oppressive  mode  of  government  has  been  given  them  it  was  what 
some  of  them  chose,  and  the  rest  have  acquiesced  in.  Or  if  they  find 
themselves  oppressed  they  have  not  yet  tried  the  success  of  petitions  and 
remonstrances,  all  of  which  ought,  as  I  apprehend,  to  be  ineffectual  before 
it  can  be  lawful  to  have  recourse  to  arms  and  change  of  government. 
Thirdly — Though  I  were  able  to  bring  myself  to  think  (which  as  objects 
now  appear  to  me  I  really  cannot)  that  the  Canadians  might  lawfully 
take  up  arms  and  concur  with  [the  draft  of  the  letter  stops  here].^ 

The  Province  of  Quebec,  where  most  of  the  Canadians  were 
living,  contained  about  150,000  CathoHcs  to  only  some  360  mem- 
bers of  the  Church  of  England.  Both  the  Carrolls  knew  French 
customs  and  the  French  tongue  well,  owing  to  their  long  resi- 
dence abroad.  In  the  Instructions  issued  to  them  they  were  to 
repair  with  all  convenient  dispatch  to  Canada  to  make  known 
to  the  Canadians  the  wishes  and  intentions  of  Congress.  Among 
the  clauses  of  this  document  was  the  following : 

You  are  further  to  declare  that  we  hold  sacred  the  rights  of  conscience 
and  may  promise  to  the  whole  people,  solemnly  in  our  name,  the  free 
and  undisturbed  exercise  of  their  religion ;  and,  to  the  clergy,  the  full, 
perfect    and    peaceable    possession    and    enjoyment    of    all    their    estates; 


•  Baltimore  Cathedral  Archives.     Special   C — F. 


98  The  Life  and  Tiines  of  John  Carroll 

That  the  government  of  everything  relating  to  their  religion  and  clergy, 
shall  be  left  entirely  in  the  hands  of  the  good  people  of  that  province 
and  such  legislature  as  they  shall  constitute:  provided,  however,  that 
all  other  denominations  of  Christians  be  equally  entitled  to  hold  offices 
and  enjoy  civil  privileges  and  the  free  exercise  of  their  religion  and  be 
totally  exempt  from  the  payment  of  any  tythes  or  taxes  for  the  support 
of  any  religion. 10 

These  Instructions  are  of  similar  import  to  those  issued  by 
Washington  to  Benedict  Arnold  on  September  14,  1775,  prior 
to  the  Canadian  invasion : 

.  .  .  You  are  by  every  means  in  your  power  to  endeavour  to  discover 
the  real  sentiments  of  the  Canadians  towards  our  cause  .  .  .  You  are  to 
endeavour  to  conciliate  the  affection  of  these  people  .  .  .  convincing  them 
that  we  come  at  the  request  of  many  of  their  principal  people;  not  as 
robbers,  or  to  make  war  against  them,  but  as  friends  and  supporters  of 
their  liberties  as  well  as  our  own,  and  to  gi\'e  efficacy  to  these  senti- 
ments, you  must  carefully  inculcate  upon  the  officers  and  soldiers  under 
your  command  that  not  only  the  good  of  their  country,  and  their  honour, 
but  their  safety,  depends  upon  their  treatment  of  these  people  .  .  .  And 
as  the  contempt  of  the  religion  of  a  country,  by  ridiculing  any  of  its 
ceremonies,  or  affronting  its  ministers  or  votaries,  has  ever  been  deeply 
resented,  you  are  to  be  particularly  careful  to  restrain  every  officer  and 
soldier  from  such  imprudence  and  folly,  and  to  punish  every  instance  of  it. 
On  the  other  hand,  as  far  as  it  lies  in  your  power,  you  are  to  protect 
and  support  the  free  exercise  of  the  religion  of  the  country,  and  the  un- 
disturbed enjoyment  of  the  rights  of  conscience  in  religious  matters  with 
your  utmost  influence  and  authority.^ ^ 

The  two  sides  of  the  Canadian  situation  were  thus  to  be  met. 
Charles  Carroll  of  Carrollton,  America's  leading  CathoHc  layman, 
was  expected  to  be  received  by  the  leaders  of  the  American  party 
in  Canada  as  a  persona  grata,  speaking  their  language,  of  their 
faith,  and  holding  similar  political  views.  Father  John  Carroll, 
an  ex-Jesuit,  was  expected  to  be  received  by  Bishop  Briand  and 
the  Canadian  clergy  as  one  of  their  own,  and  he  was  expected 
to  impress  upon  the  Canadian  priests  the  large-minded  tolerance 
in  religious  matters  which  Congress  claimed.  Unfortunately 
for  all  concerned,  the  cause  was  lost  before  the  Commissioners 
and  Father  Carroll  left  New  York  for  Canada  on  April  2,  1776. 


"    Griffin,  Catholics  in  the  American  Revolution,  vol.  i,  p.  267. 
**    Force,  American  Archives,  Series  iii.  pp.   765-766. 


,  ^agg  4,4SRAR 


Mission  to   Canada  99 

Ten  years  before  (June  21,  1766)  Bishop  Briand  had  taken 
possession  of  his  see  of  Quebec,  and  from  that  date  till  his  death, 
he  was  the  staunchest  supporter  of  British  rule  in  Canada.^^ 
He  was  prejudiced  against  the  Bostonnais,  who  were  spreading 
infidel  and  licentious  literature  among  his  people ;  with  the  Cath- 
olic Indians  he  had  little  patience,  because  of  their  fickleness; 
he  was  not  in  sympathy  with  the  Acadians  in  the  tragedy  which 
fell  upon  their  little  land;  and  with  the  rebellion  in  the  colonies 
to  the  south  he  was  utterly  at  variance.  The  presence  of  the 
American  troops  at  Quebec  under  Montgomery  and  Arnold  was 
bound  to  arouse  the  chief  shepherd  of  that  city  and  we  have  his 
strident  call  to  the  Canadians  in  his  Pastorals  of  this  year  (1775- 
1776).^^  When  Carleton  fled,  Briand  remained;  and  on  the 
anniversary  of  Arnold's  defeat,  a  Te  Dcmn  of  thanksgiving  was 
given  (December  31,  1776). 

Bishop  Briand's  Charge  (December  31,  1776)  reflects  so  thor- 
oughly the  situation  that  it  is  here  given  in  full: 

To  the  Catholic  people  of  Quebec,  Salutation  and  Benediction  in  Our 
Lord  Jesus  Christ 

What  are  to-day  your  sentiments,  Dearly  Beloved  Brethren,  on  the 
happy  and  glorious  event  of  the  31st  December,  1775,  oi  which  the  anni- 
versary will,  in  three  days  from  this  date,  recall  the  grateful  and  consoling 
memory?  You  looked  upon  it  then  as  a  singular  dispensation  of  Divine 
Providence,  to  be  remembered  and  held  as  a  debt  of  gratitude  to  the  God 
of  armies  for  all  time.  This  was  the  language  of  His  Excellency  and  of 
all  our  officers  and  all  our  men.  With  the  greatest  consolation  did  we 
witness  on  the  part  of  all  the  generals  and  faithful  defenders  of  this  town 
manifestations  of  this  sentiment  and  see  them  all  combine  to  render  homage 
to  the  Supreme  Being  for  the  Victory  of  that  day.  Nor  could  we,  in 
view  of  the  principles  of  our  holy  faith  augur  otherwise  than  favourably 


^^     GossELiN,  L'tcjlisc  du   Canada  apres  la  Conquete,  p.   81-165. 

"  Tetu,  Notices  biographiqucs:  Lcs  tvcqucs  dc  Quebec,  pp.  297-355.  Quebec,  1889. 
Briand's  Pastorals  will  be  found  ibid.,  pp.  334-343.  They  are  among  the  important 
documents  of  the  Revolution.  The  Canadians  were  told  without  any  qualifying  clauses 
that  the  Americans  did  not  wish  them  well.  Their  pretended  affection  was  not  a  fra- 
ternal one,  but  hypocritical  and  insincere.  There  was  no  need  for  the  Canadians  to 
take  up  arms  for  a  boon  which  they  already  possessed.  Americans  were  traitors  to 
their  own  beliefs  on  religious  freedom  in  seeking  alliance  with  Canada,  "car  nulle  autre 
secte  n'a  persecute  les  remains  comme  celle  des  Bostonnais;  nulle  autre  n'a  outrage 
les  pretres  profane  les  eglises,  les  reliques  des  saints  comme  elle;  nulle  autre  n'a 
attaque  avec  de  plus  horribles  blasphemes"  .  .  .  and  so  on  for  a  page  or  two.  The 
Sacraments  were  henceforth  to  be  refused  to  all  who  sided  with  the  American  "rebels." 
Some  few  Catholics  had  the  courage  to  resist  this  disposition  of  affairs:  they  lay  buried 
in  unconsecrated  ground  in  the  cemetery  of  St.  Michel  de  Bellechase  until   1880. 


100  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

of  the  event  or  refrain  from  hoping  from  what  the  Lord  really  accom- 
plished and  what  He  never  fails  to  perform  when  men  are  faithful  in 
rendering  to  Him  due  tribute  of  glory  and  honour.  He  consummated  His 
work,  and  after  having  amid  the  shades  of  night,  rescued  us  by  a  kind 
of  miracle,  or  rather  by  a  real  miracle  from  the  hands  of  our  enemies, 
and  delivered  them  into  our  hands,  when  they  deemed  themselves  vic- 
torious, that  God  of  goodness,  against  whom  neither  science,  nor  wisdom, 
nor  strength,  nor  craft,  nor  knavery  can  prevail,  restored  to  us,  and  not 
only  to  us  but  to  the  whole  colony,  the  blessing  of  liberty. 

And  here  perhaps  I  should  enumerate  and  set  before  you  in  detail  all 
the  marvels  which  the  Lord  has  accomplished  in  our  behalf,  in  order  to 
convince  you  that  it  is  your  strict  duty  to  give  Him  thanks  and  sing 
His  praises:  Cantate  Domino  canticum  novum  quia  mirabilia  fecit.  But 
you  have  well  weighed  and  appreciated  these  wonderful  mercies  of  God, 
and  times  beyond  number  have  I  been  delighted  to  hear  you  proclaim  it, 
in  accents  which  faith  alone  can  inspire.  It  was  God  and  God  only,  who 
restored  to  us  H.  E.  Monsieur  Carleton.  He  it  was  who  covered  him 
with  His  shadow,  who  guided  his  footsteps,  and  brought  him  safely  back 
through  the  network  of  most  vigilant  sentinels  specially  posted  at  every 
point  of  vantage  in  order  to  capture  him  and  carry  him  off;  it  was  God 
who  enabled  our  illustrious  Governor  to  put  courage  in  every  heart, 
to  tranquillize  the  minds  of  the  people  and  to  reestablish  peace  and  union 
in  the  town.  It  was  God  himself  who  imparted  and  preserved  unanimity 
and  concord  amidst  a  garrison  consisting  of  men  of  different  ranks, 
characters,  interests  and  religions.  It  was  God  who  inspired  the  brave 
and  glorious  garrison  with  the  constancy,  strength,  generosity  and  attach- 
ment to  their  King  and  their  duty,  which  enabled  them  to  sustain  a  long 
and  painful  siege  during  the  severity  of  a  Canadian  winter.  Did  you 
not  also  recognize  a  further  evidence  of  the  special  protection  of  Divine 
Providence  in  the  matter  of  the  failure  of  a  fire-ship  which  would  in  all 
probability  have  reduced  to  ashes  the  whole  of  the  lower  town?  What 
more  need  I  say?  The  arrival  of  help  from  Europe  at  a  most  opportune 
moment  and  but  a  few  hours  in  advance  of  the  assistance  which  reached 
the  enemy;  the  terror  manifested  by  the  enemy  on  seeing  His  Excellency 
outside  of  the  walls  with  a  small  number  of  men;  the  affair  of  Three- 
Rivers;  the  precipitate  flight  of  the  enemy  on  the  approach  of  our 
troops;  the  victories  won  on  Lake  Champlain;  was  not  all  this  the 
work  of  Divine  Providence  and  do  not  these  wonderful  mercies  call  for 
our  gratitude !  Cantate  Domino  canticum  novum  quia  mirabilia  fecit. 
Let  us  then,  Dear  Brethren,  most  joyfully  chant  a  hymn  of  rejoicing 
and  gratitude  to  our  God,  who  has  worked  so  many  wonders  in  our  be- 
half. Let  us  sing  it;  our  illustrious  Governor,  who  is  of  one  mind  with 
us  in  this  matter,  asks  for  it.  Your  brave  commanders,  under  whom 
you  have  won  so  much  glory,  have  asked  that  it  be  done  and  begged  of 
us  to  chant  a  solemn  Mass,  in  order  to  testify  before  Almighty  God  by 
that  august  sacrifice,  in  a  manner  more  worthy  of  Him  and  in  better 
keeping  with  their  sentiments,  to  their  heartfelt  and  boundless  gratitude. 


Mission  to  Canada  loi 

Wherefore,  after  having  conferred  in  this  matter  with  the  clergy  of 
our  episcopal  city,  we  have  resolved  to  celebrate,  at  or  about  nine  of  the 
clock,  on  Tuesday  next,  31st  December,  in  our  Cathedral  Church,  a  sol- 
emn Mass  in  thanksgiving,  after  which  we  shall,  in  Pontifical  Robes, 
chant  the  Te  Deum,  whereat  our  clergy  secular  and  regular  shall  at- 
tend. We  exhort  and  nevertheless  enjoin  upon  all  the  people  to  attend 
thereat,  in  so  far  as  it  can  be  done,  in  good  faith  and  before  God.  We 
should  not  consider  as  being  exempt  from  sin  those  who  through  ill  will 
or  a  spirit  of  criticism  and  disobedience,  and  for  no  other  reason  absent 
themselves  therefrom.  The  Te  Deum  is  to  be  followed  by  Benediction  of 
the  most  Holy  Sacrament,  and  we  grant  an  indulgence  of  forty  days. 

Given  at  Quebec,  under  our  hand,  the  seal  of  our  Arms  and  the  signa- 
ture of  our  Secretary,  this  29th  December,  1776. 

^  J.  O.,  Bishop  of  Quebec?^ 

The  Commission  to  Canada  was  ill-timed.  We  have  no  rec- 
ord in  John  Carroll's  letter  to  his  mother,  dated  Montreal, 
May  I,  1776,  of  the  progress  of  the  negotiations  carried  on  by 
the  Commissioners,  but  there  is  no  doubt  that  Bishop  Briand 
and  the  French  clergy  paid  small  attention  to  Father  Carroll's 
presentation  of  the  American  cause.  They  recalled  to  him  that 
the  Catholic  Faith  had  been  proscribed  from  the  very  beginning 
of  the  colonial  period  in  his  country,  that  the  priests  were  not 
free  to  exercise  their  spiritual  mission  publicly,  and  that  the  con- 
version of  Congress  was  too  short-lived  to  be  taken  seriously. 
He  writes  to  his  mother  as  follows : 

We  have  at  length  come  to  the  end  of  our  long  and  tedious  journey, 
after  meeting  with  several  delays  on  account  of  the  impassable  condition 
of  the  lakes :  and  it  is  with  a  longing  desire  of  measuring  back  the  same 
ground  that  I  now  take  up  my  pen  to  inform  you  of  my  being  in  good 
health,  thank  God,  and  of  wishing  you  a  perfect  enjoyment  of  yours. 
We  came  hither  the  night  before  last  and  were  received  at  the  landing 
by  General  Arnold,  and  a  great  body  of  officers,  gentry,  &c.  and  saluted 
by  firing  of  cannon,  and  other  military  honours.  Being  conducted  to  the 
general's  house,  we  were  served  with  a  glass  of  wine,  while  people  were 
crowding  in  to  pay  their  compliments,  which  ceremony  being  over,  we 
were  shown  into  another  apartment,  and  unexpectedly  met  in  it  a  large 
assembly  of  ladies,  most  of  them  French.  After  drinking  tea,  and  sitting 
some  time,  we  went  to  an  elegant  supper,  which  was  followed  with  the 
singing  of  the  ladies,  which  proved  very  agreeable,  and  would  have  been 
much  more  so,  if  we  had  not  been  so  much  fatigued  with  our  journey. 


"    Researches,  vol.  xix,  pp.  66-69. 


102  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

The  next  day  was  spent  in  receiving  visits,  and  dining  in  a  large  company, 
with  whom  we  were  pressed  to  sup,  but  excused  ourselves  in  order  to 
write  letters,  of  which  this  is  one,  and  will  be  finished  and  dated  to- 
morrow morning.  I  owe  you  a  journal  of  our  adventures  from  Phila- 
delphia to  this  place.  When  we  came  to  Brunswick  in  the  Jersey  govern- 
ment, we  overtook  the  Baron  de  W ,  the  Prussian  general  who  had 

left  Philadelphia  the  day  before  us.  Though  I  had  frequently  seen  him 
before,  yet  he  was  so  disguised  in  furs  that  I  scarce  knew  him,  and  never 
beheld  a  more  laughable  object  in  my  life.  Like  other  Prussian  officers, 
he  appears  to  me  as  a  man  who  knows  little  of  polite  life,  and  yet  has 
picked  up  so  much  of  it  in  his  passage  through  France,  as  to  make  a 
most  awkward  appearance.  When  we  came  to  New  York,  it  was  no 
more  the  gay,  polite  place  it  used  to  be  esteemed ;  but  was  become  almost 
a  desert,  unless  for  the  troops.  The  people  were  expecting  a  bombard- 
ment, and  had  therefore  removed  themselves  and  their  effects  out  of 
town :  and  on  the  other  side  the  troops  were  working  at  the  fortifications 
with  the  utmost  activity.  After  spending  some  disagreeable  days  at  this 
place,  we  proceeded  by  water  up  to  Albany,  about  i6o  miles.  At  our 
arrival  there,  we  were  met  by  General  Schuyler,  and  entertained  by  him, 
during  our  stay  with  great  politeness  and  very  genteelly.  I  wrote  to  you 
before,  of  our  agreeable  situation  at  Saratoga,  and  of  our  journey  from 
thence  over  lake  George  to  Ticonderoga:  from  this  latter  place  we  em- 
barked on  the  great  lake  of  Champlain,  about  140  miles  to  St.  John.  We 
had  a  passage  of  three  days  and  a  half.  We  always  came  to  in  the  night 
time.  Passengers  generally  encamp  in  the  woods,  making  a  covering  of 
the  boughs  of  trees,  and  large  fires  at  their  feet.  But  as  we  had  a  good 
awning  to  our  boat,  and  had  brought  with  us  good  beds,  and  plenty  of 
bed  clothes,  I  chose  to  sleep  on  board.^^ 

When  the  American  Commissioners  arrived  in  Montreal  on 
April  29,  1776,  Father  Carroll  presented  a  letter  of  introduction 
from  Father  Farmer,  of  Philadelphia,  to  Father  Pierre  Floquet, 
an  ex-Jesuit,  the  last  of  the  Canadian  superiors  of  that  Mission. 
Father  Carroll  was  permitted  to  say  Mass  in  Floquet's  house, 
though  the  latter  was  then  in  disgrace  with  Bishop  Briand,  on 
account  of  his  favorable  attitude  towards  the  American  cause. 
In  June,  1776,  after  John  Carroll's  departure.  Father  Floquet 
was  suspended  a  divinis  by  Bishop  Briand,  on  account  of  his 
''Bostonnais   heart."     Floquet,   in   his   own   defense    (June    15, 


^'  Brent,  op.  cit.,  pp.  40-43.  The  Journal  of  Charles  Carroll  of  Carrollton  (row- 
land,  op.  cit.,  vol.  i,  pp.  363-400)  contains  little  of  interest;  it  is  a  nondescript  account 
of  the  trials  of  the  journey  to  Montreal  and  return.  The  journey  north  was  ended  on 
April  29,  1776,  and  the  only  reference  to  Father  Carroll  is  the  note  that  on  July  lath, 
he  set  out  from  Montreal  to  join  Dr.   Franklin  at  St.  John's. 


Mission  to   Canada  103 

1776),  protested  that  permission  was  given  to  Carroll  by  Mon- 
signor  Montgolfier,  the  vicar-general,  and  that  Carroll  did  not 
reside  with  him,  and  dined  with  him  but  once.  But  Floquet 
had  disobeyed  Briand's  order  that  no  courtesy  should  be  shown 
the  American  priest,  and  he  suffered  accordingly.  In  Novem- 
ber, 1776,  Floquet  submitted  to  the  episcopal  condemnation  and 
was  reinstated.  He  died  the  following  year,  the  last  of  the 
Canadian  Jesuits.^"  Shea  says  that  the  American  priest  received 
scant  hospitality,  even  from  the  ex- Jesuits,  and  "found  himself, 
when  coming  to  portray  the  toleration  of  his  countrymen,  con- 
fronted by  the  Rev.  John  McKenna,  the  victim  of  their  big- 
otry." ^^ 

John  Carroll  found  it  beyond  his  honesty  to  explain  the  bigotry 
in  the  Address  to  the  People  of  Great  Britain  and  in  the  Petition 
to  the  King,  of  October,  1774,  and  still  more  difficult  was  it  to 
deny  the  Congress  a  sublime  hypocrisy  in  stating  the  opposite 
opinion  in  its  Address  to  the  Inhabitants  of  Quebec. 

The  Mission  to  Canada  began  on  April  2,  1776,  and  ended 
when  Chase  and  Charles  Carroll  reached  Philadelphia,  on  June 
II,  1776.  Franklin  in  a  letter,  dated  New  York,  May  2y,  1776, 
pays  a  high  tribute  of  praise  to  Father  Carroll  for  his  attention 
during  the  journey — "As  to  myself,  I  find  I  grow  daily  more 
feeble  and  think  I  could  hardly  have  got  so  far  but  for  Mr. 
Carroll's  friendly  assistance  and  tender  care  of  me."  ^®  On 
June  2,  1776,  Father  Carroll  wrote  from  Philadelphia  to  Charles 
Carroll,  senior,  giving  him  news  of  his  son,  and  on  the  general 
failure  of  the  Mission : 

Cousin  Charles  and  Mr.  Chase  left  Montreal  with  me  on  the  12th  of 
May,  that  they  might  not  be  in  any  danger   from  a  frigate  running  up 


"    Researches,   vol.  xxiii,  pp.   299-300. 

"  Op.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  pp.  151-152.  Cf.  Griffin,  op.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  pp.  13S-153  iThe 
Catholic  Loyalist  Highlanders  of  the  Mohawk  Valley).  Tetu,  (op.  cit.,  p.  333)  saj-s: 
"On  rappela  a  M.  Carroll  que  la  religion  catholique  n'avait  encore  jamais  ete  toleree 
dans  telles  et  telles  des  provinces  insurgees;  que  les  pretres  en  etxiient  exclus  sous 
des  peines  tres  severes  et  que  les  missionnaires  envoyes  chez  les  Sauvages  etaient 
traites  avec  rigueur  et  cruaute.  On  lui  demanda  aussi  pourquoi  le  congres,  qu'il  disait 
si  bien  dispose  envers  les  catholiques,  avait  fortement  proteste  a  Londres  contre  la 
religion  romaine  et  contre  les  avantages  qu'on  lui  accordait  en  Canada  ...  les  gens 
instruits  se  rappelaient  encore  des  cruautes  inouies  et  des  perfidies  sans  nombre  exercees 
par  les  Americains  envers  la  nation  Acadienne,  tache  indeleble  ..." 

"    Works,  Sparks  ed.,  vol.  vii,  p.   183. 


104  ^^^^  ^^f^  ^'^^  Times  of  John  Carroll 

the  river,  and  getting  between  them  and  the  eastern  shore  of  St.  Law- 
rence. As  Doctor  Franklin  determined  to  return  to  Philadelphia  on  ac- 
count of  his  health,  I  resolved  to  accompany  him,  seeing  it  was  out  of  my 
power  to  be  of  any  service  after  the  Commissioners  had  thought  it 
advisable  for  them  to  leave  Montreal.  Your  son  and  Mr.  Chase  proposed 
staying  at  St.  John's  or  in  that  neighborhood,  till  they  should  know 
whether  our  army  would  keep  post  at  De  Chambeau;  and  the  former 
desired  me  to  give  you  notice  of  his  being  safe  and  well.  .  .  .  When  I 
left  him  he  expected  to  follow  us  in  a  few  days;  but  Mr.  Hancock  tells 
me  that  if  an  express  sent  some  days  since  from  Congress  reaches  them 
before  they  have  left  Canada,  he  is  of  the  opinion  they  will  continue 
there  for  some  time.  I  shall  set  out  from  hence,  next  week  and  pro- 
pose doing  myself  the  pleasure  of  calling  at  Elkridge.  My  affectionate 
and  respectful  compliments  to  Mrs.  Darnall  and  Carroll,  with  love  to 
Polly.  Nothing  new  from  Canada,  nor  indeed  any  advices  at  all  since 
we  left  it.  Great  divisions  here  between  the  contending  parties.  .  .  . 
Ten  tons  of  powder,  five  hundred  small  arms  came  in  yesterday.  Cousin 
Charles  received  large  packets  of  letters  from  you  a  few  days  before 
we  left  Montr eal.^^ 

Congress  soon  learned  that  the  popular  American  attitude 
towards  the  Canadians  was  well  known;  and  while  every  effort 
was  made  in  Instructions  and  otherwise  to  dull  the  effect  of  the 
unfortunate  passage  in  the  Address  to  the  People  of  Great  Brit- 
ain, it  was  realized  in  Philadelphia  that  there  was  little  hope  of 
winning  the  Canadians  to  the  cause  of  American  freedom.  "It 
is  difficult/'  writes  Russell,  "to  understand  how  the  people  of 
the  American  colonies  could  have  imagined  it  possible  to  win 
over  Canada  to  a  union  with  them  against  Great  Britain,  when 
at  every  turn  they  outraged  her  people  on  what  was  dearer  to 
them  than  life."  ^« 

Father  Carroll  returned  to  Rock  Creek  in  the  summer  of  1776 
and  took  up  again  the  work  of  his  ministry. 

From  this  period  until  some  years  after  the  termination  of  the  Revo- 
lutionary war,  he  was  principally  employed  in  the  service  of  the  several 
congregations  before  spoken  of,  which  he  may  be  said  in  a  great  measure 
to  have  formed,  alternately  and  periodically  visiting  and  instructing  them 
in  the  exalted  duties  of  Christianity,  and  enforcing  the  principles  of 
piety  and  charity,  which  he  taught  and  inculcated,  by  his  own  persuasive 
example;    and  in  directing  and  regulating  the  concerns  of  his  respected 


"    Cited  by  Rowland,  op.  cit.,  vol.  i,  pp.  1 70-1 71. 
=»    Op.  cit.,  p.  499- 


Mission  to  Canada  105 

mother's  property— whilst  he  contributed  in  an  eminent  degree,  by  his 
respectful  and  affectionate  demeanour  towards  her,  by  his  kindness  and 
attention  to  all  others,  and  by  the  irresistible  charm  of  his  conversation, 
company,  and  manners,  to  impart  to  the  family  circle  of  her  house  the 
highest  degree  of  interest  and  to  secure  to  it  the  fullest  share  of  domestic 
happiness.  He  availed  himself  of  all  the  moments  left  from  the  above 
employment,  and  from  the  time  devoted  to  acts  of  private  devotion,  for 
which,  under  all  circumstances,  he  always  set  apart  a  large  portion,  to 
add  to  the  abundant  stock  of  information  which  he  already  possessed, 
such  as  could  be  derived  from  a  review  of  ancient  literature,  and  a  close 
and  regular  inspection  of  the  public  journals,  miscellanies  and  literary 
works  of  the  day,  and  to  reciprocate,  as  he  always  did,  with  peculiar  grace 
and  kindness,  all  the  offices  of  friendly  and  liberal  intercourse  with  a 
large  and  respectable  society.21 

From  this  time  until  he  took  up  the  challenge  of  the  Rev. 
Charles  Wharton  in  1784,  we  hear  very  little  about  him.  The 
war  had  hindered  his  correspondence  with  his  old  friends  of 
Bruges,  and  with  many  others  who  were  then  in  England.  In 
an  undated  letter  at  this  time,  as  given  by  Brent,  he  says  to 
Father  Charles  Plowden,  with  whom  he  corresponded  regularly 
until  his  death :  "If  your  other  kind  letters  never  came  to  hand, 
you  have  only  to  blame  the  unsleeping  avidity  of  your  own 
cruizers,  whom  I  should  call  pirates,  were  I  inclined  to  follow 
your  example  of  abusing  the  political  measures  of  our  adver- 
saries." ^^  Hughes  records  during  this  period  (1776-1784)  sev- 
eral letters  to  Plowden,  one  dated  April  27,  1780,  and  another, 
which  has  an  important  place  in  the  documentary  material  for 
the  next  period  of  his  life,  dated  Maryland,  February  20,  1782. 
The  loss  of  Carroll's  correspondence  is  much  to  be  deplored,  for 
it  would  be  of  infinite  value  to  us  to  know  how  the  setbacks  and 
the  successes  of  the  Revolutionary  Army  had  affected  him. 
What  few  letters  we  do  possess  are  beyond  criticism  for  their 
wholehearted  sympathy  with  the  Revolution.  From  the  close 
of  the  war  his  letters  to  Plowden  began  to  grow  more  frequent, 
and  they  will  be  of  eminent  service  in  helping  us  to  understand 
the  situation  of  the  clergy  and  the  people  at  the  time  of  his 
appointment  as  prefect-apostolic  (June  9,  1784). 

21    Brent,  op.  cit.,  pp.  47-48. 

"  Ibid.,  pp.  44-45.  The  Carroll-Plowden  correspondence  from  which  so  many  details 
of  Carroll's  life  are  drawn  for  this  work,  is  mainly  in  the  Stonyhtirst  and  Baltimore 
Cathedral  Archives. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

THE  DAWN   OF   RELIGIOUS   LIBERTY   IN    THE 

UNITED  STATES 

(1 7/6- 1 787) 

One  further  topic  needs  to  be  discussed  as  part  of  the  back- 
ground to  John  Carroll's  five  years  as  superior  of  the  Church 
in  the  new  Republic  (1784-17S9)  ;  it  is  the  lessening  and  gradual 
extinction  of  legal  disabilities  for  Americans  of  Catholic  faith. 
"With  the  dawn  of  the  Revolution  all  the  colonies  were  sub- 
stantially ready  for  the  adoption  of  measures,  which  should  make 
the  severance  of  Church  from  State  complete.  Though  each  had 
gone  through  an  experience  peculiar  to  itself,  in  some  instances 
presenting  marked  contrast  to  the  others,  all  were  practically 
together  in  a  general  desire  for  a  religious  liberty  entirely  un- 
trammelled by  the  civil  law,  in  which  the  terms  Conformity  and 
Dissent  would  become  forever  inapplicable."  ^  The  effort  by  the 
First  Continental  Congress  to  enlist  the  Canadians  in  1774-76 
and  the  alliance  with  France  had  had  a  considerable  effect  upon 
the  leaders  in  the  Revolution.  Congress  had  adopted  Dickin- 
son's address  in  which  "all  the  old  religious  jealousies  were  con- 
demned as  low-minded  infirmities."  ^  This  gave  the  tone  to 
the  religious  aspect  of  the  post-Revolutionary  period ;  and  it  was 
a  foregone  conclusion  that  when  the  Constitution  should  be  writ- 
ten, the  principle  of  religious  liberty,  or  to  put  it  more  accurately, 
disestablishment,  would  find  a  prominent  place  in  its  clauses. 

The  third  anniversary  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence, 
July  4,  1779,  found  the  President  and  members  of  the  Conti- 
nental Congress  invited  to  attend  a  Tc  Dcum  service  at  St. 
Mary's  Church,  Philadelphia.  The  invitations  were  sent  out  by 
Gerard,  the  French  Minister,  and  Father  Seraphim  Bandol,  chap- 
lain of  the  French  legation,  preached  the  following  sermon: 


^  Cobb,  op.  cit.,  p.  482. 
'  Ibid.,   p.    490. 

106 


Religious  Liberty  107 

Gentlemen : — We  are  assembled  to  celebrate  the  anniversary  of  that 
day  which  Providence  had  marked  in  his  Eternal  Decrees  to  become  the 
epoch  of  liberty  and  independence  to  the  thirteen  United  States  of  America. 
That  Being,  whose  Almighty  hand  holds  all  existence  beneath  its  domin- 
ion, undoubtedly  produces  in  the  depths  of  His  wisdom,  those  great  events 
which  astonish  the  universe,  and  of  which  the  most  presumptuous,  though 
instrumental  in  accomplishing  them,  dare  not  attribute  to  themselves  the 
merit.  But  the  finger  of  God  is  still  more  peculiarly  evident  in  that 
happy,  that  glorious  revolution,  which  calls  forth  this  day's  festivity. 
He  hath  struck  the  oppressors  of  a  people  free  and  peaceable,  with  the 
spirit  of  delusion  which  renders  the  wicked  artificers  of  their  own  proper 
misfortunes.  Permit  me,  my  dear  brethren,  citizens  of  the  United  States, 
to  address  you  on  this  occasion.  It  is  that  God,  that  all-powerful  God 
who  hath  directed  your  steps,  when  you  knew  not  where  to  apply  for 
counsel;  who,  when  you  were  without  arms,  fought  for  you  with  the 
sword  of  Justice;  who,  when  you  were  in  adversity,  poured  into  your 
hearts  the  spirit  of  courage,  of  wisdom,  and  of  fortitude,  and  who  hath 
at  length  raised  up  for  your  support  a  youthful  sovereign,  whose  virtues 
bless  and  adorn  a  sensible,  a  faithful,  and  a  generous  nation.  This  nation 
has  blended  her  interests  with  your  interests,  and  her  sentiments  with 
yours.  She  participates  in  all  your  joys,  and  this  day  unites  her  voice 
to  yours,  at  the  foot  of  the  altar  of  the  Eternal  God,  to  celebrate  that 
glorious  revolution,  which  has  placed  the  sons  of  America  among  the 
free  and  independent  nations  of  the  earth. 

We  have  nothing  now  to  apprehend  but  the  anger  of  Heaven,  or  that 
the  measure  of  our  guilt  should  exceed  His  mercy.  Let  us  then  pros- 
trate ourselves  at  the  feet  of  the  immortal  God  who  holds  the  fate  of 
empires  in  His  hands  and  raises  them  up  at  His  pleasure,  or  breaks 
them  down  to  dust.  Let  us  conjure  Him  to  enlighten  our  enemies,  and 
to  dispose  their  hearts  to  enjoy  that  tranquillity  and  happiness  which  the 
revolution  we  now  celebrate  has  established  for  a  great  part  of  the 
human  race.  Let  us  implore  Him  to  conduct  us  by  that  way  which 
His  Providence  has  marked  out  for  a  union  at  so  desirable  an  end.  Let 
us  offer  unto  Him  hearts  imbued  with  sentiments  of  respect,  consecrated 
by  religion,  by  humanity,  and  by  patriotism.  Never  is  the  august  ministry 
of  His  altar  more  acceptable  to  His  Divine  Majesty  than  when  it  lays 
at  His  feet  homages,  offerings  and  vows,  so  pure,  so  worthy  of  the  common 
parent  of  mankind.  God  will  not  reject  our  joy,  for  He  is  the  author 
of  it;  nor  will  He  reject  our  prayers,  for  they  ask  but  the  full  accom- 
plishment of  the  decrees  He  hath  manifested.  Filled  with  this  spirit 
let  us,  in  concert  with  each  other,  raise  our  hearts  to  the  Eternal.  Let 
ul  implore  His  infinite  mercy  to  be  pleased  to  inspire  the  rulers  of  both 
nations  with  the  wisdom  and  force  necessary  to  perfect  what  it  hath 
begun.  Let  us,  in  a  word,  unite  our  voices  to  beseech  Him  to  dispense 
His  blessings  upon  the  councils  and  the  arms  of  the  allies,  and  that  we 
may  soon  enjoy  the  sweets  of  peace  which  will  cement  the  union,  and 
establish  the  prosperity  of   the  two  empires.     It  is  with  this  view  that 


io8  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

we  shall  cause  that  canticle  to  be  performed  which  the  custom  of  the 
Catholic  Church  hath  consecrated  to  be  at  once  a  testimonial  of  public 
joy,  a  thanksgiving  for  benefits  received  from  Heaven,  and  a  prayer 
for  the  continuance  of  its  mercies.^ 

Members  of  the  Congress  attended  the  solemn  Requiem  Mass 
for  the  repose  of  the  soul  of  the  Spanish  Agent,  Don  Juan  de 
Miralles,  at  St.  Joseph's  Church,  Philadelphia,  on  May  8,  1780.'* 
Again,  after  the  victory  over  Cornwallis  at  Yorktown,  the  mem- 
bers of  Congress,  the  Supreme  Executive  Council,  and  the  As- 
sembly of  Pennsylvania,  were  invited  to  attend  a  service  of 
thanksgiving  at  St.  Mary's  Church  on  November  4,  1781.  The 
sermon  again  was  delivered  by  Father  Bandol : 

Gentlemen:— A  numerous  people  assembled  to  render  thanks  to  the 
Almighty  for  His  mercies,  is  one  of  the  most  affecting  objects,  and 
worthy  the  attention  of  the  Supreme  Being.  While  camps  resound  with 
triumphal  acclamations,  while  nations  rejoice  in  victory  and  glory,  the 
most  honourable  office  a  minister  of  the  altar  can  fill,  is  to  be  the 
organ  by  which  public  gratitude  is  conveyed  to  the  Omnipotent. 

Those  miracles  which  He  once  wrought  for  His  chosen  people  are 
renewed  in  our  favour;  and  it  would  be  equally  ungrateful  and  impious 
not  to  acknowledge  that  the  event  which  lately  confounded  our  enemies 
and  frustrated  their  designs  was  the  wonderful  work  of  that  God  who 
guards  your  liberties. 

And  who  but  He  could  so  combine  the  circumstances  which  led  to 
success?  We  have  seen  our  enemies  push  forward  amid  perils  almost 
innumerable,  amid  obstacles  almost  insurmountable,  to  the  spot  which 
was  designed  to  witness  their  disgrace;  yet  they  eagerly  sought  it  as 
their  theatre  of  triumph ! 

Blind  as  they  were,  they  bore  hunger,  thirst,  and  inclement  skies,  poured 
their  blood  in  battle  against  brave  republicans,  and  crossed  immense 
regions  to  confine  themselves  in  another  Jericho,  whose  walls  were  fated 
to  fall  before  another  Joshua.  It  is  He,  whose  voice  commands  the 
winds,  the  seas  and  the  seasons,  who  formed  a  junction  on  the  same 
day,  in  the  same  hour,  between  a  formidable  fleet  from  the  south  and 
an  army  rushing  from  the  north,  like  an  impetuous  torrent.  Who  but 
He,  in  whose  hands  are  the  hearts  of  men,  could  inspire  the  allied  troops 
with  the  friendships,  the  confidence,  the  tenderness  of  brothers?  How  is 
it  that  two  nations  once  divided,  jealous,  inimical,  and  nursed  in  recip- 
rocal prejudices,  are  now  become  so  closely  united,  as  to  form  but  one? 


•  Researches,  vol.  vi,  pp.  56-59;  a  facsimile  of  the  printed  sermon  from  the  Ridg- 
way  Library,  Philadelphia,  will  be  found  in  Shea,  op.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  pp.  1 71-174;  cf. 
Westcott,  History  of  Philadelphia,  p.  365. 

*  Cf.  Washington's  Writings,  vol.  vi,  pp.  186-187;  cf.  Researches,  vol.  vi,  pp.  62-72. 


Religious  Liberty  109 

Worldlings  would  say,  it  is  the  wisdom,  the  virtue,  and  moderation  of 
their  chiefs,  it  is  a  great  national  interest  which  has  performed  this 
prodigy.  They  will  say,  that  to  the  skill  of  the  generals,  to  the  courage 
of  the  troops,  to  the  activity  of  the  whole  army,  we  must  attribute  this 
splendid  success.  Ah!  they  are  ignorant,  that  the  combining  of  so  many 
fortunate  circumstances,  is  an  emanation  from  the  All-Perfect  Mind: 
that  courage,  that  skill,  that  activity,  bear  the  sacred  impression  of  Him 
Who  is  divine. 

For  how  many  favours  have  we  not  to  thank  Him  during  the  course 
of  the  present  year?  Your  union,  which  was  at  first  supported  by  justice 
alone,  has  been  consolidated  by  your  courage,  and  the  knot  which  ties 
you  together  is  become  indissoluble  by  the  accession  of  all  the  states  and 
the  unanimous  voice  of  all  the  confederates.  You  present  to  the  uni- 
verse the  noble  sight  of  a  society,  which,  founded  in  equality  and  justice, 
secures  to  the  individuals  who  compose  it,  the  utmost  happiness  which 
can  be  derived  from  human  institutions.  This  advantage,  which  so 
many  other  nations  have  been  unable  to  procure,  even  after  ages  of 
efforts  and  misery,  is  granted  by  divine  providence  to  the  United  States ; 
and  His  adorable  decrees  have  marked  the  present  moment  for  the  com- 
pletion of  that  memorable  happy  revolution,  which  has  taken  place  in 
this  extensive  continent.  While  your  counsels  were  thus  acquiring  new 
energy,  rapid  multiplied  successes  have  crowned  your  arms  in  the  south- 
ern states. 

We  have  seen  the  unfortunate  citizens  of  these  states  forced  from 
their  peaceful  abodes;  after  a  long  and  cruel  captivity,  old  men,  women 
and  children,  thrown  without  mercy,  into  a  foreign  country.  Master  of 
their  lands  and  their  slaves,  amid  his  temporary  affluence,  a  proud  victor 
rejoiced  in  their  distresses.  But  Philadelphia  has  witnessed  their  patience 
and  fortitude;  they  have  found  here  another  home,  and  though  driven 
from  their  native  soil  they  have  blessed  God,  that  He  has  delivered  thern 
from  their  presence,  and  conducted  them  to  a  country  where  every  just 
and  feeling  man  has  stretched  out  the  helping  hand  of  benevolence. 
Heaven  rewards  their  virtues.  Three  large  states  are  at  once  wrested 
from  their  foe.  The  rapacious  soldier  has  been  compelled  to  take  refuge 
behind  his  ramparts,  and  oppression  has  vanished  like  those  phantoms 
which  are  dissipated  by  the  morning  ray. 

On  this  solemn  occasion,  we  might  renew  our  thanks  to  the  God  of 
battles,  for  the  success  He  has  granted  to  the  arms  of  your  allies  and 
your  friends  by  land  and  by  sea,  through  the  other  parts  of  the  globe. 
But  let  us  not  recall  those  events  which  too  clearly  prove  how  much  the 
hearts  of  our  enemies  have  been  obdurated.  Let  us  prostrate  ourselves 
at  the  altar,  and  implore  the  God  of  mercy  to  suspend  His  vengeance, 
to  spare  them  in  His  wrath,  to  inspire  them  with  sentiments  of  justice 
and  moderation  that  your  victories  be  followed  by  peace  and  tranquillity. 
Let  us  beseech  Him  to  continue  to  shed  on  the  counsels  of  the  king, 
your  ally,  that  spirit  of  wisdom,  of  justice,  and  of  courage,  which  has 
rendered  his  reign  so  glorious.     Let  us  entreat  Him  to  maintain  in  each 


no  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

of  the  states  that  intelligence  by  which  the  United  States  are  inspired. 
Let  us  return  Him  thanks  that  a  faction,  whose  rebellion  He  has  cor- 
rected, now  deprived  of  support,  is  annihilated.  Let  us  offer  Him  pure 
hearts,  unsoiled  by  private  hatred  or  public  dissention,  and  let  us,  with 
one  will  and  one  voice,  pour  forth  to  the  Lord  that  hymn  of  praise  by 
which  Christians  celebrate  their  gratitude  and  his  glory.^ 

These  acts  of  courtesy  must  not,  however,  be  interpreted  by 
the  Catholic  reader  as  a  portion  of  his  history  alone.  Congress 
looked  upon  religious  disabilities  in  the  new  Republic  from  quite 
another  angle  than  did  the  Catholic  Church.  From  the  outset 
the  distinction  between  federal  jurisdiction  in  the  matter  of 
Church  Establishment  and  State  rights  on  the  question  was  ad- 
ministered and  applied.  John  Carroll,  as  early  as  1779,  ex- 
pressed this  view  to  Father  Plowden : 

s 

} 

You  inquire  how  congress  intend  to  treat  the  Catholics  in  this  country. 
To  this  I  must  answer  you  that  congress  have  no  authority  or  jurisdiction 
relative  to  the  internal  government,  or  concerns  of  the  particular  states 
of  the  Union;  these  are  all  settled  by  the  constitutions  and  laws  of  the 
states  themselves.  I  am  glad,  however,  to  inform  you  that  the  fullest 
and  largest  system  of  toleration  is  adopted  in  almost  all  the  American 
states;  public  protection  and  encouragement  are  extended  alike  to  all 
denominations,  and  Roman  Catholics  are  members  of  congress,  assem- 
blies, and  hold  civil  and  military  posts,  as  well  as  others.  For  the  sake 
of  your  and  many  other  families,  I  am  heartily  glad  to  see  the  same 
policy  beginning  to  be  adopted  in  England  and  Ireland;  and  I  cannot 
help  thinking  that  you  are  indebted  to  America  for  this  piece  of  service. 
I  hope  it  will  soon  be  extended  as  far  with  you  as  with  us.^ 

The  dawn  of  religious  freedom  in  the  new  Republic  had  at 
last  come,  although  "establishment"  was  passionately  advocated 
in  some  of  the  state  conventions;  but  the  new  spirit  of  equality 
was  sufficiently  strong  to  forbid  its  continuance.  Madison 
added  a  new  and  valuable  light  on  the  question  when  he  declared 
that  religion  did  not  enter  within  the  cognizance  of  Government, 
and  the   federal  spirit  was  seen  when  the  Ordinance  of   1787 


^  Researches,  vol.  vi,  pp.  7i-7();  the  sermon  was  printed  in  the  American  Museum, 
(vol.  iv,  July,  1788),  pp.  28-29;  cf.  Shea,  op.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  pp.  198-201.  The  statement 
often  made  by  Catholic  historians  that  Washington,  Rochambeau,  Lafayette  and 
De  Grasse  were  present  at  this  ceremony  is  erroneous;  they  did  not  leave  Yorktown 
until    Nov.    5,    1 78 1. 

•  Rock  Creek,  February  28,  1779,  i"  the  United  States  Catholic  Miscellany,  vol.  iii 
(1844),  pp.  367-368. 


Religious  Liberty  1 1 1 

extended  religious  liberty  to  the  Northwest  Territory."^  "In  none 
of  the  other  States,"  says  Coljb,  "was  there  such  various  and 
sustained  discussion  as  in  Virginia.  In  most  of  them  a  few 
words  of  constitutional  provision,  with  more  or  less  freedom, 
settled  the  question  for  the  time.  What  is  most  marked  by  the 
comparison  of  the  different  actions  is  the  varying  degree  of 
ability  to  understand  the  true  nature  of  religious  freedom.  No 
other  colony,  save  Rhode  Island,  equalled  Virginia's  broad  and 
comprehensive  statement,  while  some  of  them  fell  far  short  of 
that  standard."  ^  New  Hampshire  discriminated  in  favour  of 
the  Protestant  religion.  Massachusetts  gave  a  civil  status  to 
the  Church  preferred  by  the  several  towns  and  parishes.  New 
York  granted  a  free  exercise  and  enjoyment  of  religious  profes- 
sion and  worship,  though  Catholics  were  not  at  first  included 
in  this  freedom.  New  Jersey  barred  Catholics  from  holding 
office  in  the  State.  Pennsylvania  and  Delaware  laid  emphasis 
on  belief  in  Christian  doctrines.  Maryland  limited  its  religious 
freedom  to  Christians.  North  Carolina  excluded  Catholics  from 
all  offices  and  places  of  trust.  South  Carolina  established  the 
Protestant  religion.  Georgia  barred  Catholics  from  its  legis- 
lature. These  restrictions,  however,  are  a  sign  of  progress 
towards  the  final  action  of  Congress  in  1787.  Cobb  sums  up 
the  situation  in  the  following  paragraph : 

It  will  thus  be  observed  that,  when  the  American  Union  was  formed, 
there  was  great  variety  of  legal  expression  on  the  subject  of  religion 
and  its  civic  relations  in  the  different  states.  By  brief  grouping  of  them 
it  appears  that  in  only  two  out  of  the  thirteen  was  full  and  perfect  free- 
dom conceded  by  law.  These  were  Rhode  Island  and  Virginia.  Six  of 
the  states,  z'iz.  New  Hampshire,  Connecticut,  New  Jersey,  the  two  Caro- 
linas,  and  Georgia,  insisted  on  Protestantism.  Two  were  content  with 
the  Christian  religion :  Delaware  and  Maryland.  Four,  Pennsylvania, 
Delaware,  and  the  Carolinas,  required  assent  to  the  divine  inspiration  of 
the  Bible.  Two,  Pennsylvania  and  South  Carolina,  demanded  a  belief  in 
heaven  and  hell.  Three,  New  York,  Maryland,  and  South  Carolina, 
excluded  ministers  from  civil  office.  Two,  Pennsylvania  and  South  Caro- 
lina, emphasized  belief  in  one  eternal  God.  One,  Delaware,  required 
assent  to  the  doctrine  of  the  Trinity.  And  five.  New  Hampshire,  Massa- 
chusetts, Connecticut,  Maryland  and  South  Carolina,  adhered  to  a  religious 


'  McLaughlin,  The  Confederation  and  the  Constitution,  p.  121.     New  York,  1905. 
«  Op.   cit.,   p.  489. 


112  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

establishment.     In    one,    South    Carolina,    the   obnoxious    term    toleration 
found   a   constitutional   place. ^ 

This  phase  of  American  Catholic  life  has  gathered  many 
legends  in  the  passage  of  time;  chief  among  these  is  the  state- 
ment, which  no  amount  of  denying  seems  to  affect,  that  Father 
John  Carroll  was  directly  instrumental  in  bringing  about  the 
great  triumph  of  religious  equality  before  the  law.  It  is  claimed 
that  John  Carroll  was  the  personal  and  intimate  friend  of  George 
Washington,  and  that  this  friendship  was  strengthened  through 
Carroll's  success  in  obtaining  the  powerful  influence  of  France 
for  the  American  cause.  It  is  also  said  that  as  a  result  of 
Carroll's  personal  appeal  to  Washington,  the  last  lingering  doubts 
about  Catholic  loyalty  vanished  and  the  sun  of  religious  liberty 
arose  in  the  land.  There  is  no  ground  for  these  claims.  That 
Carroll  was  known  to  the  leaders  of  the  Constitutional  Congress 
is  possible,  since  his  controversy  with  Wharton  (1785)  had 
been  favourably  commented  upon ;  but  any  claim  for  him 
in  the  organization  of  the  Republic  or  in  the  drafting  of  the 
Constitution  is  erroneous.^"^  The  provenance  of  these  legends 
about  John  Carroll  and  the  Fathers  of  the  Republic  is  not  diffi- 
cult to  find.  Letters  had  appeared  during  the  year  1786-87  in 
the  Columbian  Magazine  (Philadelphia),  from  correspondents 
who  objected  to  the  extension  of  religious  liberty  to  Catholics. 
Mathew  Carey,  the  celebrated  publisher  of  Philadelphia,  was  one 
of  the  proprietors  of  this  periodical,  but  withdrew  from  the  en- 
terprise in   1787,  because  of  the  Ijias  it  displayed  against  his 


*  Ibid.,  p.   507. 

^^  Cr^tineau-Joly  in  the  History  of  the  Society  of  Jesus  attributes  to  the  "learn- 
ing and  foresight"  of  Father  Carroll  the  "establishment  of  the  principle  of  religious 
independence,"  and  asserts  that  the  framers  of  the  Constitution  called  him  into  counsel 
before  they  submitted  that  document  to  the  Congress.  In  his  Appendix  to  Darras, 
General  History  of  the  Church,  the  Rev.  Dr.  White  represents  the  First  Amendment 
as  having  been  adopted  on  the  petition  of  a  group  of  distinguishd  Catholics,  headed  by 
John  Carroll,  and  quotes  as  his  authority,  Bishop  Fenvvick.  As  is  well  known,  the 
First  Amendment  was  never  before  the  Federal  Convention,  having  been  submitted  to 
the  States  in  September,  1789.  Dr.  Brownson  [Brownson's  Reinciu,  vol.  iii  (October, 
1845),  p.  506],  says:  "When  the  disclaimer  [to  all  right  to  touch  the  empire  of 
conscience]  was  inserted  in  the  Constitution,  Catholicity  was  looked  upon  as  dead; 
there  were  few  Catholics,  comparatively  speaking,  in  the  country,  and  nobody  dreamed 
of  the  possibility  of  their  becoming  numerous.  The  Protestants  feeling  themselves 
strong,  thought  they  might  afford  to  be  liberal.  Perhaps  the  recent  struggles  for 
political  independence  had,  for  the  moment,  humanized  their  feelings,  and  in  the  sudden 
expansion  of  their  hearts,  they  really  imagined  it  might  be  a  fine  thing  to  try  the 
experiment  of  religious  liberty.  Yet  the  acknowledgment  of  religious  liberty  was  not 
obtained  without  strong  opposition." 


Religious  Liberty  113 

Faith.  He  began  in  January,  1787,  the  publication  of  the 
American  Museum,  the  seventh  volume  of  which  (1790)  was 
dedicated  to  Bishop  Carroll  **as  a  mark  of  sincere  esteem  for  his 
numerous  amicable  qualities  and  his  distinguished  virtues,  and 
of  gratitude  for  his  friendship."  In  one  of  the  summer  issues 
(1787)  of  the  Columbian  Magazine  there  appeared  an  attack 
on  the  Catholic  Faith  which  Carroll  felt  obliged  to  answer.  This 
answer  was  written  in  September,  1787,  and  appeared  in  a  sup- 
plement to  the  December,  1787,  number  of  that  periodical,  but 
with  "unjustifiable  retrenchment"  as  Carroll  wrote  to  Carey  on 
January  30,  1789.     Carroll's  letter  was  as  follows: 

To  the  Editor  of  the  Columbian  Magazine. 
Sir: — 

One  of  your  correspondents  sends  you  a  fabricated  history  of  a 
Cardinal  Turlone,  who  never  existed,  and  which  you  inserted  in  a  former 
Magazine;  this  history  he  enriched  with  inflammatory  comments;  but  he 
had  neither  justice  nor  candour  enough  to  undeceive  your  readers  by 
informing  them  that  the  whole  was  a  malicious  fable.  A  very  small 
part  of  your  Monthly  Miscellany  is  devoted  to  the  article  of  news; 
for  this  you  are  commendable ;  we  can  readily  refer  to  other  collections 
for  that  commodity.  But  when  you  condescend  to  relate  events  of  modern 
times,  you  might,  once  in  a  month,  make  selection  of  a  few  articles  of 
undoubted  credit  and  general  importance,  and  not  deal  out  the  malicious 
and  mischief-making  forgeries  of  persecuting  Europeans.  Thanks  to 
genuine  spirit  and  Christianity,  the  United  States  have  banished  intolerance 
from  their  system  of  government,  and  many  of  them  have  done  the 
justice  to  every  denomination  of  Christians,  which  ought  to  be  done  to 
them  in  all,  of  placing  them  on  the  same  footing  of  citizenship,  and  con- 
ferring an  equal  right  of  participation  in  national  privileges.  Freedom 
and  independence,  acquired  by  the  united  efforts,  and  cemented  with  the 
mingled  blood  of  Protestant  and  Catholic  fellow-citizens,  should  be 
equally  enjoyed  by  all.  The  Jersey  state  was  the  first,  which,  in  forming 
her  new  Constitution,  gave  the  unjust  example  of  reserving  to  Protestants 
alone  the  prerogatives  of  government  and  legislation.  At  that  very  time 
the  American  army  swarmed  with  Roman-Catholic  soldiers,  and  the 
world  would  have  held  them  justified,  had  they  withdrawn  themselves 
from  the  defence  of  a  State  which  treated  them  with  so  much  cruelty 
and  injustice,  and  which  they  then  covered  from  the  depredations  of  the 
British  army.  But  their  patriotism  was  too  disinterested  to  hearken  to 
the  first  impulse  of  even  just  resentment.  They  could  not  believe  that 
the  State,  which  was  foremost  to  injure  them,  would  continue,  or  that 
any  others  would  imitate,  her  partial  and  iniquitous  policy.  It  seems 
they  were  not  acquainted  with  the  bitter  spirit  which  dictated  the  unjus- 
tifiable exclusion:  they  trusted  to  the  wise  and  generous  sentiments  which 


114  ^^^  ^^/^  ^'^^  Times  of  John  Carroll 

pervaded  every  corner  of  the  American  continent.  For  who  that  remem- 
bers our  cordial  unanimity  in  rejecting  the  claims  of  foreign  oppression, 
could  imagine  that  any  of  us  would  impose  on  fellow-soldiers  and  citizens 
the  degrading  mark  of  distrust,  or  the  galling  yoke  of  inferiority?  Such, 
however,  was  the  treatment  they  found,  not  because  they  were  less  warm 
or  less  profuse  of  their  blood  in  defence  of  their  common  rights,  but 
because  the  authors  of  injustice,  who  could  resent  and  oppose  British 
counsels  levelled  against  their  own  rights  of  legislation,  wanted  the 
greater  fortitude  of  emancipating  their  minds  from  the  slavish  subjection 
to  the  prejudices  imbibed  during  a  narrowed   British  education.^'^ 

In  his  letter  (Jan.  30,  1789)  to  Mathew  Carey,  Bishop  Carroll 
says:  ''After  having  contributed  in  proportion  to  their  numbers, 
equally  at  least  witJi  every  otJier  denomination,  to  the  establish- 
ment of  independence,  and  run  every  risk  in  common  with  them, 
it  is  not  only  contradictory  to  the  avoived  principles  of  equality  in 
religious  rights  but  a  flagrant  act  of  injustice  to  deprive  them  of 
those  advantages  to  the  acquirement  of  which  they  so  much  con- 
tributed:" ^-  No  doubt  from  the  simultaneous  appearance  of 
Carroll's  letter  in  the  Magazine  with  the  debates  on  the  Federal 
Constitution,  the  idea  arose  that  John  Carroll  had  entered  into 
the  discussions  on  the  Sixth  Article  and  on  the  First  Amend- 
ment of  the  Constitution.  Father  John  Carroll's  brother  Daniel 
was  a  member  of  the  Constitutional  Congress  and  took  a  leading 
part  in  the  debates  on  religious  freedom  in  that  body.  That 
he  may  have  been  guided  by  Father  Carroll  is  probable,  but 
beyond  this  it  would  be  difficult  to  prove  any  active  participation 
by  the  first  Bishop  of  Baltimore.^^ 

The  Sixth  Article  of  the  Constitution  submitted  to  the  States 
in  1787  reads:  No  religious  test  shall  ever  he  required  as  a  quali- 
fication to  any  office  or  public  trust  tinder  the  United  States.  In 
some  of  the  State  Conventions  this  Article  was  considered  in- 
sufficient; in  others  it  was  considered  dangerous  to  the  welfare 
of  the  state  commonwealth.  Major  Lusk,  in  Massachusetts, 
dreaded  the  liberty  granted  to  those  who  were  not  Protestants, 
and  "shuddered  at  the  idea  that  Roman  Catholics,  Papists,  and 


"    Baltimore  Cathedral  Archives,  Special  A — G2;  cf.  Researches,  vol.  xv,  pp.  62-63. 

"    Ibid.,  p.  62. 

"  Cf.  Thorpe,  The  Constitutiotial  History  of  the  United  States,  vol.  ii,  pp.  237SS., 
Chicago,  1901;  Taylor,  Origin  and  Growth  of  the  American  Constitution  (New  York. 
191 1);  Journal  of  the  Federal  Convention,  Rept,  by  Madison,  edited  by  E.  H.  Scott 
(New  York,    1908). 


Religious  Liberty  115 

Pagans  might  be  introduced  into  office  and  that  Popery  and  the 
Inquisition  may  be  estabh"shed  in  America."  The  first  of  the 
ten  Amendments  submitted  in  1789-91  went  a  step  further  in 
granting  religious  equaHty — Congress  shall  uiake  no  lazv  respect- 
ing an  esfahlislunent  of  religion.  It  would  take  us  too  far  afield 
to  follow  the  story  of  the  final  adoption  of  this  First  Amend- 
ment in  the  thirteen  state  legislatures.  The  Constitutional  Con- 
gress had  done  all  it  could  to  ordain  liberty  of  conscience  through- 
out the  land,  but  years  were  to  pass  before  all  the  States  were 
to  accept  the  principle  of  complete  religious  freedom.  Some 
of  the  dates  are  significant:  Massachusetts  (1833)  ;  Connecticut 
(1818)  ;  New  York  (1806);  New  Jersey  (1844);  Delaware 
(1831)  ;  Virginia  (1830)  ;  North  Carolina  (1835)  ;  South  Caro- 
lina (1790),  and  Georgia  (1798).  New  Hampshire  still  retains 
the  word  Protestant  in  its  religious  clause  and  several  efforts  to 
eliminate  it  or  change  it  have  thus  far  failed.^*  The  grave  prob- 
lem of  the  absence  of  power  on  the  part  of  the  national  govern- 
ment to  prevent  state  established  churches  need  not  be  entered 
into  here.  Whether  written  into  the  law  or  not,  Christianity  is 
the  law  of  the  land.  The  Catholic  Church  in  the  United  States 
was,  indeed,  never  to  be  without  certain  misgivings ;  for,  from 
the  days  of  John  Jay's  bigotry  down  to  the  last  of  the  anti- 
Catholic  movements  which  have  been  begun  during  the  past 
one  hundred  and  forty  years,  there  has  ever  been  present  in 
American  life,  especially  in  political  crises,  the  old  antagonisms 
of  pre-Revolutionary  days. 

"  De  Courcy-Shea,  The  Catholic  Church  in  the  United  States,  pp.  45-46.  New 
York,  1856.  Brent,  (op.  cit.,  pp.  68-69)  quotes  from  a  contemporary  manuscript,  pre- 
sumably Carroll's,  which  gives  the  following  reasons  for  the  adoption  of  the  principle 
of  freedom  of   conscience: 

I.  The  leading  characters  of  the  first  assembly  or  congress,  were,  through  principle, 
opposed  to  every  thing  like  vexation  on  the  score  of  religion;  and  as  they  were  perfectly 
acquainted  with  the  maxim  of  the  Catholics,  they  saw  the  injustice  of  persecuting  them 
for  adhering  to  their  doctrines. 

II.  The  Catholics  evinced  a  desire,  not  less  ardent  than  that  of  the  Protestants,  to 
render  the  provinces  independent  of  the  mother  country:  and  it  was  manifest  that  if 
they  joined  the  common  cause  and  exposed  themselves  to  the  common  danger,  they 
should  be  entitled  to  a  participation  in  the  common  blessings  which  crowned  their  efforts. 

III.  France  was  negotiating  an  alliance  with  the  United  Provinces;  and  nothing 
could  have  retarded  the  progress  of  that  alliance  more  effectually,  than  the  demonstra- 
tion of  any  ill  will  aginst  the  religion  which  France  professed. 

IV.  The  aid,  or  at  least  the  neutrality  of  Canada,  was  judged  necessary  for  the 
success  of  the  enterprise  of  the  provinces,  and  by  placing  the  Catholics  on  a  level  with 
all  other  Christians,  the  Canadians,  it  was  believed,  could  not  but  be  favourably  disposed 
towards  the  revolution. 


CHAPTER  IX 
THE  CARROLL-WHARTON  CONTROVERSY 

(1784-85) 

It  is  the  first  of  these  post-Revolutionary  attacks  upon  the 
Church  which  has  now  to  be  chronicled — the  controversy  be- 
tween the  first  American  apostate  priest,  Rev.  Charles  Wharton, 
and  Father  John  Carroll.  Charles  Wharton  was  born  in  St. 
Mary's  County,  Maryland,  in  1748.  He  was  educated  at  St. 
Omer's,  entered  the  Society  of  Jesus  and  finished  his  studies  at 
Bruges  and  Liege,  being  ordained  a  priest  on  September  19, 
1772.  In  July,  1773,  he  was  appointed  professor  of  mathematics 
in  the  English  College  at  Liege,  and  when  the  Society  was  sup- 
pressed, he  took  refuge  in  England.  Four  years  later  he  became 
permanent  chaplain  to  the  Catholics  of  Worcester,  England. 
Wharton  wrote  about  this  time  a  Poetical  Epistle  to  George 
Washington,  which  had  considerable  vogue.  It  was  first  pub- 
lished at  Annapolis  in  1778,  and  reprinted  in  London  in  1780, 
being  sold  for  the  benefit  "of  some  hundreds  of  American  pris- 
oners now  suffering  confinement  in  the  jails  of  England."  ^ 
The  concluding  lines  of  the  Poetical  Epistle  are  as  follows: 

Great  without  pomp,  without  ambition  brave. 
Proud,  not  to  conquer  fellow-men,  but  save; 
Friend  to  the  weak,  to  none  a   foe  but  those 
Who  plan  their  greatness  on  their  brethren's  woes ; 
Awed  by  no  titles,  faithless  to  no  trust. 
Free  without   faction,  obstinately  just; 
Warmed  by  Religion's  pure  heavenly  ray, 
That  points  to  future  bliss  the  certain  way, — 
Such  be  my  country!     What  her  sons  should  be 
O,  may  they  learn,  great  Washington,   from  thee !  2 

Wharton's  gifts  were  of  a  high  order,  but  his  private  life 
does  not  seem  to  have  been  free  from  blame.     Rumours  which 


*  WiNSOR,  Narrative  and  Critical  History  of  America,  vol.  vi,  pp.  575. 
'  Researches,  vol.  vi,  p.  24. 

116 


Carroll-Wharton  Controversy  117 

were  detrimental  to  his  standing  in  the  ministry  were  circulated 
in  Worcester,  and  from  letters  which  are  extant,  it  would  appear 
that  a  change  in  his  religious  opinions  occurred  at  this  time. 
*'He  has  told  me,"  writes  his  friend  and  biographer,  Bishop 
Doane  of  New  Jersey,  "that  the  mental  suffering  which  he  then 
underwent  was  keen  and  severe,  beyond  the  power  of  descrip- 
tion or  conception.  It  preyed  upon  a  frame  enfeebled  and 
exhausted  by  vigils  and  study,  with  a  spiritual  excruciation  of 
which  the  rack  of  the  inquisition  was  but  a  feeble  emblem.  It 
may  be  doubted  whether  his  nervous  system  ever  recovered 
from  the  shock.  In  such  a  struggle,  nature,  unassisted,  must 
have  failed  and  fallen."  ^  Father  Wharton's  faith  had  been 
unsettled  for  a  long  time  before  his  apostasy.  In  a  letter  from 
a  friend  in  America  (July  25,  1782)  we  learn  that  his  Letter  to 
the  Roman  Catholics  of  the  City  of  Worcester  announcing  his 
defection  was  then  in  preparation.  Wharton  returned  to  Mary- 
land in  June,  1783,  lived  on  his  own  estate  there,  and  for 
a  year  gave  no  evidence  of  priestly  zeal  or  of  the  decision  he 
had  made  to  leave  the  Church.  Soon  after  his  arrival  he  called 
upon  Father  Carroll,  as  we  learn  from  a  letter  Carroll  sent  to 
Plowden,  September  26,  1783  : 

Since  my  last  to  you,  Messrs.  Leonard  Neale,  from  Demarara,  and 
Ch.  Wharton  have  come  into  this  country.  I  have  seen  the  latter  only 
once,  and  propose  returning  his  visit  in  about  a  fortnight.  I  find  him 
indeed  possessed  of  considerable  knowledge,  and  endowed  with  all  those 
talents  which  render  society  agreeable.  If  upon  further  acquaintance  I 
discover  any  of  those  blemishes  which  some  of  his  companions  in  England 
thought  they  did,  it  would  give  me  great  concern,  and  I  should  speak 
freely  to  him  about  them.  He  has  surely  too  much  knowledge,  and  is 
too  well  grounded  in  sound  philosophy  and  sacred  literature  to  adopt  the 
incoherent  and  impious  principles  of  modern  infidelity.* 

Father  Plowden  did  not  lose  sight  of  Wharton  and  in  a  letter 
written  towards  the  close  of  the  year  1783,  he  again  inquires 
about  him.  In  a  reply,  dated  April  10,  1784,  Carroll  tells  his 
English  correspondent  that  Wharton  had  returned  to  America 


»  Doane,  The  Remains  of  the  Rev.  Charles  Henry  Wharton,  D.D.,  with  a  Memoir 
of  His  Life,  vol.  i,  pp.  27-28.     Philadelphia,   1834. 

*  Hughes,  op.  cit.,  Documents,  vol.  i,  part  ii,  pp.  615-616.  Cf.  United  States 
Catholic  Miscellany,  vol.  iii,  p.  662. 


Il8  The  Life  and  Titties  of  John  Carrol! 

and  was  then  living  on  his  own  estate  about  sixty  miles  away 
from  Rock  Creek.  Carroll  notes  the  fact  that  he  did  not  bring 
any  faculties  from  the  London  Vicar- Apostolic,  and  therefore 
did  not  exercise  the  ministry  in  the  Maryland  mission.  This 
was  not  surprising  for  it  was  in  line  with  Bishop  Talbot's  policy 
to  refuse  such  faculties.  Carroll  says  in  his  letter  that  Wharton 
was  leading  "a  life  clear  of  all  ofifense,"  and  that  he  was  giving 
"no  handle  to  censure,  though  they  are  not  wanting  who  would 
be  glad  to  find  room  for  it."  ^  Wharton's  conduct  at  Worcester 
had  given  Plowden  cause  "to  apprehend  some  flagrant  abuse  of 
the  talents  with  which  God  has  distinguished  him;"  it  was  ru- 
moured in  London  in  September,  T784,  that  he  had  given  up 
the  Faith.  That  Wharton  had  decided  to  leave  the  Church  before 
setting  out  for  America  is  evident  from  the  materials  used  in 
his  Letter.  The  wealth  of  knowledge  he  displays  in  his  attack 
on  Catholic  doctrine  proves,  as  Carroll  says,  in  his  answer,  that 
his  authorities  were  "collected  on  the  other  side  with  great  in- 
dustry. By  the  Chaplain's  own  account,  he  has  long  meditated  a 
separation  from  us;  and  during  that  time,  he  had  opportunities 
of  resorting  to  the  repositories  of  science  so  common  and  con- 
venient in  Europe."  ® 

In  May,  1784,  Wharton  visited  Philadelphia  to  give  his 
Letter  to  the  Roman  Catholics  of  the  City  of  Worcester  to  thfe 
printer.  Dr.  White,  Episcopal  Bishop  of  Philadelphia,  read  the 
manuscript  and  was  much  pleased  with  it.'^  The  publication  of 
the  Letter  aroused  a  strong  spirit  of  hostility  to  the  Church  in 
Pennsylvania  and  Maryland,  and  the  clergy  saw  that  an  answer 
was  necessary. 

Although  attacks  upon  the  Catholic  Religion  had  often  been  made 
while  this  country  was  under  British  domination,  and  while  Catholics 
were  a  proscribed  class,  yet  their  coarseness,  and  the  ferocity  of  their 
authors,  made  them  unworthy  of  a  formal  defensive  argument.  But  Mr. 
Wharton's  pamphlet  was  a  production  of  a  very  different  character. 
Written  in  a  style  of  polished  elegance,  and  professing  to  be  rather  an 
apology  or  justification  for  the  author's  departure  from  among  brethren 
whom  he  respected  and  loved,  than  an  attempt  to  convict  them  of  error, 
it  nevertheless  assailed  the  distinctive  doctrines  of  the  Catholic  church  in 


*  Ibid.,  p.   662. 

•  Ibid.,  p.  663   (Plowden  to  Carroll,  September  2,   1784). 
'  DoANE,  op.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  86. 


Carroll'JVharton  Controversy  119 

detail,  with  elaborate  arguments,  deriving  force  from  the  author's  former 
profession  and  acknowledged  learning,  and  calculated  to  produce  a  deeper 
impression  by  the  absence  of  harsh  invective,  by  the  terms  of  respect  and 
gratitude  in  which  he  alluded  to  the  virtues  and  attentions  of  his  Catholic 
acquaintances,  as  well  as  by  his  affected  deference  to  their  feelings  and 
prejudices.  .  .  .  His  frequent  references  to  authors  rarely  to  be  found 
in  this  country  at  that  period,  and  only  intelligible  to  the  profound 
scholar,  were  calculated  to  embarrass  the  unlearned  inquirer,  and  give 
temporary  impunity  to  assertions  subsequently  shown  to  be  only  sustained 
by  erroneous  quotations  or  doubtful  authorities.  The  time  at  which  the 
attack  upon  Catholic  doctrines  was  made  seemed  to  indicate  an  unfriend- 
liness to  that  spirit  of  religious  liberty  which  was  then  cherished  by 
patriots,  who,  having  just  succeeded  in  emancipating  their  country  from 
foreign  control,  were  desirous  to  exhibit  in  the  new  Republic  the  delight- 
ful spectacle  of  a  fraternity  in  all  civil  and  religious  rights  and  privi- 
leges, without  regard  to  the  diversity  of  speculative  opinions,  or  the 
variety  of  religious  profession  and  practice.* 

The  situation  was  a  pathetic  one  for  the  little  band  of  devoted 
priests  in  Pennsylvania  and  Maryland.  Carroll  was  among  the 
youngest  of  them,  but  his  education  and  his  long  years  of  teach- 
ing made  him  easily  the  leader  among  his  fellows,  and  it  was 
natural  for  them  to  look  to  him  for  a  fitting  reply.  On  August 
4,  1784,  Father  Molyneux  wrote  to  Carroll  inviting  him  to  come 
to  Philadelphia  and  prepare  his  reply.  "I  have  a  snug  chamber 
to  rest  you  in,  and  a  library  well  fitted  up  in  the  choir  of  the  old 
chapel  and  partitioned  off  from  the  same,  where  you  might  spend 
many  agreeable  hours  in  study  and  application,  free  from 
noise."  ^  We  are  given  a  glimpse  of  Carroll's  difficulty  in  ob- 
taining books  in  his  correspondence  with  Molyneux,  asking  for 
certain  authors  and  for  verifications  of  many  of  the  quotations 
in  Wharton's  Letter.  Molyneux'  letter  of  August  24,  1784, 
gives  us  a  fair  idea  of  the  disadvantage  he  laboured  under ;  for, 
the  best  library  in  Philadelphia  was  that  of  James  Logan,  and 
after  repeated  requests,  Molyneux  was  informed  that  he  could 
have  access  to  the  books  in  the  Logan  library  only  when  he, 
Logan,  or  his  brother,  was  present  to  watch  him.^^  Meanwhile 
Father  Carroll's  attention  was  called  to  the  valuable  public 
library  at  Annapolis,  and   it  was   here  that   he  composed   the 


'  United  States  Catholic  Miscellany,   vol.  iii,  p.  663. 
•  Cf.  Researches,  vol.  v,  p.  40. 
*"  Ibid.,  vol.  vi,  pp.  25-26. 


120  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

greater  part  of  his  reply,  which  is  entitled :  Address  to  the  Roman 
Catholics  of  the  United  States  of  America.  It  was  published 
at  Annapolis  by  the  printer,  Frederick  Green,  in  the  autumn 
of  1784. 

Wharton's  Letter  is  undoubtedly  an  example  of  the  best  con- 
troversial literature  of  the  day,  and  his  attack  rises  far  above 
the  apologetic  used  in  the  previous  century.  The  language  is 
restrained,  polished,  and  at  all  times  elegant.  There  is  no  in- 
vective, no  bitterness;  and,  what  is  singularly  remarkable  for 
the  time,  there  is  no  coarseness.  He  takes  up  one  by  one  the 
different  doctrines  of  the  Church  and  then  leads  the  reader 
to  realize  the  genesis  of  his  doubts  and  the  sad  regret  he  experi- 
ences in  being  obliged  to  relinquish  a  Faith  in  which  he  no 
longer  believes.     He  writes : 

At  a  period  of  life  when  discernment  should  be  ripe,  when  passions 
should  be  calm,  and  principles  settled,  if  a  man  relinquish  the  opinions  of 
his  youth;  if  he  break  through  the  impressions  of  early  education,  and 
the  habits  of  thinking  with  which  he  has  long  been  familiar;  if  he  aban- 
don connections  which  he  has  cherished  from  his  infancy,  to  throw  him- 
self among  strangers  and  begin  the  world  anew;  surely  a  consciousness 
of  duty,  or  some  unworthy  principle  must  be  the  spring  of  such  extraordi- 
nary conduct.  In  this  case,  a  decent  respect  to  his  own  character;  to 
the  connections,  which  he  quits;  and  those,  which  he  embraces,  seems 
to  call  aloud  for  the  motives  of  so  important  a  change. 

In  the  introduction  to  his  famous  Letter,  Wharton  lays  the 
beginning  of  his  change  in  religious  belief  to  the  friendship  he 
had  formed  in  England  with  "many  valuable  Protestants,  with 
whom  I  lived  in  habits  of  intimacy."  This  served,  he  asserts, 
to  enlarge  his  ideas  and  to  wean  his  mind  from  the  narrowness 
of  the  Catholic  system.  It  soon  became  painful  to  regard  such 
fellow-Christians  as  being  imbued  with  error — *T  dismissed  the 
cruel  idea  with  contempt  and  indignation;  but  with  it  a  lead- 
ing principle  of  my  former  belief  was  abandoned."  Three 
points  at  issue  between  the  Catholic  and  Protestant  creeds — 
Transubstantiation,  the  infallibility  of  the  Church,  and  the  im- 
possibility of  being  saved  outside  the  communion  of  the  Cath- 
olic Church — were  then  taken  up  and  treated  in  detail,  with  wide 
knowledge  and  a  profuse  appeal  to  the  theological  writers  of 
the  past.    That  other  influences,  apart  from  his  changed  attitude 


Carroll-Wharton  Controversy  121 

towards  the  doctrines  of  the  Church,  were  at  work  in  his  heart, 
he  freely  confesses.  One  of  these  influences  he  speaks  of,  since 
no  doubt,  the  rumours  about  his  private  Hfe  had  reached  his 
ears.  "Many  should  say  (and  I  expect  it  will  be  said)  that  I 
was  tired  of  the  law  which  obliged  me  to  live  single,  and  was 
willing  to  unite  myself  to  a  more  indulgent  community.  I  can 
only  refer  such  declaimers  to  the  littleness  of  their  own  minds, 
where,  perhaps,  they  will  discover  the  ungenerous  source  of  so 
illiberal  a  reflection.  I  make  no  scruple,  indeed,  here  publicly 
do  acknowledge,  that  for  some  time  back,  I  have  considered  the 
law  of  celibacy  as  a  cruel  usurpation  of  the  inalienable  rights 
of  nature,  as  unwarrantable  in  its  principle,  inadequate  in  its 
object,  and  dreadful  in  its  consequences."  This  obvious  suspi- 
cion, he  knew,  would  be  present  in  the  minds  of  many,  and  he 
declares  before  God  that  the  law  of  celibacy  would  not  alone 
have  led  him  to  abandon  communion  with  the  Catholic  Church. 
Naturally,  once  he  was  freed  from  the  discipline  of  the  Church, 
he  would  marry,  but  he  protests  that  "no  action  of  my  life  ever 
authorized"  anyone  to  suspect  that  he  had  been  recreant  to  his 
vows. 

In  his  treatment  of  the  doctrines  of  the  Church  he  made  use 
chiefly  of  Chillingworth's  Religion  of  Protestants,  Usher's 
Anszver  to  a  Challenge,  Claude's  Defense  de  la  Reformation,  and 
Kurd's  On  the  Prophecies.  There  is  little  to  be  gained  in  review- 
ing his  logic  or  his  method  of  attack  upon  the  fundamental  belief 
of  the  Church;  but  the  whole  treatise  is  written  with  such 
suavity  and  charm  that  it  no  doubt  had  considerable  effect  upon 
his  earliest  readers.  In  summary,  Wharton  described  the  situ- 
ation as  follows : 

My  religion  is  that  of  the  Bible:  whatever  that  sacred  book  proposes 
as  an  object  of  my  faith  or  a  rule  of  my  conduct  was  inspired  by  the 
unerring  Spirit  of  God,  and  for  that  reason  I  admit  it  with  all  the 
faculties  of  my  soul.  Your  religion  is  the  doctrine  of  the  Council  of 
Trent:  mine  the  plain  truths  delivered  in  the  Scriptures.  You  shelter 
yourselves  under  the  decisions  of  a  tribunal,  which  you  believe  to  be 
infallible :  I  rely  solely  upon  the  authority  of  God's  word.  .  .  .  Such  is 
the  religion  in  which,  after  a  long,  and,  as  I  trust,  sincere  deliberation, 
I  have  ultimately  chosen.  .  .  .  Upon  this  will  I  stake  my  happiness  for 
eternity.  .  .  .  And  now,  my  fellow  Christians,  I  must  take  my  leave 
of   you.     Some  of   you,   perhaps,   will  believe   me,   when   I   assure  them 


122  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

that  I  do  it  with  very  painful  regret.  The  many  civilities  which  I 
experienced  during  my  residence  among  you,  have  made  a  strong  and 
lasting  impression  on  my  mind.  I  trust  no  alteration  in  my  religious 
opinions  will  be  ever  be  able  to  efface  it.  Convinced  by  reason,  and 
taught  by  revelation,  that  true  and  genuine  religion  consists  more  in 
perfect  union  of  heart  than  entire  conformity  of  opinion,  I  shall  still 
deem  it  my  duty  to  cherish  the  sentiments  of  gratitude,  esteem,  and 
charity,  which  the  worth  and  behaviour  of  several  characters  among  you 
first  excited  in  my  breast.  To  the  last  of  these,  moreover,  you  are 
entitled,  as  fellow  men  and  fellow  Christians.  Sentiments  like  these, 
coming  from  a  supposed  enemy,  and  an  obscure  individual,  \v\\\  probably 
be  considered  by  many  with  contempt  or  indifference.  They  who  cannot 
discriminate  between  the  personal  merit  and  the  speculative  opinions  of 
men,  will  certainly  rate  them  very  low.  But  to  persons  truly  candid 
and  sincere  themselves,  such  affections  can  never  appear  less  acceptable 
for  being  cherished  by  a  man,  who,  without  any  prospect  of  emolument, 
or  promise  of  attention  from  the  communion  he  embraces,  has  sacrificed 
a  certain  and  comfortable  subsistence,  and  hazarded  a  tolerable  character 
among  his  nearest  connexions,  rather  than  incur  the  reproaches  of  his 
own  mind,  or  the  guilt  of  hypocrisy.  Be  this,  however,  as  it  may,  it 
must  ever  prove  a  point  of  great  importance  to  myself,  not  to  lose  sight 
of  a  commandment,  which  by  special  preference  our  common  Redeemer 
calls  his  own ;  and  which,  as  you  know,  is  nothing  more  than  mutual 
forbearance,  benevolence,  and  love.^^ 

After  the  publication  of  the  Letter  (Philadelphia,  1784), 
Wharton  was  accepted  by  the  Episcopalian  Church  and  as  a  min- 
ister of  that  Church  he  sat  in  the  first  General  Convention  of  that 
body,  in  New  York,  in  the  autumn  of  1784.  The  following  year 
he  became  the  rector  of  the  Episcopal  church  at  New  Castle, 
Delaware,  and  in  1786  as  President  of  the  Protestant  Episcopal 
Convention  of  Delaware,  he  recommended  his  friend,  Rev.  Wil- 
liam White,  of  Philadelphia,  as  bishop  of  that  Church.  In  1791, 
he  was  appointed  rector  of  a  church  near  Wilmington,  Delaware, 
but  left  that  post  in  1792  to  reside  at  Prospect  Hill,  near  the 
same  city.  Three  years  later  he  was  elected  principal  of  an 
academy  at  Burlington,  New  Jersey,  and  in  1798,  he  became  the 
rector  of  St.  Mary's  Church  in  Burlington,  remaining  in  the  post 
until  his  death,  July  23,  1833.  ^^  179^,  Dr.  Wharton  pubHshed  at 
Philadelphia,  his  Short  and  Candid  Enquiry  into  the  proofs  of 
Christ's  divinity;  in  181 3,  he  wrote  an  attack  on  Father  Anthony 


"    Letter,  etc.,  pp.  39-40. 


Carroll-Wharton  Controversy  123 

Kohlmann's  exposition   of   the   doctrine   of   the   Sacrament   of 
Penance. 

Dr.  Wharton  was  twice  married;  his  first  wife  was  Mary 
Weems,  the  daughter  of  Colonel  Weems  of  Maryland.  She  died 
on  June  2,  1798,  and  in  her  honor  Wharton  published  an  elegy, 
which  begins : 

Dull  roll  the  hours,  and  heavy  hangs  the  day, 
Oppress'd  with  wo  my  broken  spirit  lies, 

Since  my  poor  heart,  to  wretchedness  a  prey, 
Heav'd  its  last  sigh  o'er   Mary's  closing  eyes. 

•  •••••• 

O  lovely  Mary !  dearer  far  to  me 
Than  India's   wealth,  or   pleasure's   brightest   charms, 

What  can  alas !  supply  the  loss  of  thee, 
For  ever,  ever  absent  from  my  arms? 

How  in  this  world,  to  me  a  desert  grown, 
Without  my  heart's  best  portion  can  I  dwell? 

For  me  forlorn,  forsaken,  and  alone, 
O  toll  full  soon  the  last  sad  solemn  knell. 

Farewell,   bless'd   spirit ;   and   if   aught   below 
Can  still  to  thee  a  sense  of  pain  impart, 

O   witness   not  my  agonizing   wo. 
View  not  the  gloom  that  broods  upon  my  heart.''^ 

His  grief,  however,  was  not  of  long  duration,  for  he  married 
shortly  afterwards  Anna  Kinsey,  the  daughter  of  the  Chief 
Justice  of  New  Jersey.  Mrs.  Wharton  survived  the  former 
Catholic  priest  by  many  years,  and  it  is  from  her  that  his  biog- 
rapher. Bishop  Doane,  received  considerable  information  about 
Dr.  Wharton.  "The  first  characteristic  of  Dr.  Wharton  which 
arrested  your  attention,"  said  Doane  in  the  funeral  sermon  he 
delivered  in  St.  Mary's  Church,  on  August  4,  1833,  "was  his 
singular  purity  of  character.  He  was  single-hearted  and  single- 
eyed  beyond  almost  all  men  whom  I  know.  He  had  neither 
guile  nor  the  suspicion  of  it.  Long  as  he  lived  in  the  world,  he 
seemed  to  have  suflfered  little  from  its  contact.  There  was  a 
delicacy  of  sentiment  and  feeling  in  him,  which  not  only  bespoke 


"    Doane,  op.  cit.,  pp.  79-80. 


124  ^^^^  ^^/^  ^^^  Tmes  of  John  Carroll 

his  own  purity  of  heart,  but  kept  the  atmosphere  about  him 
pure."  ^3 

Dr.  Wharton  was  an  antagonist  worthy  of  Father  John  Car- 
roll's pen.  The  Letter  received  much  attention  both  in  this  coun- 
try and  in  England,  where  it  was  written,  and  on  both  sides  of 
the  Atlantic  the  Catholic  reply  was  awaited  with  interest.  Whar- 
ton's display  of  learning,  while  pedantic,  caught  the  fancy  of  the 
intellectual  groups  in  the  Republic,  and  it  was  in  this  display  that 
Carroll  proved  him  to  have  over-reached  himself,  for  many  of 
Wliarton's  quotations,  not  only  from  the  Fathers  and  theolog- 
ians, but  from  Protestant  authors,  were  found  to  be  inaccurate 
and  erroneous.  John  Carroll's  Address  is  twice  as  long  as  the 
Letter,  and  is  written  in  a  style  as  dignified  and  lofty  as  that  of 
his  apostate  cousin.  Scanty  as  were  Carroll's  sources  of  infor- 
mation and  difficult  as  it  was  to  refer  directly  to  the  authorities 
quoted  by  Wharton,  the  prefect-apostolic  in  a  remarkably  short 
time  completed  his  answer  and,  in  the  opinion  of  the  leading 
churchmen  of  the  time,  won  on  every  point  over  Dr.  Wharton. 
Father  Carroll  avers  that  he  would  have  taken  no  notice  of  the 
Letter  had  it  not  been  so  widely  circulated  in  America.  Line  by 
line  he  follows  Wharton's  argumentation,  and  at  times  his  pages 
become  eloquent  with  the  nobility  of  his  defense  of  Catholic 
doctrines.  Fortunately,  he  was  able  to  procure  through  Moly- 
neux  the  Protestant  authorities  cited  by  Wharton,  and  with  them 
before  him,  he  makes  many  a  trenchant  observation  upon  the 
latter's  ability  in  the  art  of  critical  use  of  these  sources.  The  old 
hackneyed  arguments  against  the  Church  Carroll  refutes  with  a 
logic  that  reveals  the  power  of  the  teacher  in  the  days  when  he 
taught  at  Liege  and  Bruges.  As  Shea  says : 

Like  all  Dr.  Carroll's  writings,  the  Address  had  a  peculiar  dignity  and 
equanimity,  was  free  from  all  acerbity  and  harshness,  and  was  admirably 
fitted  to  exercise  a  beneficial  influence  on  the  public  mind.  In  one  point 
he  had  a  peculiar  advantage.  Dr.  Wharton,  who  had  chosen  to  remain 
in  England  during  the  struggle,  could  not  impeach  the  loyalty  of  the 
Catholic   clergy   and   people   of    America,   and   his   anonymous   poem   to 


"  Ibid.,  p.  65.  It  is  said  that  while  in  Burlington,  Dr.  Wharton  had  in  his 
service  an  Irish  Catholic  servant-girl,  who  did  not  know  his  earlier  history.  She  fell 
dangerously  ill  and  begged  her  master  to  send  for  a  priest.  In  spite  of  his  Letter  in 
which  confession  was  definitely  rejected,  Dr.  Wharton  told  the  girl  he  was  a  priest  and 
so  heard  her  confession.      (Cf.   Oliver,   Collections  S.  J.,  p.   66.) 


Carroll-TV  hart  on  Controversy  125 

George  Washington  did  not  place  him  on  a  par  with  Dr.  Carroll,  who 
came  back  at  the  beginning  of  the  Revolution  to  share  his  country's 
fortunes,  and  who  had  at  her  call  proceeded  to  Canada  to  advance  her 
interest.^* 

Dr.  Carroll  opens  his  attack  upon  Wharton  by  refuting  the 
charge,  hoary  with  age,  that  belief  in  the  Church  is  the  result  of 
ignorance.  He  takes  up  the  phrase  which  Wharton  had  be- 
laboured— Extra  ecclesiam  nulla  salus — and  shows  that  the  chap- 
lain's rigorous  interpretation  is  nowhere  held  by  the  Fathers  or 
the  theologians.  The  main  arguments  used  by  Wharton  against 
the  infallible  teaching  powers  of  the  Church  are  shown  to  be 
sophistical,  and  Dr.  Carroll  emphasizes  in  his  reply  to  the  other 
points  at  issue  that  the  Church  can  teach  nothing  that  is  not 
implicitly  revealed  in  Holy  Scripture.  He  convicts  Wharton  of 
garbling  texts  from  Bellarmine,  of  misquoting  the  Councils, 
and  of  a  conscious  misapplication  of  Scripture  to  the  tenets  of 
the  Catholic  Church. 

As  an  example  of  Carroll's  apologetical  method,  the  following 
passage  may  be  quoted : 

I  will  not  deny,  that  I  was  surprised  when  I  read  the  first  passage 
cited  by  the  Chaplain ;  it  appeared  so  opposite  to  the  principles  which 
St.  Chrysostom  had  laid  down  in  several  parts  of  his  works.  It  was  a 
mortifying  circumstance,  that  I  could  not  conveniently  have  recourse  to 
that  holy  doctor's  writings,  nor  minutely  examine  the  passage  objected, 
together  with  its  context.  I  procured  a  friend  to  examine  the  edition  of 
Chrysostom's  works,  belonging  to  the  public  library  at  Annapolis;  he 
has  carefully  and  repeatedly  read  the  49th  homily  on  St.  Matthew;  and 
not  one  syllable  of  the  Chaplain's  citation  is  to  be  found  in  it.  After 
receiving  this  notice,  I  was  for  some  time  doubtful,  whether  it  might 
not  be  owing  to  a  difference  in  the  editions.  I  could  not  persuade  myself, 
that  he,  who  so  solemnly  calls  heaven  to  witness  for  the  impartiality  and 
integrity  of  his  inquiry,  would  publicly  expose  himself  to  a  well-grounded 
imputation  of  unpardonable  negligence,  in  a  matter  of  such  serious  concern. 
But  I  have  now  the  fullest  evidence,  that  the  passage,  for  which  Chrysos- 
tom on  Matthew,  hom.  49,  is  quoted,  is  not  taken  from  that  father. 
It  is  extracted  from  a  work  of  no  credit,  supposed  to  be  written  in  the 
6th  century,  entitled,  The  unfinished  work  on  Matthew.  But  had  it 
even  been  fairly  quoted  from  him,  the  Chaplain  would  not  have  had  so 
much  cause   for  triumph  as  he  imagines.     For   the  passage  he   adduces 


"    Shea,  op.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  227. 


126  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

carries  with  it  equal  condemnation  of   the   Protestant   and  Catholic  rule 
of   faith.15 

Dr.  Carroll's  Address  ends  with  the  following  personal  note: 

I  have  now  gone  through  a  task  painful  in  every  point  of  view  in 
which  I  could  consider  it.  To  write  for  the  public  eye,  on  any  occasion 
whatever,  is  neither  agreeable  to  my  feelings,  my  leisure,  nor  opportuni- 
ties;  that  it  is  likewise  disproportioned  to  my  abilities,  my  readers,  I 
doubt  not  will  soon  discover.  But  if  reduced  to  the  necessity  of  publishing, 
I  would  wish  that  my  duty  led  me  to  any  species  of  composition,  rather 
than  that  of  religious  controversy.  Mankind  have  conceived  such  a  con- 
tempt for  it,  that  an  author  cannot  entertain  a  hope  of  enjoying  those 
gratifications,  which  in  treating  other  subjects  may  support  his  spirits 
and  enliven  his  imagination.  Much  less  could  I  have  a  prospect  of  these 
incitements  in  the  prosecution  of  my  present  undertaking.  I  could  not 
forget,  in  the  beginning,  progress,  and  conclusion  of  it,  that  the  habits 
of  thinking,  the  prejudices,  perhaps  even  the  passions  of  many  of  my 
readers,  would  be  set  against  all  the  arguments  I  could  offer ;  and  that 
the  weaknesses,  the  errors,  the  absurdities  of  the  writer,  would  be  imputed 
to  the  errors  and  absurdity  of  his  religion.  But  of  all  considerations, 
the  most  painful  was,  tliat  I  had  to  combat  him,  with  whom  I  had  been 
connected  in  an  intercourse  of  friendship  and  mutual  good  offices ;  and 
in  connexion  with  whom,  I  hoped  to  have  consummated  my  course  of 
our  common  ministry,  in  the  service  of  virtue  and  religion.  But  when 
I  found  these  expectations  disappointed ;  when  I  found  that  he  not  only 
abandoned  our  faith  and  communion,  but  had  imputed  to  us  doctrines 
foreign  to  our  belief,  and  having  a  natural  tendency  to  embitter  against 
us  the  minds  of  our  fellow  citizens,  I  felt  an  anguish  too  keen  for 
description ;  and  perhaps  the  Chaplain  will  experience  a  similar  sentiment, 
when  he  comes  coolly  to  reflect  on  this  instance  of  his  conduct.  It  did 
not  become  the  friend  of  toleration  to  misinform,  and  to  sow  in  minds 
so  misinformed,  the  seeds  of  religious  animosity. 

Under  all  these  distressful  feelings,  one  consideration  alone  relieved 
me  in  writing ;  and  that  was,  the  hope  of  vindicating  your  religion  to 
your  own  selves  at  least,  and  preserving  the  steadfastness  of  your  faith. 
But  even  this  prospect  should  not  have  induced  me  to  engage  in  the 
controversy,  if  I  could  fear  that  it  would  disturb  the  harmony  now  sub- 
sisting amongst  all  Christians  in  this  country,  so  blessed  with  civil  and 
religious  liberty;  which,  if  we  have  the  wisdom  and  temper  to  preserve, 
America  may  come  to  exhibit  a  proof  to  the  world,  that  general  and 
equal  toleration,  by  giving  a  free  circulation  to  fair  argument,  is  the 
most  effectual  method  to  bring  all  denominations  of  Christians  to  a  unity 
of  faith. 

The  motives,   which   led   the   Chaplain   to   the   step   he   has   taken,   are 


xa 


Concise  View,  etc.,  p.  6i. 


Carroll-JVharton   Controversy  '     127 

known  best  to  God  and  himself.  For  the  vindication  of  his  conduct,  he 
appeals  to  the  dictates  of  conscience  with  a  seriousness  and  solemnity, 
which  must  add  greatly  to  his  guilt,  if  he  be  not  sincere.  He  is  anxious 
to  impress  on  his  readers  a  firm  conviction  that  neither  views  of  prefer- 
ment nor  sensuality,  had  any  influence  on  his  determination.  He  appears 
to  be  jealous,  that  suspicions  will  arise  unfavourable  to  the  purity  of 
his  intentions.  He  shall  have  no  cause  to  impute  to  me,  the  spreading 
of  these  suspicions.  But  I  must  entreat  him  with  an  earnestness  sug- 
gested by  the  most  perfect  good  will  and  zealous  regard  for  his  welfare, 
to  consider  the  sanctity  of  the  solemn  and  deliberate  engagement,  which 
at  an  age  of  perfect  maturity  he  contracted  with  Almighty  God.^^ 


Wharton  was  soon  made  aware  of  Dr.  Carroll's  success  in 
refuting  the  Letter,  and  he  wrote  a  Reply  to  the  Address,  which, 
however,  failed  to  carry  conviction  to  those  interested  in  the 
controversy.  "It  is  with  deep  concern,"  he  says,  "that  the  late 
Worcester  Chaplain  finds  himself  under  the  disagreeable  neces- 
sity of  appearing  again  before  the  tribunal  of  the  public  .  .  . 
Such  an  attack,  of  a  complexion  which  he  did  not  expect,  lately 
made  upon  his  character,  rouses  every  faculty  of  defense,  that 
reason  suggests  or  truth  can  authorize.  The  weapon  now  levelled 
at  his  candour  and  accuracy,  must,  if  possible,  be  parried  by  the 
Chaplain ;  and,  what  to  him  is  exquisitely  painful,  must  be  made 
to  recoil  upon  the  hand  that  wields  it."  The  "weapon"  had 
found  the  vulnerable  spot  in  Wharton's  armour,  and  the  Reply 
fell  short  of  all  expectations.  Other  pamphlets  were  written  for 
and  against  in  this  celebrated  controversy.  Rev.  William  Pilling, 
O.S.F.,  addressed  a  Caveat  to  the  Catholics  of  Worcester  , 
against  the  insinuating  Letter  of  Dr.  Wharton  (London,  1785)  ; 
and  Father  Joseph  Berington  answered  Wharton's  Letter  in  his 
Reflections  Addressed  to  the  Rev.  John  Hawkins  (London, 
1785).  Hawkins  was  an  apostate  Benedictine,  who  wrote  in  de- 
fense of  Wharton.  These  brochures  gave  rise  to  others,  and  also 
to  an  interesting  bit  of  correspondence  between  the  well-known 
Irish  priest  of  London,  Father  Arthur  O'Leary,  and  Dr.  Carroll. 

The  Wharton-Carroll  controversy  gave  the  prefect-apostolic,    , 
for  such  Carroll  had  been  named  on  June  9,  1784,  a  prominence 
in  the  learned  circles  of  the  new  Republic.     His  Address  was 
being  read  and  favorably  commented  upon  among  Catholics  and 


"    Ibid.,  pp.   116-119. 


128  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

non-Catholics  when  the  news  became  public  that  he  had  been 
chosen  head  of  the  Church  in  the  United  States.  A  copy  of 
Father  Carroll's  Address  reached  his  friend,  Father  Thorpe,  in 
Rome,  about  October,  1786.  Writing  on  December  2,  1786, 
Father  Thorpe  says : 

I  had  before  seen  the  London  edition  of  it,  a  copy  of  which  very 
speedily  came  to  this  Irish  College,  where  the  Rector,  an  Italian  Priest, 
with  the  assistance  of  one  of  his  scholars  attempted  to  publish  some  re- 
marks on  it,  which  I  sent  to  Mr.  Charles  Plowden  to  be  transmitted 
to  you  for  your  amusement.  They  merit  no  other  notice.  Your  address 
has  pleased  every  body,  who  has  read  it  within  my  knowledge.  The 
moderation  or  rather  singular  modesty  of  your  pen  gives  a  grace  to  the 
goodness  of  the  cause  which  it  defends.  You  truly  treat  Mr.  W.  like  a 
Father  and  a  friend,  and  I  hope  that  your  charitable  concern  for  him 
will,  in  time,  be  confirmed.  The  apology  that  he  produces  for  his  conduct 
is  one  of  the  weakest  that  I  ever  saw  made  by  any  of  his  unhappy 
predecessors  in  that  walk.  It  is  much  below  and  unbecoming  of  the 
character,  which  I  have  frequently  heard  of  him  as  a  scholar ;  his  appeals 
to  conscience  and  self  persuasions  are  little  artifices  contrived  to  engage 
attention  at  the  Tea  tables  which  he  frequented  at  Worcester. ^^ 

"You  have  written,"  says  Plowden  (August  26,  1785),  *'as 
a  scholar,  a  Christian,  a  gentleman  and  a  man  of  feeling.  .  .  . 
When  I  read  your  work,  I  easily  foresaw  the  good  effect  which 
it  would  produce  in  strengthening  the  faith  of  the  North  Amer- 
ican Catholics,  who  must  be  too  well  apprised  of  the  artifices  of 
your  antagonist  to  need  a  rejoinder  to  his  Reply."  "^^ 

After  the  death  of  Archbishop  Carroll  in  181 5,  Dr.  Wharton 
published  his  Concise  View  of  the  Principal  Points  of  Contro- 
versy between  the  Protestant  and  Roman  Catholic  Churches. 
The  volume  contains  his  Letter,  Carroll's  Address,  Wharton's 
Reply,  a  Short  Answer  to  Kohlmann's  pamphlet  on  the  New 
York  Confessional  Case,  and  other  papers.  It  is  significant  that 
during  Carroll's  life-time  no  member  of  the  Protestant  clergy 
ventured  to  come  out  in  print  in  favour  of  Dr.  Wharton.  The 
Concise  Vietv  is  prefaced  by  a  remarkable  letter  from  Bishop 
Brute,  dated  Baltimore,  March  30,  181 6,  which  contains  a  pathetic 


"    Baltimore  Cathedral  Archives,  Case  8-H6;  printed  in  the  Researches,  vol.  xvii, 

p.  5. 

*•    Ihid.,  Case  6-J8;  printed  in  Researches,  vol.  xiii,  p.  173. 


Carroll-Wharton  Controversy  129 

appeal  to  Wharton  to  return  to  the  Church  and  to  his  priesthood. 
An  equally  stirring  reply  follows,  in  which  Wharton  says: 

The  feelings  which  your  letter  excited,  would  not  have  partaken  of 
anything  like  resentment,  had  you  not  mentioned  my  venerable  relative 
and  former  friend,  Archbishop  Carroll,  as  countenancing  your  denun- 
ciations and  abuse.  I  knew  him  well.  I  loved  him  during  his  lifetime, 
and  shall  revere  him  during  my  own.  Were  he  still  among  us,  I  would 
have  transmitted  your  letter  to  him;  where,  I  am  confident,  it  would 
have  met  the  reception  it  deserves.  He  was  too  well  acquainted  with  the 
sacred  rights  of  conscience,  and  the  anomalies  of  the  human  mind,  to  con- 
demn the  exercise  of  the  first,  or  wish  to  regulate  the  latter  by  the 
standard  of  his  own  opinions;  much  less  would  he  have  presumed  to 
consign  them  both  to  perdition.  Sir,  we  Americans  are  better  taught 
in  these  matters;  and  it  must  stir  our  bile  to  hear  arrogant  foreigners, 
presuming  to  vilify  the  most  numerous  classes  of  Christians  in  our 
country;  to  find  them,  when  scarcely  escaped  from  the  fury  of  Jacobin- 
ism, breathing  among  their  kind  receivers  the  spirit  of  Inquisitors.  On 
every  occasion,  both  in  public  and  in  private,  I  have  uniformly  treated 
my  former  connexions  with  respect.  In  abandoning  some  of  their  doc- 
trines, I  still  entertained  for  their  persons  and  virtues  the  most  tender 
attachment,  and  have  never,  for  a  moment,  harboured  the  presumption 
of  passing  condemnation  on  them  for  opinions,  which  to  profess  myself, 
would  be  sinful  prevarication. 

An  interesting  episode  connected  with  Carroll's  Answer  to 
Wharton  is  his  short  and  dramatic  correspondence  with  the  Rev. 
Joseph  Berington,  the  prominent  English  Catholic  divine,  who 
had  answered  Wharton  in  his  Reflections  Addressed  to  the  Rev. 
John  Hawkins.  Berington's  State  and  Behaviour  of  English 
Catholics  from  the  Reformation  to  the  year  lySo  had  caused  a 
sensation  in  Catholic  and  Protestant  circles.  Carroll  had  given 
copious  extracts  from  Berington's  volume  in  the  Address.  Cer- 
tain errors  in  the  book  were  condemned  and  Bishop  Douglass 
had  deprived  the  brilliant  controversialist  of  his  sacerdotal  facul- 
ties. Charles  Plowden,  Carroll's  chief  correspondent,  was  Bering-  ' 
ton's  strongest  opponent;  and  it  is  a  proof  of  John  Carroll's 
independence  that,  during  the  time  Berington  was  attacked  by 
Plowden,  the  American  prefect-apostolic  wrote  a  letter  of  praise, 
expressing  his  particular  satisfaction  of  the  views  on  toleration  ' 
and  church  government  in  Berington's  State  and  Behaviour. 
A  copy  of  his  letter  to  Berington  (undated,  but  of  the  year  1787) 
is  in  the  Baltimore  Cathedral  Archives.     At  the  end  of  the  letter 


130  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

Carroll  added  that  he  would  be  happy  to  see  Berington  take  up 
two  problems  for  discussion  in  a  book — *'the  ascertaining  of  the 
boundaries  to  the  spiritual  jurisdiction  of  the  Holy  See,"  and 
"the  use  of  the  Latin  tongue  in  the  publick  Liturgy,"  saying: 

I  consider  these  two  points  as  the  greatest  obstacles  to  Christians  of 
other  denominations  to  a  thorough  union  with  us,  or  at  least  to  a  much 
more  general  diffusion  of  our  religion,  particularly  in  N.  America.  .  .  . 
With  respect  to  the  latter  point,  I  cannot  help  thinking  that  the  altera- 
tion of  the  Church  discipline  ought  not  only  to  be  solicited,  but  insisted 
upon  as  essential  to  the  service  of  God  and  benefit  of  mankind.  Can  there 
be  anything  more  preposterous  than  an  unknown  tongue;  and  in  this 
country  either  for  want  of  books  or  inability  to  read,  the  great  part  of 
our  congregations  must  be  utterly  ignorant  of  the  meaning  and  sense 
of  the  publick  office  of  the  Church.  It  may  have  been  prudent,  for 
aught  I  know,  to  impose  a  compliance  in  this  matter  with  the  insulting 
and  reproachful  demands  of  the  first  reformers;  but  to  continue  the 
practice  of  the  Latin  liturgy  in  the  present  state  of  things  must  be 
owing  either  to  chimerical  fears  of  innovation  or  to  indolence  and  in- 
attention in  the  first  pastors  of  the  national  Churches  in  not  joining  to 
solicit  or  indeed  ordain  this  necessary  alteration. 

Berington  made  use  of  this  letter  in  his  stand  against  Bishop 
Douglass  and  the  result  was  that  Archbishop  Troy  took  alarm 
and  wrote  warning  Carroll  that  the  question  of  a  vernacular 
liturgy  had  almost  become  a  point  of  controversy  in  Ireland  and 
that  he  had  written  a  pastoral  of  some  sixty  pages  against  the 
proposition.  Father  Arthur  O'Leary  also  grew  alarmed  and 
wrote  to  Carroll,  criticizing  his  views,  as  well  as  a  note  in 
Carroll's  Address,  in  which  the  American  ex- Jesuit  spoke  rather 
plainly  on  the  part  taken  by  Clement  XIV  in  the  suppression 
of  the  Jesuits.  Father  O'Leary  published  (1786)  a  Review  of 
the  controversy  to  which  he  added  a  Defense  of  the  Conduct  of 
Pope  Clement  XIV.  This  letter  to  Carroll  is  not  extant,  but  a 
draft  of  Carroll's  reply  (undated)  is  in  the  Baltimore  Cathedral 
Archives : 

I  find  that  you  are  not  pleased  with  my  note  on  the  late  Pope;  and 
that  you  think  I  was  mistaken  in  attributing  to  him  a  time-serving 
policy.  Peace  to  his  spirit  and  may  God  have  mercy  on  his  soul,  but 
whatever  allowance  charity  may  wish  for  him,  the  pen  of  impartial 
history  will  not  join  you  and  Mr.  Pilling  in  attributing  to  his  public 
conduct  (and  to  that  the  destruction  of  the  Jesuits  belongs)  the  virtue  of 


Carroll-Wharton  Controversy  131 

benevolence.  You  think  that  your  intimacy  with  the  good  Cardinal  de 
Luines  gave  you  opportunities  of  information  which  I  had  not;  on  the 
contrary,  I  think  that  having  spent  in  Italy  the  two  years  immediately 
preceding  our  dissolution,  and  the  last  of  them  at  Rome ;  and  mixing 
in  all  companies,  and  not  being  much  with  my  own  Brethren,  I  had 
means  of  collecting  knowledge  which  were  perhaps  wanting  to  Cardinal 
de  Luines  himself;  and  I  certainly  saw  repeated  instances  of  conduct, 
which  upon  the  coolest  and  most  unprejudiced  consideration  appear  ir- 
reconcilable, not  only  with  benevolence,  but  even  with  common  humanity, 
and  the  plainest  principles  of  justice.  At  the  same  time  I  do  not  take 
upon  me  to  say  that  the  whole  weight  of  this  misconduct  fell  upon  the 
Pope,  unless  it  be  for  withdrawing  himself  totally  from  business  and 
trusting  his  authority  to  men  who  so  shamefully  abused  it ;  I  hope  you 
will  excuse  this  liberty ;  your  writings  express  a  free  soul ;  and  I  cannot 
think  you  would  wish  me  to  dissemble  the  feelings  of  mine.  But  though 
1  communicate  them  to  Mr.  O'Leary,  I  have  neither  ambition  to  make 
them  public  nor  fear  to  do  so,  if  occasion  require.  ...  A  few  copies 
of  Mr,  Berington's  late  work  had  reached  America  before  your  letter ; 
but  I  am  not  the  less  obliged  to  you  for  your  kind  intention  of  sending  it. 
With  that  gentleman  I  had  a  slight  acquaintance  in  Europe,  and  some 
correspondence  has  existed  between  us,  occasioned  by  his  former  publica- 
tion on  the  Behaviour  of  the  English  Catholics.  In  a  letter  to  him  and 
before  I  had  a  thought  of  ever  being  in  my  present  station,  I  expressed 
a  wish  that  the  pastors  of  the  Church  would  see  cause  to  grant  to  this 
extensive  continent  jointly  with  England  and  Ireland,  etc,  the  same  privi- 
lege as  is  enjoyed  by  many  churches  of  infinitely  less  extent;  that  of 
having  their  liturgy  in  their  own  language;  for  I  do  indeed  conceive  that 
one  of  the  most  popular  prejudices  against  us  is  that  our  public  prayers 
are  unintelligible  to  our  hearers.  Many  of  the  poor  people,  and  the 
negroes  generally,  not  being  able  to  read,  have  no  technical  help  to  con- 
fine their  attention.  Mr.  Berington's  brilliant  imagination  attributes  to 
me  projects  which  far  exceed  my  powers,  and  in  which  I  should  find  no 
co-operation  from  my  clerical  brethren  in  America,  were  I  rash  enough 
to  attempt  their  introduction  upon  my  own  authority. 

Berington's  reply  to  Father  Carroll  is  dated  London,  March  27, 
1788.  It  is  one  of  the  most  significant  documents  of  this  period 
and  it  would  be  difficult  to  say  just  what  effect  it  had  in  con- 
vincing Carroll  of  the  necessity  of  episcopal  government,  and 
of  episcopal  government  bound  by  the  most  solemn  ties  to  the 
centre  of  Christendom: 

Oscot,  near  Birmingham,  March  2/,  1788. 
Dear  Sir: 

I  have  reason,  I  fear,  to  reproach  myself  with  some  negligence  for 
having  so  long  neglected  taking  any  notice  of  a  v^ry  kind  and  flattering 


132     .         The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

letter  I  received  from  you  many  months  ago.  When  it  came  to  England, 
I  was  abroad  in  France;  and  since  that,  my  situation  has  been  very  un- 
settled. I  have  to  thank  you  for  the  very  high  approbation  you  express 
of  my  Staie  and  Behaviour  of  Catholics;  a  work  which  has  been  ap- 
plauded and  censured  here  almost  in  equal  measure.  Good,  however,  I 
know  it  has  produced  on  the  whole,  and  with  that  it  would  be  unreason- 
able, not  to  be  satisfied.  You,  I  believe,  are  pretty  well  acquainted 
with  the  general  dispositions  and  prejudices  of  the  body,  to  which  I 
belong;  however,  I  am  happy  to  be  able  to  say  that  a  great  change  is 
daily  working,  and  that  the  prospect  is  opening  before  us. 

Mr.  Talbot  who  has  promised  to  forward  this  letter  to  you,  will  also 
send  you  a  small  pamphlet  I  published  very  lately.  The  work  will  speak 
for  itself,  and  it  will  tell  you  with  what  pleasure  and  approbation  I  read 
your  reply  to  Mr.  Wharton.  Your  work  has  been  much  admired  here; 
but  a  foolish  controversy  has  arisen  in  consequence  of  a  misjudged  omis- 
sion, in  the  first  Edition  of  it,  of  the  note,  wherein  you  censure,  with 
becoming  liberty,  the  conduct  of  the  late  Pope. 

We  have  long  been  told  you  were  designed  for  the  American  Mitre, 
but  we  are  now  told  that  the  report  was  premature.  I  am  sorry  for  it, 
if  it  is  not  to  be.  With  your  liberality  of  mind,  we  had  every  reason 
to  know,  that  the  Catholic  Church  of  the  United  States  would  have  been 
raised  on  proper  foundations.  You  will  read,  I  trust,  with  some  pleasure, 
the  short  sketch  of  a  scheme  of  Reformation  which,  in  the  view  of  your 
promotion,  I  have  attributed  to  you.  The  general  sentiments  you  ex- 
pressed, in  the  letter  I  had  from  you,  very  fully  justified  that  representa- 
tion of  your  ideas.  To  their  realisation  I  look  forward  with  great 
satisfaction. 

If  you  be  chosen  to  the  mitre,  undoubtedly  you  will  accept  none  but 
ordinary  powers  (though  the  contrary  I  have  heard  suggested)  ;  or 
rather  you  will  not  be  disposed  to  surrender  those  powers,  which  the 
essential  nature  of  the  Christian  establishment  confers  upon  you.  With 
these  powers  you  will  form  a  national  Church;  and  this  being  done, 
every  necessary  reformation  of  abuses,  and  every  modification  of  rites 
and  discipline,  the  expediency  of  which  may  strike  you,  will  be  effected 
without  obstacles,  at  least  without  those  obstacles  which  the  Court  of 
Rome  ever  has,  and  ever  will  throw  in  the  way  of  a  Church  miserably 
constituted  as  is  that  of  the  English  Catholics.  From  us  you  may  draw 
a  useful  lesson.  Certainly  were  I  circumstanced  as  you  in  America 
seem  to  be,  I  would  shut  my  eyes  on  the  14  last  centuries,  and  only  con- 
sider what  was  the  prerogative  of  the  See  of  Rome  during  the  Apostolic 
ages  and  the  years  immediately  succeeding  to  them.  All  that  is  essential 
then  existed;  the  rest  is  abuse  and  usurpation.  You  will  persevere  also, 
I  flatter  myself,  in  the  warm  wishes  you  express  of  having  the  public 
service  in  the  language  of  the  people.  That  is  a  point  of  discipline 
which  any  national  Church,  I  conceive,  may  modify  at  will. 

If  it  ever  be  in  my  power  to  serve  you,  or  any  of  your  friends,  need  I 
say  with  what  alacrity  I  should  do  it.     And  I  shall  be  happy,  as  far  as 


Carroll-Wharton  Controversy  133 

circumstances  will  permit,  to  keep  up  a  correspondence  with  you.     With 
the  sincerest  regard  I  remain,  Dear  Sir: 

Your  affectionate,  humble  servant 

Joseph  Berington 

One  dissentient  voice  to  the  praise  generally  given  to  Carroll's 
Address  came  from  Rome.  Plowden  writes  on  September  29, 
1786: 

Father  Thorpe  informs  me  that  your  Letter  on  Wharton  has  been 
criticized  at  Rome  in  the  Giornale  Ecclesiastico  of  last  July,  by  an  Abate 
Cucagna  of  the  Irish  College,  a  red  hot  champion  in  litigious  Theology, 
who  is  a  leader  of  the  modern  disciples  of  St.  Austin  and  maddens  at  the 
name  of  a  Jesuit.  He  principally  finds  fault  with  your  manner  of  con- 
futing W.'s  objection  to  the  Catholic  Church  from  her  supposed  want  of 
charity  in  excluding  all  from  heaven  who  are  not  of  her  communion. 
He  says  that  in  this  part  of  the  answer  the  fundamental  principles  of  the 
Christian  Faith  are  not  followed  by  the  zealous  Mgr.  Carroll. 

This  beginning  of  Catholic  American  controversial  literature 
deserves  more  space  than  can  be  allotted  to  it  in  a  life  of  John 
Carroll.  The  two  men  met  in  Philadelphia,  in  October,  1785, 
at  the  house  of  Thomas  FitzSimons,  in  order  to  arrange  certain 
business  matters  connected  with  Wharton's  family,  but  no  record 
of  their  conversation  has  come  down  to  us. 

Shea  sees  in  the  interest  aroused  by  the  Carroll- Wharton  con- 
troversy the  beginning  of  the  Catholic  press  in  this  country. 
Talbot,  the  Dublin  printer,  who  had  settled  in  Philadelphia, 
published  in  1784  an  edition  of  Reeve's  History  of  the  Old  and 
New  Testament.  Up  to  this  time  and  afterwards.  Catholic  books 
were  published  on  the  subscription  plan,  and  the  lists  of  sub- 
scribers are  valuable  in  helping  us  to  locate  the  residences  of 
the  clergy  of  that  day.  Challoner's  Bible,  issued  at  Dublin  in 
1763-4,  has  American  names  in  its  subscription  list.  Challoner's 
Catholic  Christian  Instructed  was  printed  in  Philadelphia  in 
1774,  and  his  Garden  of  the  Soul,  the  most  popular  English 
prayer-book  ever  issued,  was  published  there  in  the  same  year. 


Chapter  X 

ECCLESIASTICAL  JURISDICTION    IN   THE  ENGLISH 

COLONIES 

(1757-1776) 

The  political  and  religious  cleavage  between  England  and 
America,  caused  by  the  Treaty  of  Paris  (1783),  brought  to  a 
close  the  long  and  unsatisfactory  system  by  which  the  American 
Church  had  been  governed  since  1634.  The  historical  ante- 
cedents of  Carroll's  appointment  on  June  9,  1784,  as  "Superior 
of  the  Mission  in  the  Thirteen  United  States  of  North  America/* 
as  the  Brief  styles  it,  run  back  for  several  centuries;  in  fact,  to 
the  beginning  of  Elizabeth's  reign. 

The  English  Catholic  bishops  were  deprived  of  their  sees  in 
1559,  the  administration  of  the  Oath  of  Supremacy,  passed  in 
Parliament,  May  8,  1559,  having  begun  with  the  bishops  in 
June  of  that  year.^  Of  all  those  then  living,  only  one.  Bishop 
Kitchin  of  Llandaff,  who  lived  to  be  called  the  calamitas  sedis 
suae,  accepted  the  oath.  Of  the  rest,  three  were  on  the  Conti- 
nent ;  among  them,  Bishop  Gold  well  of  St.  Asaph's,  who  reached 
Trent  in  June,  1561,  in  time  to  take  part  in  the  discussion  on 
the  attendance  of  Catholics  at  Anglican  services.  The  others 
were  placed  under  restraint,  under  the  custody  of  the  new  An- 
glican bishops,  or  put  in  prison.^  "The  Supremacy  Bill  gives 
the  clue  to  the  whole  of  English  Protestantism.  England  did 
not  leave  the  Church  on  a  question  of  dogma,  but  of  jurisdiction, 
though  changes  of  dogma,  of  course,  followed  immediately."  ^ 
With  the  removal  of  the  bishops,  the  defection  of  the  Church 
in  England  began,  and  the  great  Church  collapsed  almost  like  a 
house  of  cards.     From    1559  down  to  the  death  of  the  last 


*  Pollen,    The  English   Catholics  in   the   Reign  of   Queen   Elizabeth,   pp.    34-35' 
London,  1920. 

'  Flanagan,  History  of  the  Church  in  England,   vol.   ii,  p.    150.   London,   1857; 
Ward,   The  English  Secular  Clergy,  pp.   lo-ii.     London,   19 10. 

•  Pollen,  op.  cit.,   p.  28. 

134 


Ecclesiastical  Jurisdiction  135 

Catholic  bishop,  Bishop  Watson,  in  1580,  the  Church  staggered 
to  its  fall — not  to  die,  it  is  true,  for  it  was  to  live  on  in  secret 
in  the  catacombs,  as  in  ancient  days.  The  Sacrifice  of  the  Mass 
and  the  administration  of  the  Sacraments  never  wholly  ceased, 
even  during  the  bitterest  period  of  the  persecution,  but  "con- 
sidered as  a  visible,  public,  hierarchic  body,  with  its  ancient  rites, 
courts,  privileges  and  jurisdiction,  it  was  violently  suppressed, 
and  ere  long  ceased  to  exist."  * 

Although  Cardinal  William  Allen  in  a  patriarchal  way  was 
recognized  at  Rome  as  the  representative  of  the  English  Catholics 
during  the  last  twenty  years  of  his  life  (1575- 1594),  there  was 
no  head  to  the  ancient  Church  of  England.  From  1598  to  1623, 
the  Holy  See  made  the  unfortunate  blunder  of  appointing  arch- 
priests  or  prefects  to  that  position.  The  only  English  Catholic 
churchman  of  the  time  who  had  the  necessary  courage,  and  with 
all  his  faults,  the  ability,  to  reorganize  the  shattered  House  of 
God  in  England,  was  Father  Robert  Persons,  the  Jesuit.  The 
dilatory  proceedings  at  Rome  after  the  death  of  Allen  left  the 
English  Catholics  without  a  leader  for  four  years,  and  paralysis 
was  soon  visible  in  English  Catholic  centres  from  London  to 
the  Venerable  College  in  Rome.  Father  Persons  was  a  born 
fighter.  His  years  on  the  Continent,  many  of  them  passed  under 
the  influence  of  that  prince  of  procrastinators,  Philip  H  of  Spain, 
had  not  lessened  his  vigorous  appreciation  of  the  struggle  facing 
Catholicism  in  England.  Half-way  measures  were  distasteful  to 
the  man.  He  wanted,  and  he  had  the  right  to  speak,  for  all 
recognized  him  as  the  leader,  now  that  Allen  was  gone — he 
wanted  the  fight  carried  to  the  very  threshold  of  the  English 
court.  His  plan  of  1597  is  clear-cut  and  masterly.'  Bishops 
should  be  sent  to  strengthen  the  souls  of  the  Catholics  who 
remained.  Confirmation  was  needed ;  Holy  Orders  were  to  be 
conferred ;  counsel  to  be  given ;  official  decisions  on  religious 
questions  which  were  torturing  the  minds  of  the  faithful  and 
causing  apostasies  were  necessary.  It  is  useless  to  accuse  the 
man  of  promoting  this  plan,  which  he  had  twice  before  suggested 
to  Rome,  for  the  purpose  of  gaining  control  of  the  clergy  for 


*  Ibid.,  p.   35. 

'  Printed  in  Dodd-Tiernev,   Church  History  of  England,  vol.  iii,  pp.    118-119. 
London,  1840. 


136  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

his  party  in  the  Succession  Question.  Father  Persons  under- 
stood the  religious  situation  of  his  country  more  cogently  than 
any  living  Catholic  at  that  period ;  and  it  is  to  be  regretted  that 
jealousy  and  political  intrigue  foiled  him  in  his  gallant  attempt 
to  save  the  realm  to  the  Church.  Instead  of  sending  bishops  to 
teach  and  to  confirm,  and,  if  necessary,  to  die  for  the  Faith  as 
an  example  to  their  priests  and  people,  the  Holy  See  comprom- 
ised by  appointing  simple  clergymen,  with  the  empty  title  of 
archpriest,  at  the  head  of  church  government  in  England.  The 
compromise  of  the  archipresbyterate  was  to  rebound  with  sorrow 
upon  all  concerned,  and  it  is  significant  that  in  the  midst  of  the 
anxieties  the  Appellant  Controversy  occasioned  to  the  Holy  See, 
the  old  English  Jesuit  should  be  banished  from  Rome  to  Naples. 
He  had  done  his  best  to  avert  disaster  to  the  juridic  government 
of  the  Faith  in  England  and  had  failed.^  From  1598  to  1623, 
the  Archpriests  Blackwell,  Birkhead,  and  Harrison,  did  little 
more  than  bring  confusion  to  the  remnants  of  Catholicism  in 
England.  The  appointment  of  Dr.  William  Bishop  as  Titular 
Bishop  of  Chalcedon,  in  1623,  gave  a  fleeting  hope  to  the  priests 
and  people  who  had  survived  the  hurricane  of  Elizabeth's  reign 
and  the  sullen  fury  of  the  leaders  during  the  reign  of  James  I. 
The  Bishop  of  Chalcedon  lived  scarcely  a  year  after  his  conse- 
cration, passing  to  his  reward  on  April  13,  1624.  In  the  mar- 
riage treaty  between  Henrietta  Maria  of  France  and  Charles  I, 
the  successor  of  James  I  had  promised  "on  his  word  of  a  King" 
that  the  Catholics  would  be  allowed  a  larger  freedom.  The  Holy 
See,  therefore  (1625),  appointed  in  Dr.  Bishop's  place,  Dr. 
Richard  Smith,  as  Bishop  of  England ;  but  the  Protestant  bishops 
soon  forced  him  out  of  the  country  (1631)  ;  he  returned  to 
France,  and  died  in  Paris  in  1655.''  Bishop  Smith  created  the 
means  of  effecting  his  jurisdiction  by  dividing  his  extensive 
diocese  into  seven  vicariates,  twenty-three  archdeaconries,  and  a 
number  of  rural  deaneries.^    He  likewise  confirmed  the  Episcopal 


•  Pollen,  The  Institution  of  the  Archpriest  Blackwell.  London,  19 16.  The  oppo- 
site view  to  the  one  given  in  the  text  will  be  found  in  Taunton,  History  of  the  Jesuits 
in  England  (London,  1901),  Law,  Jesuits  and  Seculars  in  the  Reign  of  Queen  Elizabeth 
(London,  1889),  and  in  most  of  the  modern  treatises  on  the  Appellant  Controversy. 

'  Brady,  Annals  of  the  Catholic  Hierarchy,  etc.  (1585-1876),  pp.  74SS.  London, 
1878. 

'  Sergeant,  An  Account  of  the  Chapter,  etc.,  p.  51.     London,   1853. 


Ecclesiastical  Jurisdiction  137 

Chapter,  which  had  heen  erected  by  Dr.  Bishop,  and  after  Bishop 
Smith's  death,  jurisdiction  devolved  upon  this  Chapter.  For 
the  next  thirty  years  the  dean  of  the  Chapter,  with  dubious 
confirmation  of  his  right  over  the  Church  in  England,  ruled  the 
Catholics  down  to  the  appointment  of  Bishop  John  Leyburne,  in 
1685,  as  Vicar-Apostolic  of  All  England.®  Three  years  later 
(1688),  England  was  divided  into  four  vicariates,  one  of  which 
was  the  Vicariate- Apostolic  of  London.^® 

From  1688,  down  to  the  appointment  of  Father  John  Carroll 
as  Superior  of  the  Church  in  the  United  States  (1784),  the 
London  Vicariate  presumably  had  jurisdiction  over  all  the  Cath- 
olics who  had  settled  in  the  English  colonies  across  the  Atlantic. 
Bishop  Richard  Smith  was  in  exile  in  1633,  when  Father  Andrew 
White,  S.  J.,  started  out  for  America  with  Calvert's  expedition 
to  Maryland,  and  he  received  faculties  from  his  own  Provincial 
in  London,  Father  Richard  Blount.  The  Maryland-Pennsyl- 
vania Mission  was  largely  a  Jesuit  one,  and  it  is  to  the  Provincials 
of  the  Society  in  England  that  the  Fathers,  labouring  here  in 
America,  looked  as  to  their  chief  pastor.^^  The  question  arises 
quite  naturally :  What  was  the  relationship  between  the  London 
vicars-Apostolic  and  the  Catholics  in  the  Thirteen  Colonies 
across  the  seas?  The  only  serious  contribution  to  this  question 
has  been  given  by  Canon  Burton  in  his  Life  of  Bishop  Chal- 
loner,^^  the  last  but  one  of  these  London  vicars-apostolic  who 
held  juridic  power  over  the  Church  in  the  colonies.  "The  sub- 
ject is  an  obscure  one,"  says  Burton.  "It  has  been  passed  over 
in  absolute  silence  by  all  Dr.  Challoner's  biographers,  and  no 
information  was  available  until  Father  Thomas  Hughes,  S.J., 


•  "From  the  end  of  the  sixteenth  to  the  end  of  the  seventeenth  century  English 
Catholics  had  known  four  different  eccleciastical  authorities:  archpriests  (1S99-1621X 
single  vicars-apostolic  (1623-1655),  dean  and  chapter  (1655-1685),  and  finally  vicars- 
apostolic  again,  one  from  1685  to  1688,  and  four  after  that  date."  Burton,  Life  and 
Times  of  Bishop  Challoncr,  vol,  i,  p.  248. 

^°    The  London  vicars-Apostolic  who  presumed   or  exercised  jurisdiction  over   the 
Catholics   in   the   English   colonies   were: 

Bishop  John  Leyburne  (Jan.  30,   i6S8-June  9,  1702); 
Bishop  Bonaventure  Giffard   (March   14,   1703-March   12,   1734); 
Bishop  Benjamin  Petre  (March  12,   1734-Dec.  22,   1758); 
Bishop  Richard  Challoner  (Dec.  22,   1758-Jan.  10,  1781); 
Bishop  James  Talbot   (Jan.   10,   1781-June  9,  1784). 
"    A  list  of  these  Provincials  and  of  the  Superiors  in  America  will  be  found  in 
Hughes,  History  of  the  Jesuits  in  North  America,  etc.,  Text,  vol.  ii,  pp.  17-18. 
"    Vol.  ii,  pp.  123-148  {Bishop  Challoner's  American  Jurisdiction). 


138  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

began  his  researches  for  his  History  of  the  Society  of  Jesus  in 
North  America."  Father  Hughes  has  given  us  the  results  of 
his  earlier  researches  in  an  article  in  the  Dublin  Review,  entitled 
The  London  Vicariate-Apostolic  and  the  West  Indies}^  So  far 
as  the  documents  at  our  disposal  warrant  it,  it  seems  safe  to 
conclude  that  from  1634  down  to  1696,  the  year  of  the  special 
decree  Alias  a  particulari,  of  Innocent  XII,  by  which  an  attempt 
was  made  to  bring  harmony  between  the  regular  and  secular 
clergy  in  England,  there  is  no  evidence  for  the  exercise  of  any 
canonical  rights  over  the  colonies  by  the  ecclesiastical  superiors 
in  England.  The  question  does  not  seem  to  have  been  raised 
again  until  171 5,  when  the  Maryland  clergy  admitted  that  they 
were  uncertain  whether  they  were  subject  to  London  or  to 
Quebec.  In  1721,  Bishop  Giffard  granted  to  the  English  Jesuit 
Provincial  the  privilege  of  conferring  plenary  indulgences  in 
articulo  mortis.  This  privilege  was  communicated  to  Father 
Thomas  Mansell,  the  Jesuit  Superior  in  Maryland.  In  1722, 
Bishop  Giffard  expressed  his  approval  of  a  regulation  regarding 
the  observance  of  holy  days  of  obligation  in  Maryland.  This  is 
the  first  recorded  instance  of  the  exercise  of  jurisdiction  in  the 
colonies  by  the  London  vicar-apostolic. 

It  is  to  be  noted  that  the  Brief  creating  the  four  vicariates  in 
1688  makes  no  mention  of  the  English  colonies  in  America. 
The  London  District  was  definitively  outlined  in  the  division  as 
"having  jurisdiction  in  the  county  of  Kent,  Middlesex,  Essex, 
Surrey,  Hertford,  Sussex,  Berkshire,  Bedfordshire,  Buckingham- 
shire, in  the  Isle  of  Wight,  in  the  Isles  of  Jersey  and  Guernsey." 
This  evidently  excludes  the  American  colonies.  The  theory 
might  be  held,  from  the  scanty  sources  we  have,  that  Propaganda 
had  quite  lost  sight  of  the  Catholic  Church  in  the  future  Re- 
public. The  absence  of  any  document  to  show  the  Congrega- 
tion's interest  in  the  welfare  of  the  Church  in  this  part  of  North 
America,  is  in  sharp  contrast  with  the  vast  amount  of  docu- 
mentary material  for  this  same  epoch  in  the  history  of  the  Church 
outside  the  English  colonies  and  would  partially  substantiate 
such  an  hypothesis.  The  earliest  document  we  have  is  a  letter 
by  Father  Henry  Harrison,  S.J.,  who  writes  from  Loretto,  Italy, 


**    Dublin  Review,  vol.  cxxiv  (Jan.,  1914),  pp.  67-93. 


Ecclesiastical  Jurisdiction  139 

in  1695,  giving  a  description  of  the  American  missions;  but 
whether  to  the  Jesuit  General  or  to  Propaganda  is  uncertain: 
"When  I  was  sent  by  my  Superior  to  those  missions  (Maryland- 
Pennsylvania),  there  were  not  as  yet  any  English  Catholic 
bishops.  Afterwards,  four  such  were  created  under  the  Catholic 
king,  James.  But  to  which  one  of  them  the  aforesaid  countries 
(the  American  Continent  and  the  West  Indies)  are  subject,  I 
do  not  know.  At  all  events,  when  I  was  in  those  missions,  there 
was  no  vicar-apostolic  there;  but  all  the  missioners  depended 
upon  their  regular  superiors  alone."  ^*  If  the  decree  Alias  a 
particulari  of  1696  had  been  obeyed  in  the  sense  that  the  Holy 
See  had  meant  it,  namely,  the  subordination  in  all  matters  of 
sacerdotal  jurisdiction  of  the  regular  clergy  to  the  vicars-apos- 
tolic, then  we  should  begin  at  once  to  find  evidence  in  the 
Archives  of  the  vicar-apostolic  of  London  (Westminster)  for 
the  exercise  of  such  canonical  powers.  But  the  earliest  record, 
that  of  the  matrimonial  case  presented  in  1714,  to  the  English 
Jesuit  Provincial  by  Father  Killick,  S.J.,  of  Maryland,  makes 
no  allusion  to  Bishop  Giffard,  then  the  Vicar-Apostolic  of  Lon- 
don.^ ^  The  Provincial,  Father  Parker,  presented  the  case  to 
Father  Richard  Plowden,  Rector  of  the  English  College,  Rome, 
who  forwarded  the  petition  to  Propaganda  (February  25,  1715). 
Propaganda's  reply  would  infer  that  the  petition  for  faculties  to 
dispense  in  such  cases  should  be  presented  to  the  vicars-apostolic 
of  England ;  but  the  whole  matter  of  jurisdiction  was  so  confused 
even  to  the  Sacred  Congregation,  that  it  was  "tabled  for  want 
of  precedent,"  and  was  placed  before  the  Holy  See  for  decision.^^ 
All  that  can  be  gathered  from  the  correspondence  on  this  case  is 
that  the  Provincial  himself  was  left  in  doubt  by  Rome's  decision : 
"It  will  be  hard  to  find  under  which  V.A.  Maryland  is — London 
too  far — Quebec  are  foreigners."  ^^ 

On  November  28,  1723,  the  English  Provincial  obtained  from 
Bishop  Giflfard  for  Father  Attwood  of  Maryland — a  number  of 
spiritual  powers  for  the  missioners  in  Maryland.  It  is  important 
to  note,  as  Father  Hughes  has  pointed  out,  that  Bishop  GifFard 


■       "    Ibid.,  p.  68. 

"    Hughes,  A  Maryland  Marriage  Case,  in  the  American  Ecclesiastical  Review, 
vol.  xxii   (May,   1902),  pp.   521-538. 

"    Hughes,  History  of  the  Jesuits,  etc..  Text,  vol.  ii,  p.  587. 

"    Ibid.,  p.  387. 


140  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

in  this  instance  "likewise  confirmed,  ratified,  and  gave  (in  case 
there  is,  or  has  been,  any  deficiency  in  any  one  or  all)  power 
and  jurisdiction  to  each  and  all  of  the  missioners,  who  are  now 
there  residing,  to  exercise  these  functions."  ^^  Why  Bishop 
Giffard  should  give  this  retroactive  delegation,  without  the  same 
being  solicited  by  the  Maryland  priests,  is  singular.  On  Decem- 
ber 10,  1723,  Giffard's  vicar-general  gave  his  approbation  to  a 
new  missioner  for  Maryland,  Father  James  Case,  SJ.,  and  in 
the  interview  with  Fathers  Case  and  Attwood,  he  said  he  did 
not  see  why  the  missioners  in  Maryland  should  not  enjoy  all  the 
privileges  granted  to  the  priests  in  England,  his  reason  being, 
that  Maryland  was  "part  of  and  belonging  to,  the  London  Dis- 
trict." '^  "It  is  not  likely,"  Burton  writes,  "that  Bishop  Giffard 
would  suddenly  have  begun  to  exercise  faculties  in  these  remote 
lands  without  the  sanction  of  Propaganda  in  some  shape.  Yet 
there  is  no  record  in  the  Westminster  Archives  of  any  formal 
document  to  that  effect."  ^® 

We  have  here  the  first  recorded  claim  of  the  London  District 
for  juridic  control  of  the  Church  in  the  colonies.  Two  years 
later,  on  March  17,  1725,  the  English  Provincial  writes  at  length 
to  Father  George  Thorold,  S.J.,  the  Superior  in  America,  reaf- 
firming all  the  faculties  conferred  upon  his  predecessors;  but 
"as  to  the  faculties  you  have  from  me,  I  can't  give  you  so  clear 
an  answer.  You  may  read  the  Compendium  Privilegiorum  and 
then  conclude  that  you  have  all  the  powers  which  the  Provincial 
can  give  you.  If  ....  you  have  any  doubt  about  some  of 
them,  you  may  send  your  doubts  to  be  examined  here."  ^^  Finally, 
on  November  20,  1730,  a  series  of  faculties  (thirteen  in  all)  were 
granted  by  Dr.  Giffard  to  Thorold  and  to  his  successors  for  five 
years.  The  "benign  response"  of  Bishop  Giffard  to  the  various 
applications  made  by  the  American  missioners  created  what 
Father  Hughes  calls  jurisdiction  by  devolution  from  a  negation. 
"Most  cordial  were  the  relations  between  the  American  mis- 
sionaries and  Bishop  Giffard,  who  was  first  installed  by  common 


"    Dublin  Review,  1.  c,  p.  69. 
"    Ibid.,  p.  70. 

*•    My  own  researches  in  the  Westminister  Archives  and  in  the  Archives  of  the 
Chapter,  at  Hammersmith,  London,  failed  to  throw  any  light  on  this  problem. 
^    Hughes,  op.  cit..  Text,  vol.  ii,  p.  555. 


Ecclesiastical  Jurisdiction  141 

consent  and  mutual  complaisance  as  the  Episcopal  authority  over 
Maryland."  " 

Nevertheless,  all  this  was  Irregular  according  to  the  canon  law 
of  the  Church.     We  hear  no  more  of  it  until  the  year  1743,  when 
Bishop  Petre  (who  had  succeeded  Dr.  Gififard)  and  his  coad- 
jutor, Bishop  Challoner,  seem  to  have  decided  to  transfer  the 
burden  of  the  American  colonies  to  other  shoulders.^^     At  the 
end  of  1742  or  in  the  beginning  of  1743,  Dr.  Petre  suggested 
to  the  English  Jesuit  Provincial,  Father  Charles  Shireburn,  the 
plan  of  making  the  Jesuit  Superior  in  Maryland  a  Vicar-General 
of  the  London  District.     The  proposal  was  not  sufficiently  clear 
to  Father  Shireburn,  and  he  consulted  the  General,  Father  Retz, 
through  Father  Charles  Roels,  then  at  Liege.     The  general's 
reply  was  to  the  effect  that  if  the  vicar-generalship  contemplated 
only  such  matters  as  dispensations,  absolutions  and  the  like,  the 
Superior  might  accept  the  charge.     If  it  were  to  mean  quasi- 
episcopal  jurisdiction,  then  the  Holy  See  would  have  to  be  asked 
to  dispense  the  Maryland   Superior,  since  it  was  against  the 
Jesuit  Constitutions  for  one  of  their  Society  to  accept  ecclesi- 
astical dignities.     Father  Retz  gave  his  preference  by  suggesting 
that  some  one,  not  a  Jesuit,  be  nominated  for  the  post,  one,  how- 
ever, who  would  be  under  the  obligation  of  seeking  the  counsel 
and  approbation  of  the  Jesuit  Superior.^*     Even  though  there 
had  been  a  priest,  not  a  Jesuit,  in  the  colonies  at  that  date,  eligible 
for  the  post  of   vicar-general,  this   last   suggestion  is   a   most 
surprising  one  to  come  from  the  head  of  the  Society,  for  it  was 
just  such  an  alleged  arrangement  which  had  proved  the  strongest 
weapon  in  the  hands  of  the  enemies  of  the  Jesuits  in  England 
in  the  century   previous.^^     Basing  his   statement   on  Grassi's 
Memorie  sulla  Compagnia  di  Gesic,  restabilita  negli  Stati  Uniti, 
where  we  are  told  that  the  author  saw  in  the  sacristy  of  St. 
Thomas's  Church  at  Port  Tobacco,  1812,  a  patent  granting  ex- 
traordinary faculties,  including  that  of  administering  the  Sacra- 
ment of  Confirmation,  to  the  Jesuit  missioners,  Father  Hughes 
concludes   that   the   vicar-apostolic   may   have   acted   upon   the 


"  Ibid.,  p.  589   (Italics  ours). 

23  Hughes,  American  Ecclesiastical  Review,  vol.  xxii,  p.  524, 

2*  Ibid.,  p.  525. 

«>  Cf.   Pollen,   Archpriest,   etc.,  pp.   27-29, 


142  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

general's  decision.  This  faculty  had  been  conferred  upon  the 
Jesuit  missioners  in  various  parts  of  the  world  by  Pope  Benedict 
XIV,  in  a  series  of  pontifical  briefs  between  1751  and  1753,  and 
it  would  have  been  proper  for  Bishop  Petre  to  have  secured  such 
a  faculty  for  the  Jesuits  in  the  American  colonies. 

Gradually  all  the  spiritual  work  being  carried  on  by  the  mis- 
sioners of  the  various  Orders  in  English  territory  was  being 
centralized  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  vicars-apostolic.  In 
1745,  the  Holy  See  issued  a  decree  confirming  the  Alias  a  par- 
ticulari  of  Innocent  XII  and  making  it  incumbent  upon  all 
the  religious  (including  the  Jesuits)  to  secure  faculties  from  the 
vicars-apostolic  of  their  respective  districts;  and  a  letter 
(August  23,  1748)  promulgating  the  decree  made  it  quite  clear 
that  "it  would  not  be  lawful  for  anyone  to  exercise  any  faculties 
in  their  districts  except  those  received  from  the  bishops.'*  The 
bishops  then  confirmed  all  existing  faculties.  This  letter  was 
not  accepted  with  alacrity.  Opposition  in  England  was  strongly 
advocated  by  the  Franciscans,  Carmelites,  and  Benedictines. 
The  English  Jesuits,  and  in  consequence  those  in  the  Amer- 
ican colonies,  since  they  depended  on  the  English  Provincial, 
requested  a  delay  until  they  had  communicated  with  their  Su- 
periors in  Rome.^^  The  Brief  Apostolicum  Ministerium  of  May 
30,  1753,  issued  by  Pope  Benedict  XIV,  was  a  "final"  settlement 
of  the  question  of  jurisdiction  in  English  ecclesiastical  life. 
Known  better  under  the  name  of  the  Regulae  ohservandae  in 
Anglicanis  Missionihus,  Pope  Benedict's  decree  was  virtually  a 
Constitution  of  the  Clergy  in  England  down  to  the  restoration 
of  the  Hierarchy  in  1850. 

This  background  explains  all  that  follows. 

The  question  now  arises,  did  Challoner,  who  was  to  succeed  at 
Bishop  Petre's  death,  on  December  22,  1758,  and  who  was  then 
(1753)  virtually  in  charge  of  the  London  District,  understand 
the  decree  as  applicable  to  the  Pennsylvania-Maryland  Jesuit 
Mission?  It  would  seem  that  he  did;  for,  he  had  been  actively 
interested  in  the  American  Mission  since  1743.  Ten  years  later, 
the  question  of  episcopal  jurisdiction  in  the  colonies  was  taken 
up  seriously  by  the  Sacred  Congregation  de  Propaganda  Fide. 

=•    The  story  of  this  opposition  will  be  found  in  detail  in  Burton,  op.  cit.,  vol.  i, 
pp.  358-269. 


Ecclesiastical  Jurisdiction  143 

A  report  in  Propaganda  Archives,  dated  February  15,  1753, 
contains  the  following  uncertain,  though  significant,  statement 
on  this  question :  "Whence  the  said  priests  received  their  facul- 
ties the  present  writer  can  give  no  information.  He  believes, 
however,  that  they  get  them  from  the  Vicars- Apostolic  of  Lon- 
don; and  he  thinks  he  heard  before  that  the  Sacred  Congregation 
had  assigned  this  charge  to  the  said  Vicar.  ...  As  to  the 
English  provinces  on  the  mainland,  the  greatest  number  of 
Catholics  are  in  Maryland,  where  the  English  Jesuit  Fathers 
have  a  numerous  mission.  ...  It  is  supposed  that  the  mission- 
aries of  this  province  are  under  the  care  of  a  prefect  appointed 
by  the  Provincial  of  the  Jesuits  in  England."  " 

We  have  then  a  quasi-starting  place  in  the  year   1753.     A 
singular  state  of  affairs  existed.     It  is  evident  that  the  two 
vicars-apostolic  of  London  (Dr.  Petre  and  Dr.  Challoner)   be- 
lieved the  American  colonies  to  be  part  of  their  District  and 
under  their  episcopal  jurisdiction.     Their  effort  in  1743  to  rid 
themselves  of  the  burden  of  the  colonies  is  the  only  proof  needed. 
It  is  likewise  clear  that  Propaganda  did  not  consider  the  colonies 
as  part  of  the  London  District.     The  Regiilae  observandae  were 
interpreted  by  Dr.  Petre  and  Dr.  Challoner  as  applying  to  the 
American  colonies.    The  faculties  of  I75I-53  especially  for  the 
administration  of   the   Sacrament  of   Confirmation  granted  by 
Pope  Benedict  XIV  are  in  this  sense  in  contradiction  to  the 
Apostolicum  ministerium.     The  American  Jesuits  had,  since  Dr. 
Giffard's  day  (1703-34),  shown  a  marked  and  growing  tendency 
to  appeal  directly  to  the   London  vicar-apostolic.     A    further 
complication  arises  in   1756,  when  Bishop  Challoner  began  a 
struggle  of  twenty-five  years  to  have  a  vicar-apostolic  appointed 
somewhere  in  the  English  colonies,  either  in  the  West  Indies  or 
in  Maryland,  because  the  faithful  there,  "were  destitute  of  the 
sacrament    of    Confirmation."     On    September    14,    1756,    Dr. 
Challoner  wrote  to  the  English  Clergy  Agent  at  Rome,  Dr. 
Stonor,  giving  a  report  of  the  state  of  religion  in  the  American 
settlements : 

There  are  no  missioners   in  any  of   our  colonies  upon  the   continent, 
excepting  Mariland  and  Pensilvania ;  in  which  the  exercise  of  the  Catholic 

="    Propaganda  Archives,  America,  Antille,  vol.  i,  ff.  420-421. 


144  ^^^^  ^^/^  ^"^  Times  of  John  Carroll 

religion  is  in  some  measure  tolerated.  I  have  had  different  accounts  as 
to  their  numbers  in  Mariland  where  they  are  the  most  numerous.  By 
one  account  they  were  about  5,000  communicants;  another  makes  them 
amount  to  about  7,000;  but  perhaps  the  latter  might  design  to  include 
those  in  Pensilvania;  where  I  believe  there  may  be  about  2,000.  There 
are  about  12  missioners  in  Mariland,  and  four  in  Pensilvania,  all  of 
them  of  the  Society.  These  also  assist  some  few  Catholics  in  Virginia, 
upon  the  borders  of  Mariland,  and  in  N.  Jersey  bordering  upon  Pensilvania. 
As  to  the  rest  of  the  provinces  upon  the  continent,  N.  England,  N.  York, 
etc.,  if  there  be  any  straggling  Catholics,  they  can  have  no  exercise  of 
their  religion,  as  no  priests  ever  come  near  them;  nor,  to  judge  by  what 
appears  to  be  the  present  disposition  of  the  inhabitants,  are  ever  like  to  be 
admitted  amongst  them. 

As  to  the  islands,  the  state  of  religion  is  much  worse  than  on  the  con- 
tinent. The  Catholics  we  have  there  are  chiefly  Irish;  and  neither  priests 
nor  people  are  half  so  regular  as  the  Marilandeans  and  Pensilvanians  are. 
In  Jamaica  there  are  many  Catholics  and  two  priests  in  our  time  have 
made  some  attempt  to  settle  there,  but  could  not  succeed.  The  inhabitants 
are  looked  upon  to  be  generally  almost  abandoned,  wicked  people.  In 
Barbadoes  there  was  an  Irish  Augustinian  who  apostatized.  The  few 
Catholics  there  have  sometimes  been  helped  from  Montserrat.  This  latter, 
which  is  one  of  the  least  of  our  Islands,  has  the  greatest  number  of  Cath- 
olics, such  as  they  are,  under  the  care  of  two  Irish  missioners;  but  little 
or  nothing  is  done  by  them  with  relation  to  the  care  of  their  negroes 
who  are  numerous.  There  are  also  some  Irish  Catholics  in  the  Islands 
of  Antigoa,  under  the  care  of  a  Dominican,  who  happens  to  be  now  in 
town,  and  gives  us  a  very  indifferent  account  of  the  practice  of  religion 
among  his  countrymen  there.  There  are  also  a  few  Catholics  in  the 
island  of  St.  Christopher's,  who  are  helped  sometimes  from  Montserrat. 
And  not  long  ago  an  Irish  Augustinian  took  out  faculties  here  to  go  and 
settle  in  Newfoundland,  for  the  help  of  a  number  of  his  countrymen 
that  were  drawn  thither  by  the  fishing  trade.  I  take  no  notice  of  the 
neutral  French  and  Indians  in  Acadia  who  had  their  priests  from  Canada, 
but  have  been  lately  translated  hither  upon  occasion  of  this  present  war. 

All  our  settlements  in  America  have  been  deemed  subject  in  spirituals 
to  the  ecclesiastical  Superiors  here,  and  this  has  been  time  out  of  mind, 
even,  I  believe,  frotn  the  time  of  the  Archpriests.  I  know  not  the  origin 
of  this,  nor  have  ever  met  with  the  original  grant.  I  suppose  they  were 
looked  upon  as  appurtenances  or  appendixes  of  the  English  Mission. 
And,  after  the  division  of  this  kingdom  into  four  districts,  the  jurisdiction 
over  the  Catholicks  in  those  settlements  has  followed  the  London  district 
(as  they  are  all  reputed  by  the  English  as  part  of  the  London  diocese)  ; 
I  suppose  because  London  is  the  capital  of  the  British  Empire;  and  from 
hence  are  the  most  frequent  opportunities  of  a  proper  correspondence  with 
all  those  settlements.  Whether  the  Holy  See  has  ordered  anything  in  this 
regard,  I  cannot  learn.  But  all  the  missioners  in  those  settlements  do  now, 
and  have,  time  out  of  mind,  applied  to  the  Vicar-Apostolic  here  for  their 


Ecclesiastical  Jurisdiction  145 

faculties,  which  is  true  of  the  padri  also  [the  Jesuits]  in  Mariland  and 
Pensilvania;  at  least  from  the  time  of  the  Breve  of  Innocent  XIV  in 
1696,  only  that  they  used  rather  to  ask  for  approbation,  but  now  also  for 

faculties. 

Some  have  wished,  considering  the  number  of  the  faithful,  especially 
in  those  two  provinces,  destitute  of  the  Sacrament  of  confirmation,  and 
lying  at  so  great  a  distance  from  us,  that  a  bishop  or  vicar-apostolic 
should  be  appointed  for  them.  But  how  far  this  may  be  judged  practicable 
by  our  superiors  I  know  not :  especially  as  perhaps  it  may  not  be  relished, 
by  those  who  have  engrossed  the  best  part  of  the  mission  to  themselves, 
and  who  may,  not  without  show  of  probability,  object  that  a  novelty  of 
this  kind  might  give  offence  to  the  governing  part  there;  who  have  been 
a  little  hard  upon  them  of  late  years.  This  with  my  respects  you  will  be 
pleased  to  communicate  to  Mr.  Larker  from  his  and  your  serv^ant  in 
Christ.28 

This  information  was  laid  before  Propaganda  and  an  imme- 
diate search  was  made  in  the  Archives  for  the  origin  of  this 
presumed  episcopal  authority  over  the  colonies ;  with  the  f ollow- 
Jng  result: 

No  document  is  found  in  these  archives  to  show  that  the  charge  of 
despatching  missionaries  to  the  islands  or  mainland  of  America  was  ever 
invested  in  the  Archpriests  of  England,  prior  to  the  foundation  of  this 
Sacred  Congregation;  nor  again  in  the  Vicars-Apostolic  who  were  ap- 
pointed for  that  kingdom  after  the  said  date;  nor  that  any  superinten- 
dence over  the  missionaries  or  the  missions  was  committed  to  them. 
Rather  from  the  precedents  which  are  on  file  in  these  archives,  it  appears 
that  whenever,  during  the  last  century,  any  missionary  had  to  be  sent 
to  the  islands  of  America  governed  by  the  English,  it  was  this  Con- 
gregation that  granted  the  missionary  his  letters  patent;  and  it  was  the 
Holy  Office  [the  Inquisition]  which  granted  him  his  faculties;  or  else 
the  matter  was  given  in  charge  to  the  Cardinal  Protector  of  England, 
who  in  those  times  was  provided  with  ample  faculties. 

When  in  1688  there  were  appointed  four  Vicars-Apostolic  in  England, 
a  division  of  districts  was  made;  and  within  the  limits  defined  each  was 
to  exercise  jurisdiction.  Then,  in  the  briefs  despatched  to  each,  there 
were  enumerated  the  counties  assigned  in  the  division;  just  as  is  done 
at  present  in  appointments  to  the  said  vicariates. 

Now  in  that  of  London  it  is  expressly  said:  "Having  jurisdiction 
in  the  county  of  Kent,  Middlesex,  Essex,  Surrey,  Hartford,  Sussex, 
Berkshire,  Bedfordshire,  Buckinghamshire,  Hampshire,  in  the  Isle  of 
Wight,  in  the  Isles  of  Jersey  and  Guernsey." 

Hence,  since  the  places  are  expressly  named  where  the  Vicar-Apostolic 


■»    Westminster  Archives,  Epistolx  Variorum,  vol.  xiii,  no.   133. 


146  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

of  London  ought  to  exercise  jurisdiction,  tliis  cannot  be  extended  to 
America.  Nor  is  that  reason  adduced  of  any  value  that,  when  the  division 
of  the  four  districts  was  made  in  the  time  of  James  II,  it  was  believed 
that  the  English  colonies  were  comprised  in  the  London  district;  seeing 
that  this  is  to  be  understood  of  islands  adjacent,  and  not  of  those  in 
America.^^ 

The  consequence  of  this  correspondence  was  that  in  1757, 
Bishop  Petre's  faculties  were  formally  extended  to  the  American 
colonies.  This  arrangement  is  chronicled  in  a  memorandum 
sent  by  Challoner  to  Propaganda  in  1763:  "The  vicar-apostolic 
of  London  thought  that  he  could  exercise  jurisdiction  in  the 
colonies  and  islands  subject  to  the  English  Crown  in  America. 
When  the  Sacred  Congregation  asked  him,  in  1756,  by  what 
authority  he  did  so.  he  answered  that  he  had  no  document  to  that 
effect ;  but  he  had  taken  his  stand  on  a  supposition  that  such  mis- 
sions depended  on  him.  Thereupon  a  relation  being  submitted 
about  the  state  of  the  Catholic  religion  in  the  said  islands  and 
colonies,  the  Sacred  Congregation,  with  the  assent  of  the  Pope, 
made  good  the  acts  up  to  that  time ;  and  for  the  future  gave  him 
power  to  exercise  his  faculties  for  six  years  in  the  same  islands 
and  colonies;  and  this  jurisdiction  was  renewed  for  him,  March 
25th,  1759.  When  this  afifair  was  brought  under  consideration  in 
1756,  there  was  some  idea  of  having  a  vicar-apostolic  appointed 
in  America,  to  exercise  jurisdiction  over  the  English  settlements. 
But  for  the  time  being  the  matter  was  allowed  to  lie  over,  and  the 
above  arrangement  was  made  for  six  years."  ^^ 

To  sum  up  the  documentary  evidence  given  thus  far  on  this 
question:  Bishop  Challoner's  proposal  to  have  a  vicar-apostolic 
appointed  in  the  American  colonies  was  not  unfavourably  received 
by  the  officials  of  Propaganda.  The  first  thing  necessary,  how- 
ever, was  a  validation  of  the  authority  exercised  by  the  London 
vicars.  For  that  reason,  Propaganda  had  replied  that  a  diligent 
search  had  not  revealed  any  document  in  the  Archives  at  Rome 
to  show  that  this  authority  had  been  invested  either  with  the 
archpriests  or  with  the  vicars-apostolic.  As  Propaganda  under- 
stood the  situation,  every  missioner  in  America  had  derived  his 
faculties  either  from  the  Sacred  Congregation  itself,  or  from  the 

"    Propaganda  Archives,  America,   Antille,  vol.   i,  ff.   422-423. 
•"    Ibid.,  America,  Antille,   vol.   ii,   ff.   27-28. 


Ecclesiastical  Jurisdiction  147 

Holy  Office,  or  from  the  Cardinal  Protector  of  England.  In  its 
reply  of  1757,  Propaganda  points  out,  in  the  quotation  given 
above,  that  the  limits  of  the  London  District  went  no  farther 
west  than  the  Channel  Islands.  Consequently  Bishop  Petre's 
faculties  were  extended  ad  sexennium  to  the  American  colonies 
and  to  the  English  West  Indies.  Dr.  Challoner's  effort  to  rid 
himself  of  the  colonies  only  ended  by  fastening  the  burden  more 
tightly  upon  his  own  shoulders.  When  he  succeeded  Dr.  Petre 
(December  22,  1758)  he  was  in  doubt  whether  his  legacy  of 
responsibility  included  America,  and  he  wrote  to  Propaganda, 
receiving  on  March  31,  1759,  an  affirmative  answer,  with  facul- 
ties similar  to  those  of  Dr.  Petre,  again  ad  sexennium. 

Meanwhile  the  problem  underwent  a  change.  In  1756,  the 
last  phase  of  the  hundred  years'  war  for  the  political  control  of 
the  North  American  continent  began,  and  General  Wolfe's  cap- 
ture of  Quebec  in  1759,  brought  Canada  within  the  radius  of 
English  possession  and  rule.  Spain,  too,  added  to  the  victor's 
winnings  by  yielding  the  great  peninsula  of  Florida  and  some  of 
the  West  Indies  to  England.  "In  consequence  of  this  increase 
in  British  territory  Bishop  Challoner  had  now  to  consider 
whether  under  the  terms  of  his  faculties  he  was  or  was  not 
responsible  for  the  spiritual  well-being  of  Canada  and  the  other 
new  possessions."  ^^  On  May  20,  1763,  he  wrote  to  Dr.  Stonor, 
asking  him  to  place  before  the  Propaganda  officials  the  question : 
"Under  whose  jurisdiction  as  to  spirituals  are  these  new  acquisi- 
tions to  be?"  Propaganda  replied  on  July  9,  1763,  stating  that 
the  matter  was  of  such  importance  that  fresh  information  must 
be  had  before  a  decision  could  be  rendered.  Bishop  Challoner's 
reply,  dated  London,  August  2,  1763,  is  a  precious  document, 
since  it  contains  all  the  information  he  possessed  on  the  subject 
at  that  time.     It  runs  as  follows: 

London,  August  2,  1763 
Most  Eminent  Father: 

In  compliance  with  the  wish  of  the   Sacred  Congregation,   I   will   set 
forth  briefly,   as  well   as  the  remoteness   of   those  parts  permits  us  to 


"  Burton,  op.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  132.  There  was  no  bishop  in  Quebec  at  the  time. 
Bishop  Pontbriand  died  in  June,  1760,  and  his  successor,  Bishop  Briand,  was  conse- 
crated in  1766.     Cf.  Tetu,  op.  cit.,  pp.  3s6ss. 


148  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

know,  the  conditions  of  our  Missions  in  America.  The  British  Colonies 
in  America,  which  the  Holy  See  has  placed  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
Vicar  Apostolic  of  London,  are  partly  on  the  Continent  and  partly  on 
the  Islands.  On  the  Continent  they  occupy  the  very  extensive  Provinces 
of  Nova  Scotia,  New  England,  New  York,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania, 
Maryland,  Virginia,  Carolina  and  Georgia.  But  in  these  most  flourishing 
colonies,  if  you  except  Pennsylvania  and  Maryland,  there  is  no  exercise 
of  the  Catholic  religion,  and  consequently  no  missionaries,  the  law  and 
civil  authorities  prohibiting  it.  In  Pennsylvania  and  Maryland  the  exer- 
cise of  religion  is  free;  and  Jesuits,  holding  faculties  from  us,  conduct 
the  missions  there  in  a  very  laudable  manner.  There  are  about  twelve 
missionaries  in  Maryland,  and  as  they  say  about  sixteen  thousand  Cath- 
olics, including  children ;  and  in  Pennsylvania,  about  six  or  seven  thousand 
under  five  missionaries.  Some  of  these  missionaries  also  make  excur- 
sions into  the  neighbouring  Provinces,  Jersey  on  the  one  side,  Virginia 
on  the  other,  and  secretly  administer  the  Sacraments  to  the  Catholics 
living  there. 

It  is  to  be  desired  that  provision  should  be  made  for  so  many  thousand 
Catholics  as  are  found  in  Maryland  and  Pennsylvania,  that  they  may 
receive  the  Sacrament  of  Confirmation,  of  the  benefit  of  which  they  are 
utterly  deprived.  Now  that  Canada  and  Florida  are  brought  under  the 
English  sway,  the  Holy  Apostolic  See  could  easily  effect  this,  a  Bishop 
or  a  Vicar  Apostolic  being  established  at  Quebec  or  elsewhere,  with  the 
consent  of  our  Court,  by  delegating  jurisdiction  to  him  throughout  all 
the  other  English  colonies  and  islands  in  America.  This  would  be  far 
from  displeasing  to  us,  and  would  redound  greatly  to  the  advantage  of 
those  colonies. 

There  are  many  islands  in  America  imder  the  British  sway,  vis:  New- 
foundland, Bermuda,  Bahama,  Jamaica,  Barbadoes,  Antigua,  St.  Kitts, 
Nevis,  Montserrat,  etc.:  but  the  number  of  those  who  profess  the  Cath- 
olic faith  in  these  islands  is  very  small.  Its  exercise  is  tolerated  nowhere 
scarcely,  except  in  Montserrat,  where  there  are  at  this  time  three  Irish 
missionaries,  but  holding  faculties  from  us.  In  the  other  islands  above 
named  there  are  at  this  time  no  priests,  but  some  of  them  are  visited 
from  time  to  time  by  the  missionaries  of  Montserrat,  but  it  is  to  be 
deplored  that  many  of  the  Catholics  on  these  islands  seem  to  have 
very  little  regard  for  their  religion,  and  when  they  can,  show  an  unwill- 
ingness to  maintain  and  support  a  missionary  among  them;  and  cer- 
tainly to  this  day  we  have  never  been  able  to  ascertain  anything  of 
the  Peter  Lembec  who,  in  a  Spanish  letter  to  the  Sacred  Congregation, 
offered  to  carry  a  priest  at  his  own  expense  to  Jamaica  and  maintain  him. 
There  was  also,  for  a  time,  an  Irish  missionary  with  faculties  from  us 
in  the  island  of  Newfoundland,  on  the  Northern  Ocean,  but  when  the  last 
war  broke  out  he  was  expelled  by  the  Protestants. 

The  islands  which  by  the  terms  of  the  recent  treaty  the  French  have 
ceded  to  the  English,  are  Granada,  Grenadina,  St.  Vincent's,  Dominica, 
and  Tobago,  in  which  the  exercise  of  the  Catholic  religion  is  served; 


Ecclesiastical  Jurisdiction  149 

but  we  are  entirely  ignorant  of  the  present  state  of  the  Catholic  religion 
in  them,  or  what  the  ecclesiastical  government  is. 

To  obey  the  commands  of  the  Sacred  Congregation,  I  have  briefly  set 
these  forth,  and  with  all  reverence  I   subscribe  myself, 

Most  Sacred  Father, 
Your  Eminence's  most  obedient  servant, 

►f«  Richard,  Vicar  Apostolic.^^ 


Like  all  letters  destined  for  Rome,  this  report  passed  through 
the  hands  of  the  Papal  Nuncio  at  Brussels,  but  it  never  reached 
Propaganda,  either  going  astray,  or,  as  Challoner  suspected, 
being  confiscated  by  the  British  secret  service.  The  important 
message  it  contains  for  the  American  historian  is  that:  "It  is 
to  be  desired  that  provision  should  be  made  for  so  many  thousand 
Catholics  who  are  found  in  Maryland  and  Pennsylvania,  that 
they  may  receive  the  Sacrament  of  Confirmation  of  the  benefit 
of  which  they  are  utterly  deprived/'  Challoner  again  urged  the 
appointment  of  a  Bishop  or  of  a  Vicar -Apostolic,  to  be  located 
beyond  the  Proclamation  Line  of  1763,  so  as  to  be  under  the 
protection  of  the  British  Government.  Cardinal  Castelli,  Prefect 
of  Propaganda,  wrote  again  asking  for  a  report  on  the  colonies, 
and  Dr.  Challoner  sent  a  duplicate  on  March  15,  1764,  repeating 
his  former  request.  "If  matters  there  (Canada)  were  once 
properly  settled,  I  wish  our  friends  could  think  of  charging  the 
person  to  be  chosen,  or  some  other  with  the  title  of  vicar -apos- 
tolic, with  the  care  of  those  other  colonies  which  we  at  this  dis- 
tance cannot  properly  assist,  and  which  are  now  quite  deprived 
of  the  Sacrament  of  Confirmation."  ^^  Again,  on  August  28, 
1764,  Dr.  Challoner  wrote  to  the  English  Clergy  Agent  at  Rome 
requesting  "an  eclaircisscment  with  regard  to  these  new  acquired 
islands  .  .  .  and  .  .  .  Florida."^*  From  the  general  tenor  of 
these  letters  it  might  be  inferred  that  Challoner  was  troubled 
more  about  the  English  West  Indies  than  about  Maryland 
and  Pennsylvania,  but  it  was  the  mainland  and  not  the 
islands  which  was  in  his  mind  at  all  times.  Religious  conditions 
in  the  islands  were  actually  deplorable,  and  it  served  his  purpose 


»    Westminster  Archives,  Papers,   1761-1765.     This  translation    (made  by   Shea) 
will  be  found  in  Researches,  vol.  xii,  pp.  44-45' 

^^    Westminster  Archives,  Epistolce  Variorum,  vol.  xiv,  no.  73. 
^*    Ibid.,  Epistolce  Variorum,  vol.  xiv,  no.  77. 


150  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

to  use  their  condition  as  a  motive  for  the  real  wish  he  had  at 
heart— to  rid  himself  of  America  entirely.  The  colonies  were 
of  no  appreciable  value  to  the  London  vicar-apostolic,  and  he 
would  have  been  far  above  the  average  of  his  time,  had  he  con- 
tinued to  feel  an  interest  in  a  group,  ''beyond  the  seas,"  that 
brought  him  nothing  but  difficulty.  Propaganda  replied  again 
on  Christmas  Eve,  1764,  giving  Dr.  Challoner  the  necessary 
faculties,  but  deferring  the  appointment  of  a  separate  vicariate 
to  the  future.^'  The  situation  remained  in  this  status  quo  down 
to  the  outbreak  of  the  American  Revolution  and  continued  in 
fact  until  Carroll's  appointment  as  prefect  in  1784.  About  this 
time,  however,  the  scene  is  changed  to  the  American  colonies  and 
we  have  now  to  witness  another  cause  for  this  postponement. 

«    Propaganda  Archives,  Lettere   O764),  vol.  cciv,  ff.   599- 


CHAPTER  XI 

OPPOSITION  TO  THE  AMERICAN   BISHOPRIC 

( I 765-1 784) 

Between  1756,  when  Dr.  Challoner  began  the  correspondence 
with  Rome  which  had   for  its  purpose  the  reorganization  of 
American  jurisdiction,  and  1765,  when  he  was  thwarted  in  his 
desire  to  set  up  a  separate  ecclesiastical  system  in  the  colonies 
and  the  islands,  his  plea  for  the  appointment  of  an  American 
bishop  or  vicar-apostolic  was  based  mainly  on  the  need  of  the 
Sacrament  of  Confirmation.    The  first  letter  of  the  series  already 
quoted   contains   a   charge   against   the   Jesuits,   and    Challoner 
intimates  rather  broadly  that  to  set  up  a  vicar-apostolic  or  a 
Bishop  in  the  American  provinces  might  not  be  "relished  by 
those  who  have  engrossed  the  best  part  of  that  mission  to  them- 
selves, and  who  may,  not  without  show  of  probability,  object 
that  a  novelty  of  this  kind  might  give  offence  to  the  governing 
part  there ;  who  have  been  a  little  hard  upon  them  in  late  years."  ^ 
The  same  statement,  hidden  in  this  case  at  the  end  of  a  long 
letter,  will  soon  overtake  the  arguments  he  offers  for  the  estab- 
lishment of  an  American  Church:  namely,  the  great  distance 
which  did  not  permit  him  to  make  a  visitation  in  America ;  his 
constant  lack  of  information  which  hinders  him  from  directing 
the  Church  there;  the  destitute  state  of  the  people  (totalmente 
prwi)y  on  account  of  the  lack  of  the  Sacrament  of  Confirmation; 
and  his  inability  to  send  a  representative  there  by  reason  of  the 
distance  and  the  expense.     A  letter  to  Dr.  Stonor,  who  was  then 
at  Douay,  dated  London,  February  15,  1765,  contains  the  same 
charge  in  stronger  terms : 

What  you  add  of  settling  two  or  three  Vicars-Apostolic  in  that  part 
of  the  world,  is  an  object  that  certainly  deserves  the  attention  of  our 
friends  [Propaganda].     But  I  foresee  the  execution  of  it  will  meet  with 

»  Westminster  Archives,  Epistola  Variorum,  vol.  xiii,  no.  135. 

151 


^ 


152  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

very  great  difficulties,  especially  in  Mariland  and  Pennsylvania,  where 
the  Padri  have  had  so  long  possession,  and  will  hardly  endure  a  Priest, 
much  less  a  Bishop  of  any  other  institute:  nor  indeed  do  I  know  of  any 
one  of  ours  that  would  be  fond  of  going  amongst  them,  nor  of  any  of 
them  that  would  be  proper  for  that  station,  who  could  be  spared  by  us 
in  cur  present  circumstances.^ 

On  May  31,  1765,  Bishop  Challoner  returned  to  the  subject 
with  his  Roman  agent,  lamenting  the  lack  of  Confirmation  among 
his  American  subjects.  He  felt  certain  that  the  authorities  at 
Rome  would  not  allow  the  situation  to  remain,  since,  "  'tis 
morally  impossible  for  us  to  have  a  proper  superintendence  over 
places  so  remote.  And  to  let  so  many  thousand  Catholics  as 
there  are  in  some  of  our  northern  Colonies  remain  entirely 
destitute  of  the  Sacrament  of  Confirmation  is  what,  I  am  sure, 
our  friends  will  never  suffer."  ^ 

The  Jesuit  historian.  Father  Thomas  Campbell,  who  deals  with 
this  aspect  of  the  question  in  his  article.  The  Beginnings  of  the 
Hierarchy  in  the  United  States,  says  "This  is  a  very  formidable 
arraignment;  the  great  sanctity  of  Bishop  Challoner  gives  un- 
usual weight  to  this  already  grave  charge,  and  there  are  few 
who  will  not  be  ready  to  admit — for  we  all  reverence  his  authority 
— that  there  must  have  been  a  solid  reason  for  what  such  a  great 
and  good  man  so  solemnly  declares,  and  at  the  end  of  two  years 
again  insists  upon."  *  It  was  at  this  juncture  in  the  negotiations 
between  London  and  Rome  that  the  American  Jesuits,  though 
apparently  uninvited,  interposed  a  remonstrance  against  the 
appointment  of  a  bishop. 

Let  us  see  what  the  actual  political  and  religious  conditions  in 
America  were,  before  taking  up  this  remonstrance.  The  reader 
has  but  to  peruse  Hughes'  interesting  chapters  on  Maryland  and 
Pennsylvania  ^  to  realize  that  the  Catholics  in  these  States  were 
then  living  through  the  worst  period  of  the  anti-Catholicism 
of  eighteenth  century  colonial  history.  So  violent  had  the 
persecutions  become  that  more  than  one  influential  group   of 


'  Ibid.,  Epistolce  Variorum,  vol.  xiv,  no.  8i.  Shea  transcribes  this  document  (op. 
cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  56)  to  read  prefect  instead  of  priest.  The  original  has:  "pt.  much  less 
a  B.  of  any  other  institute."     I  take  the  abbreviation  to  stand  for  priest. 

'  Ibid.,  Epistola  Variorum,  vol.  xiv,  no.  83. 

*  In  the  Historical  Records  and  Studies,  vol.  i   (1899),  pp.  251-277. 

•  Op.  cit.,  Text,  vol.  ii,  pp.  435-s64. 


The  American  Bishopric  153 

Catholics  had  contemplated  a  general  exile-movement — they 
and  their  forebears  not  accustomed  to  it — either  to  the  West 
Indies,  or  to  the  Arkansas  district  of  old  Louisiana,  or  to 
Louisiana  itself.  The  Catholic  Petition  of  1758  to  Governor 
Sharpe  of  Maryland  accused  the  provincial  Government  of  hav- 
ing reduced  the  Catholics  to  the  level  of  the  negroes,  "not  having 
the  privilege  of  voting  for  persons  to  represent  us  in  the  As- 
sembly." It  was  the  year  previous,  that  Charles  Carroll,  the 
father  of  Carrollton,  began  negotiations  with  the  Court  of  France 
for  a  grant  of  land  on  the  Arkansas  river.  Apart  from  this 
general  condition  of  things.  Dr.  Challoner  was  badly  misled  in 
speaking  of  "best  places"  in  such  a  colony.  There  are  extant 
several  letters  from  Father  Mosley  to  his  relatives,  of  the  years 
1764  and  1766,  which  tell  us  of  the  hardships  the  Jesuit  mis- 
sioners  endured.     In  one  of  these  he  says: 

Our  journeys  are  very  long,  and  our  rides  constant  and  extensive.  .  .  . 
I  often  ride  about  three  hundred  miles  a  week,  and  never  a  week  but  I 
ride  one  hundred  and  fifty  or  two  hundred  miles.  In  our  way  of  living 
we  ride  as  much  by  night  as  by  day;  in  all  weathers,  in  heats,  colds,  rain, 
frost,  and  snow.  You  must  not  imagine  that  our  chapels  lie  as  yours 
do.  .  .  .  They  are  in  great  forests,  some  miles  away  from  any  house  of 
hospitality.  Swamps,  runs,  miry  holes,  lost  in  the  night,  etc. — this,  as  yet, 
and  ever  will  in  this  country,  attend  us.  Between  three  and  four  hundred 
miles  was  my  last  Christmas  fare  on  one  horse.^ 

The  truth  is  that  Dr.  Challoner  was  echoing,  unconsciously 
perhaps,  one  of  the  main  charges  in  the  quarrel  which  had  dis- 
turbed Catholic  England  for  two  centuries,  the  old  Regular- 
Secular  fight  for  power ;  but  his  charges  against  the  Jesuits  dis- 
played his  simple  ignorance  of  American  conditions.  It  seems 
strange  that  he  should  accuse  the  Fathers  of  an  unwillingness  to 
receive  any  stranger  among  them,  when  he  admits  almost  in  the 
next  paragraph  that  he  had  no  missioners  to  send  out  to  the 
colonies.  The  English  colonies  were  not  a  desirable  place  for  any 
priest  at  that  date.  Even  Carroll  himself,  when  writing  as  bishop 
thirty  years  later  to  Archbishop  Troy  to  solicit  labourers  for  his 
vineyard,  warns  those  who  come  that  only  hardships  and  priva- 

•  Letters  of  Father  Joseph  Mosley,  S.J.,  and  some  Extracts  from  His  Diary 
0757-1786),  compiled  by  Rev.  E.  I.  Devitt,  S.J.,  in  the  Records,  vol.  xvii,  pp.  iiS-aio, 
289-311. 


154  ^^^  ^^/^  ^^^  Times  of  John  Carroll 

tions  awaited  them.  This  charge  of  selfishness  we  can  pass  over. 
It  scarcely  needs  an  answer,  since  it  is  at  variance  with  the  truth. 
But  the  second  charge  is  more  serious,  and  it  is  again  a  repetition 
under  another  form  of  that  age-old  accusation  in  England  against 
the  Society,  namely,  that  it  tends  towards  a  presbyterian  form 
of  church  government.  Several  documents  apparently  support 
Bishop  Challoner  in  his  stand.  The  first  is  the  Laity  Remon- 
strance of  July  1 6,  1765,  signed  by  Charles  Carroll  of  Annap- 
olis, Ignatius  Digges,  Henry  Darnall,  (Father  Carroll's  grand- 
father), and  two  hundred  and  fifty-six  leading  Catholic  laymen 
of  Maryland,  protesting  against  the  appointment  of  an  "Apos- 
tolical Vicar."  The  Remonstrance  is  sufficiently  clear.  It  is  as 
follows : 

Copy  of  ye  Petition  of  ye  R  C  to  Mr.  Dennett  relating  to  V:  A:  Hond  Sir: 
Haveing  receivd  intelligence  yt  a  plan  is  on  footing  for  sending  into 
this  province  an  Apostollical  Vicar,  we  think  it  our  duty  to  god,  ourselves, 
&  posterity  to  represent  our  objections  against  such  a  measure,  as  wt 
would  give  our  adversaries,  bent  on  our  ruin,  a  stronger  handle  yn  any- 
thing they  have  hitherto  been  able  to  lay  hold  on,  and  consequently  ter- 
minate in  the  utter  extirpation  of  our  holy  religion.  The  grounds  of 
these  our  just  fears  &  apprehensions  are — i.  The  legislative  power  of  this 
collony  is  so  disposed  with  regard  to  those  of  our  persuasion,  as  to  have 
made  many  attempts  of  late  years  to  put  the  most  pernitious  penal  laws 
in  force  against  us,  and  are  still,  every  convention  aiming  more  or  less 
at  something  of  yt  kind.  Would  not  the  presence  of  An  Apostl.  Vicar 
afford  a  new  and  strong  argument  for  further  deliberations  on  this  head? 
— 2.  Amongst  the  sundry  motives  alledged  for  putting  the  penal  laws  in 
force,  one  of  the  strongest  and  most  urged  was  the  too  public  exercise 
of  our  Divine  worship,  in  so  much  that  one  of  the  gentlemen  was  obliged 
to  quit  the  colony  to  avoid  being  summoned  for  a  fact  of  that  kind. 
Would  not  the  functions  of  an  Apostl.  Vicar  be  deemed  a  more  public, 
&  open  profession  thereof  than  anything  of  that  kind  that  could  have 
been  done  hitherto?  — 3.  The  Genln.  have  no  farther  liberty  for  exercis- 
ing their  priestly  functions  yn  in  a  private  family,  &  that  by  a  particular 
grant  of  Queen  Ann  suspending  during  the  Royal  pleasure  ye  execution 
of  an  act  of  Assembly,  by  wch.  it  was  made  high  treason  for  any  Priest 
to  reside  in  the  colony,  wch.  act  still  subsists,  &  will  of  course  take  place 
whenever  the  above  grant  is  repeald.  Would  the  functions  of  an  Apostl. 
Vicar  be  interpreted  functions  of  a  Priest  in  a  private  family?  4,  Neither 
this  province,  nor  indeed  any  one  of  the  British  American  colonys  has 
ever  hitherto  had  one  of  that  Ecclesiastical  rank  &  dignity.  Would  not 
our  setting  the  1st.  example  of  yt  kind  appear  very  bold  &  presuming, 
if   not   also   even   dareing   and   insulting?     Reflecting   on   these   reasons 


The  American  Bishopric  XSS 

amongst  several  others  we  cannot  but  judge  the  above  of  sending  us  an 
Apostl.  Vicar  in  the  present  situation  of  affairs  would  necessarily  draw 
after  it  the  utter  destruction  &  extirpation  of  our  H.  religion  out  of  this 
colony,  &  consequently  compel  us  either  to  forfeit  a  great  part  of  our 
estates  &  fortunes  in  order  to  retreat  to  another  country,  or  utterly  give 
up  the  exercise  of  our  H:  religion.  We  therefore  by  all  that  is  sacred 
intreat  you  Md :  Sir,  as  head  of  the  Genln.  we  have  for  our  teachers, 
that  you  will  be  pleased  to  use  all  yr  intrest  to  avert  so  fatal  a  measure, 
&  as  far  as  you  judge  necessary  or  proper  for  that  purpose  to  transmit 
coppys  hereof  to  all  whom  it  may  concern.  In  testimony  whereof,  and 
that  the  above  are  the  true  sentiments  of  ye  Body  of  ye  R:  Catholicks 
in  Maryland  we  R:  Caths.  of  the  said  province  have  hereunto  set  our 
hands  this  i6  day  of  July  1765. 

C:  Carroll 

Ign:  Digges 

Hen:  Darnall 

Sign'd  by  256   [others]  ^ 

The  second  document  is  a  letter  from  Charles  Carroll  of 
Annapolis  to  Bishop  Challoner,  on  the  same  day,  informing  him 
that  the  Laity  Remonstrance  would  be  presented  to  him  by  Father 
Dennett,  the  English  Jesuit  Provincial: 

Copy  of  ye  address  of  ye  R.  C.  relating  to  a  V.  A. 

Annapolis  in  Maryland,  July  16-1765. 

My  Lord: 

The  revd.  Mr.  Jos:  Dennett  will  communicate  to  yr.  Ldship  a  letter 
from  many  of  the  principal  Rom:  Caths:  of  Maryland  derected  to  him, 
wherein  they  set  forth  a  few  of  the  many,  and  weighty  reasons  they  have 
against  the  appointment  of  an  Apostl :  Vicar  for  America.  Altho  I  have 
subscribed  with  others  to  that  letter,  other  considerations  have  induced 
me  singly  to  address  myself  to  yr  Ldship  on  the  subject.  Maryland  has 
been  settled  above  a  130  years,  the  Fathers  of  the  Society  accompanied 
the  ist  settlers  our  fore  fathers,  and  have  from  that  Period  to  the  present 
time  very  justly  deserv'd  our  esteem,  love,  &  gratitude,  an  uninterrupted 
peace  &  harmony  has  at  all  times  as  well  as  at  the  present  subsisted  between 
us  &  these  our  spiritual  guides.  Should  an  Apostl.  Vicar,  or  Priest  of  any 
other  Denomination  be  sent  amongst  us,  I  am  fearful  ye  peace  &  har- 
mony wch.  has  so  long  subsisted,  will  be  very  soon  banished.  I  have 
many  reasons  to  alledge  agst.  such  a  step,  too  tedious  to  trouble  you 
with,  and  of  wch.  many  must  be  obvious  to  yr.  Ldship.  Yr.  Ldship 
must  know,  yt  for  many  years  past  attempts  have  been  made  to  establish 
a  Protestant  Bishop  on  this  continent,  and  yt  such  attempts  have  been  as 
constantly  oppos'd  thro  the  fixed  avertion  ye  people  of  America  in  general 


'  Campbell,  /.  c,  pp.  356-258. 


156  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

have  to  a  person  of  such  a  character.  If  such  is  the  avertion  of  Protes- 
tants to  a  Protestant  Bishop,  with  wt.  an  eye  will  they  look  upon  an 
Apostl.  Vicar  ?  I  am  confident  no  one  here  has  ever  thought  such  a  person 
necessary.  Some  may  suggest  yt  this  my  letter  to  yr,  Ldship  as  well  as  the 
R.  Caths.  Letter  to  Mr.  Dennett  has  been  wrote  at  the  instigation  of  the 
Jesuits.  For  myself  my  Lord  I  most  sincerely  profess  yt  uninfluenced 
by  them  I  write  this  &  sign'd  ye  other  letter,  wch.  contains  not  only  my 
own  but  I  am  well  convinced  ye  true  sentiments  of  every  Rom :  Cathck. 
in  Maryland.  I  writ  it  in  order  to  continue  in  the  enjoyment  of  my 
spiritual  peace,  &  a  quiet  possession  of  my  Temporal  goods,  and  from 
these  motives  only,  &  I  beg  yr  Ldship  by  the  Dignity  you  hold  in  the 
Church,  by  the  zeal  you  have  for  God's  honour  and  glory,  yt  you  would 
strenuously  oppose  by  all  means  becoming  yr  Character,  ye  appointment 
of  an  Apostl.  Vicar  for  America.  But  in  case  such  a  one  should  be 
appointed,  I  most  earnestly  beseech  you,  if  possible  to  put  a  stop  to  his 
comeing  hither,  as  such  a  step  I  am  afraid  will  create  great  troubles 
here,  &  give  a  handle  to  our  enemies  to  endeavour  at  the  total  suppression 
of  the  exercise  of  our  Religion,  &  otherwise  most  grievously  to  molest  us. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  yr  Ldships  most  obt.  &  most  humble  servt. 

Cha:  Carroll. 

P.  S. — I  have  my  lord  sent  coppies  of  this  my  letter  to  ye.  Rd.  Mr. 
Dennett  in  order  yt  he  may  cooperate  with  yr  Ldship  to  prevent  a  step 
wch  to  me  seems  most  fatal  &  pernicious. ^ 

This  letter,  as  the  writer  himself  avows,  was  not  influenced 
by  the  Jesuits  in  Maryland.  The  argument  it  carries,  namely, 
the  imprudence  of  sending  a  Catholic  prelate  to  the  colonies  at 
that  time,  is  familiar  also  to  historians  of  the  Episcopal  Church 
in  the  United  States.  In  his  Anglican  Episcopate  and  the  Amer- 
ican Colonies,  Arthur  Lyon  Cross  presents  an  historical  situation 
almost  identical  to  that  of  the  Catholic  clergy.®  The  Anglican 
Church  in  colonial  America  was  ruled  by  the  Bishop  of  London, 
and  the  attempts  to  create  a  colonial  diocesan  between  1638  and 
1748,  especially  the  efforts  of  Rev.  John  Talbot  in  1702,  not 
only  met  with  failure,  but  also  disclose  a  similarity  of  cause  which 
corroborates  the  Catholic  Laity  Remonstrance.  Only  when  the 
cleavage  came  in  1775  was  it  possible  to  hope  for  success.  Dr. 
Cross  corroborates  Father  Campbell's  argument  that  "the  fierce 


•  Ibid.,  pp.  258-259.  Campbell  ascribes  this  letter  to  Charles  Carroll  of  Carrollton. 
The  young  barrister  returned  to  America  in  February,  1765.  His  father,  Charles 
Carroll  of  Annapolis  was  then  the  acknowledged  leader  in  Catholic  lay  circles.  Cf.  Row- 
land, op.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  70. 

•  Harvard  Historical  Studies,  vol.  ix  (New  York,  1902).  Dr.  Cross  neglected  a 
strong  argument  for  his  thesis  in  ignoring  the  Catholic  history  of  this  period. 


The  American  Bishopric  157 

Puritanism  of  the  colonies  was  then  at  white  heat.  It  was  raging 
furiously  against  prelacy  of  every  kind,  Protestant  as  well  as 
Catholic,  and  the  appointment  of  a  Catholic  bishop  would  have 
simply  precipitated  the  Revolution."  ^^ 

Bishop  Challoner  mentions  the  contents  of  Charles  Carroll's 
letter  and  the  Remonstrance  in  a  letter  to  Stonor,  dated  Septem- 
ber 12,  1765.  He  pigeonholed  the  document,  excusing  himself 
from  sending  it  to  Hilton,  the  alias  for  Rome : 

I  believe  I  never  told  you  how  much  those  gentlemen  [the  Jesuits] 
were  alarmed  upon  hearing  the  first  rumour  of  a  Bishop  being  designed 
for  North  America  and  what  opposition  and  subscriptions  they  procured 
from  the  laity  there,  which  they  would  have  had  me  to  have  sent  to 
Hilton  but  I  desired  to  be  excused.  By  which  I  plainly  see  it  will  be  no 
easy  matter  to  place  a  Bishop  there,  although  there  be  so  many  thousands 
there  that  live  and  die  without  confirmation.  The  state  of  the  islands  is 
still  worse,  as  they  are  very  indifferently  served  with  Missioners,  and  it 
is  not  possible  for  us  at  this  vast  distance  to  inspect  or  correct  their 
faults:  and  withal  the  circumstances  are  such  that  it  would  scarce  be 
possible  to  fix  a  Bishop  there.^^ 

The  matter  remained  at  a  standstill  until  the  end  of  Challoner 's 
Hfe  (January  10,  1781),  although  the  London  Vicar- Apostolic 
never  wholly  abandoned  his  project.  There  is  a  letter  in  poor 
French  in  the  Westminster  Diocesan  Archives,  not  in  Challoner's 
handwriting,  but  evidently  dictated  by  him,  dated  June  25,  1770, 
to  the  effect  that  he  would  be  willing  to  appoint  the  Bishop  of 
Quebec  (Briand)  as  his  vicar-general  to  take  care  of  the  Cath- 
olics in  the  "lower  colonies." 

Monseigneur: 

Le  Zele  du  Salut  des  Ames,  et  surtout  de  celles  qui  ont  si  recemment 
embrasse  la  Verite  en  I'Amerique  Septentrionale,  que  Votre  Grandeur 
a  toujours  fait  paroitre  m'engage  de  vous  addresser  des  Perssonnes  qui 
se  sont  addresses  ici  a  mon  Ancien  et  moi  pour  nous  demander  du  secours 
spirituel  pour  les  Acadiens,  qu'ils  ne  parlent  que  Frangois  et  nous  n'avons 


"  Op.  cit.,  p.  264.  Dr.  Cross  writes:  "Undoubtedly,  there  is  something  to  be 
said  in  favor  of  the  argument  that  the  attempt  to  introduce  bishops  and  the  opposition 
thereby  excited,  formed  one  of  the  causes  of  the  Revolution.  There  can  be  no  doubt 
that  the  opposition  to  bishops  was  based  mainly  on  political  grounds:  this  fact  is 
indicated  by  the  absence  of  any  resistance  to  the  establishment  of  an  episcopate  after 
the  Revolution."  Cf.  Tiffany,  A  History  of  the  Protestant  Episcopal  Church  in  the 
United  States  of  America,  p.  277.     New  York,  1895. 

"    Westminster  Archives,  Epistolce  Variorum,  vol.  xiv,  no.   102. 


158  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

que  tres  peu  de  Pretres  qui  soient  habiles  en  cette  langue.  J'ai  Vus 
plusieurs  de  cette  partie  de  rAmerique  qui  etoient  Prisonniers  a  Southamp- 
ton pendant  la  derniere  Guerre,  et  j'ai  admire  avec  tous  ceux,  qui  les  con- 
noissoient,  leur  Religion.  lis  demandaient  toujours  en  premier  Lieu,  comme 
lis  devoient  les  secours  spirituels,  que  leurs  compatrio'tes  vous  deraandent 
encore  aujour'hui.  Nous  avons  alors  fait  ce  que  nous  avons  pu,  pour  eux, 
et  Nous  ne  doutons  aucunement  que  Vous  ne  fassiez  ce  meme  a  present. 
Que  s'ils  ne  sont  pas  soumis  a  Votre  Jurisdiction,  il  sera  aise  d'obtenir 
de  Rome  les  Pouvoirs  necessaires  aux  Pretres;  qui  y  seroient  destines. 
S'ils  sont  sujets  de  la  Grande  Bretagne  comme  leurs  voisins  de  la  Nouvelle 
Ecosse,  et  qu'ils  n'ont  pas  d'ordinaire,  nous  pouvons  nous  meme  donner 
ces  Pouvoirs.  Ce  que  Je  remarque  pour  faciliter  I'approbation  des  Pretres 
qu'on  pourra  envoier,  etc?^^ 

It  is  in  conjunction  with  this  suggestion,  as  well  as  with  the 
request  from  Rome  that  Bishop  Briand  visit  the  American 
colonies,  administering  Confirmation  and  overseeing  ecclesi- 
astical things  in  general,  that  a  letter  from  Father  Farmer,  dated 
Philadelphia,  April  22,  1773,  to  Father  Bernard  Well,  refers. 

The  Cardinal-Prefect  of  Propaganda  Fide  wrote  to  Bishop 
Briand  on  September  7,  1771,  asking  him  to  administer  Con- 
firmation in  the  English  colonies  outside  the  Diocese  of  Quebec : 

Most  Illustrious  and  Reverend  Lord  and  Brother, 

From  several  relations  which  have  reached  us  lately,  the  Sacred  Con- 
gregation has  learned  that  in  Maryland,  Pennsylvania,  Virginia,  and  other 
coterminous  places  there  are  found  Catholics  who,  though  in  other  matters 
are  not  suffering  from  the  want  of  spiritual  succor,  have  however  not  re- 
ceived the  sacrament  of  Confirmation.  The  Most  Eminent  Fathers 
greatly  desire  to  grant  them  this  favour  but  they  readily  understand  that 
their  wish  can  hardly  be  realized  unless  your  Lordship,  as  being  tlie 
nearest  Bishop,  consent  to  assume  this  task  and  perform  this  remarkable 
office  of  charity.  In  their  name,  therefore,  I  earnestly  beg  of  you  cheer- 
fully to  undertake  this  burden  agreeable  to  God  and  especially  useful  to 
our  Faith,  the  faculties  for  which,  solicited  from  our  Most  Holy  Lord, 
you  will  find  in  the  accompanying  sheet.  If  you  are  so  prevented  by 
difficulties,  as  to  be  unable  to  fulfil  this  ministry  in  person  I  beg  at  least 
that  you  answer  me  as  quickly  as  possible,  informing  me  of  any  other 
appropriate  manner  in  which  that  orthodox  flock  may  be  succored.  Mean- 
while I  beseech  God  to  long  preserve  your  Lordship  in  health  and  welfare. 

Of  Your  Lordship 
With  brotherly  greetings, 
Joseph   Maria   Card.   Castelli,  Prefect, 
Stephen  Borgia,   Secretary.^^ 


"    Ibid.,  Epistolce  Variorum, — in  a  small  copy-book  inserted  in  vol.  i. 
"    Researches,  vol.  xxi,  pp.  133-134. 


The  American  Bishopric  159 

Together  with  this  letter  came  special  faculties  for  Bishop 
Briand  in  case  he  should  accede  to  Castelli's  request: 

In  an  audience  of  our  Most  Holy  Lord  Pope  Clement  XIV,  obtained 
by  me,  the  undersigned,  Secretary  of  the  Sacred  Congregation  for  the 
Propagation  of  the  Faith  [Propaganda]  on  the  first  of  September,  1771. 

Our  Most  Holy  Lord  in  accordance  with  the  report  presented  by  me 
the  undersigned,  and  considering  the  special  reasons  alleged,  has  granted 
the  Reverend  Lord  Henri  Du  Breil  de  Pontbriand,^*  Bishop  of  Quebec 
in  North  America,  the  faculty  to  administer  the  sacrament  of  Confirma- 
tion to  the  Catholics  living  without  his  diocese,  namely,  in  Maryland, 
Pennsylvania,  Virginia  and  other  coterminous  places,  and  has  declared 
that  the  said  faculty  is  to  last  for  ten  years  only. 

Given  at  Rome  on  the  day  and  in  the  year  as  above. 

Stephen  Borgia,  Secretary. 

Bishop  Briand  acknowledged  the  receipt  of  this  letter  on 
October  15,  1772,  telling  the  Cardinal-Prefect  that  as  soon  as 
the  Governor  of  Quebec  should  return  from  London  he  would 
endeavour  to  obtain  permission  to  go  to  Maryland  and  Phila- 
delphia "to  do  my  best  to  fulfil  the  mission  with  which  it  pleases 
His  Holiness  to  honour  me.  Meanwhile  I  shall  write  to  some 
missionaries  in  that  country  to  forewarn  them/' ^'^  Instead  of 
writing  personally,  Bishop  Briand  commissioned  Father  Bernard 
Well  to  write  to  one  of  the  Jesuits  in  Philadelphia  to  this  effect. 
Father  Farmer's  answer  is  one  of  the  very  interesting  side-lights 
we  possess  for  this  period. 

Philadelphia,  22nd.  April,  I'jy^ 
Reverend  Father  in  Christ, 
P.  C.   [Pax  Christi] 
Your  Reverence's  most  welcome  letter,  dated  February  15,  was  deliv- 
ered to  me  on  the  17th  of  April.    In  the  absence  of  Rev.  Father  Diderick 
I   opened  it,   according  to   directions  given   in   the   address.     The  above 
mentioned  Father  had  been  in  one  of  the  Pennsylvania  Missions,  a  hundred 
or  more  miles  distant  from  Philadelphia;    having,  in  a  private  discussion 
with  a  non-Catholic  man,  made  use  of  some  rather  harsh  and  insulting 
words,  he  came  nigh  being  killed,  a  musket  having  been  twice  discharged 

"  There  is  an  error  in  the  name.  Bishop  de  Pontbriand  died  in  1760.  His  death 
coincides  with  the  fall  of  New  France.  His  successor,  Bishop  Jean-Oliver  Briand, 
occupied  the  see  from  1766  to  1784.  Propaganda  may  not  have  been  cognizant  of 
Bishop  Pontbriand's  death,  which  occurred  eleven  years  before  the  issuance  of  these 
faculties. 

"    Researches,  vol.  xxi,  p.   135. 


i6o  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

by  night  on  his  dwelling  or  chapel.  Wherefore  he  was  obliged  to  remove 
to  the  Mis^sions  in  the  Province  of  Maryland.  I  shall,  in  due  time,  send 
him  your  Reverence's  letter.  Your  Reverence  desires  to  know  the  state 
of  our  Missions.  I  shall  describe  them  briefly.  In  only  two  of  the 
several  English  Provinces  or  Colonies  is  the  Catholic  Religion  tolerated, 
namely  in  Maryland  and  Pennsylvania;  in  the  latter  in  virtue  of  a  Royal 
Charter  given  to  the  founder  of  the  Colony;  in  the  former,  more  from 
ancient  possession  than  owing  to  any  right.  In  Pennsylvania,  by  virtue 
of  a  Royal  deed,  all  religions  are  tolerated,  not  that  each  one  is  free 
to  perform  publicly  the  rites  of  his  religion,  but  in  this  sense  that  he  may 
accomplish  them  in  private,  and  that  he  may  be  in  no  wise  compelled 
by  anyone  to  share  in  any  exercise  whatsoever  of  another  Religion  than 
his  own. 

As,  however,  the  oath  that  must  be  exacted  of  all  such  as  desire  to  be 
numbered  among  the  born  subjects  of  the  kingdom,  or  who  hold  divers 
offices  in  the  Commonwealth,  contains  a  renunciation  of  the  Catholic 
religion,  none  of  our  faith  can  obtain  the  like  favors.  In  Pennsylvania 
there  are  presently  five  Missionaries,  one  Englishman  and  four  Germans, 
who  attend  with  no  mean  labor  to  small  congregations  of  men  nearly 
all  poor  and  widely  scattered  throughout  the  Province.  In  Philadelphia, 
however,  where  reside  two  missionaries,  there  is  a  greater  number  of  souls 
comprising  men  of  different  nationalities.  In  Maryland,  there  are  both 
more  missionaries  and  a  greater  and  better  number  of  faithful,  but,  as 
I  already  mentioned,  they  enjoy  less  liberty  than  that  which  we  here 
enjoy.  All  of  these  Missionaries  are  of  our  Society;  the  Superior  re- 
sides in  Maryland.  I  shall  have  to  consult  him  regarding  the  matter 
treated  in  your  Reverence's  letter.  But  as  a  prompt  answer  is  requested, 
until  the  Reverend  Father  Superior  can  examine  the  question  and  advise 
thereon,  I  beg  to  express  my  own  sentiment. 

From  the  foregoing  it  is  easy  to  see  that  the  Catholic  Religion  is 
practised  with  far  greater  authority  and  freedom  in  Canada  than  in  our 
own  country.  Wherefore  it  is  most  certain  that  the  advent  in  our  midst 
of  the  Right  Reverend  and  Illustrious  [Bishop  of  Quebec]  would  create 
great  disturbances,  with  the  danger  of  depriving  us  of  the  paltry  privi- 
leges we  are  now  enjoying,  especially  in  Maryland,  where,  as  already  men- 
tioned, the  exercise,  even  in  private,  of  our  Religion  rests  upon  no  author- 
ity. For  the  same  reason,  when  several  years  ago,  the  Vicar-Apostolic 
of  London  intended  to  send  some  one  hither  for  the  purpose  either  of 
visiting  or  of  giving  Confirmation,  the  gentlemen  of  Maryland  placed 
under  our  care,  by  a  letter  written  to  the  Right  Reverend  Vicar,  informed 
him  of  the  danger  to  which  they  were  exposed;  wherefore  the  aforesaid 
Vicar,  under  whom  are  all  these  colonies,  gave  up  his  intention. 

I  do  not  wish  you  to  understand  by  this  that  we  are  not  greatly  desirous 
of  having  Confirmation  administered  to  those  of  our  flock  born  in  this 
country,  but  that  it  is  plain  to  our  eyes,  being  given  especially  the  char- 
acter of  Americans,  that  such  rite  could  not  safely  be  conferred  by  a 
person  established  in  dignity.     For  it  is  incredible  how  hateful  to  non- 


The  American  Bishopric  i6i 

Catholics  in  all  parts  of  America  is  the  very  name  of  Bishop,  even  to 
such  as  should  be  members  of  the  Church  which  is  called  Anglican. 
Whence  many  considered  it  a  most  unworthy  measure  that  a  Bishop  be 
granted  to  the  Canadians;  and,  as  for  several  years  past  the  question 
is  being  agitated  in  England  of  establishing  in  these  Provinces  a  Pro- 
testant Bishop  of  the  Anglican  Communion,  so  many  obstacles  were 
found,  due  especially  to  the  character  of  the  Americans  (of  whom  most 
of  the  early  colonists  were  dissidents  from  the  Anglicans,  not  to  mention 
such  as  left  our  own  faith)  that  nothing  has  as  yet  been  effected. 
Hardly  I  can  persuade  myself  that  the  Right  Reverend  [Bishop]  might 
succeed  in  obtaining  from  the  Governor  of  Canada  or  from  the  King,  the 
faculty  of  exercising  his  power  beyond  the  limits  of  the  Provinces  belong- 
ing formerly  to  the  Canadian  government,  and  lately  ceded  by  treaty  to 
the  English. 

From  Europe  we  have  received  no  letters  for  several  months  past, 
so  that  we  are  ignorant  as  to  what  may  be  the  state  of  our  society. 
However,  from  what  we  learned  last  year  from  Ours,  and  also  from 
what  the  newspapers  announce,  we  justly  infer  that  our  interests  in 
Rome  are  not  succeeding  favourably,  though  that  doth  succeed  favourably 
whichsoever  it  pleaseth  Divine  Providence  to  ordain. 

Your  Reverence  will  excuse  me  for  not  having  written  this  more  neatly, 
as  in  this  city,  especially  at  the  present  time,  we  are  very  busy  with  the 
various  labours  of  our  ministry.  I  earnestly  recommend  myself  in  all  holy 
intentions.  Of  Your  Reverence, 

The  most  humble  servant  in  Christ, 

Ferdinand  Farmer,  S.  J. 

P.  S. — My  Reverend  colleague,  Father  Robert  Mollineux,  most  cor- 
dially greets  your  Reverence.  Should  it  please  ye  to  send  me  other  letters, 
they  may  be  addressed  as   follows : 

To  Mr.  Ferdinand  Farmer, 
Walnut  Street, 

Philadelphia.'^^ 

Such  a  solution  of  the  difficulty  as  that  of  sending  Bishop 
Briand  on  a  "progress"  through  the  American  Colonies  was 
impossible.  Even  though  there  had  been  no  intolerant  spirit  at 
work,  it  is  highly  probable  that  his  presence  would  have  given 
offense  to  American  clergy .^^     The  Suppression  of  the  Jesuits 

*•  The  original  of  this  letter  (in  Latin)  is  in  the  Archiepiscopal  Archives  at  Quebec. 
Miscellaneous,  pp.  144-145.  The  translation  given  here  will  be  found  in  Researches, 
vol.  xxi,  pp.   1 1 8- 1 20. 

"  Dr.  Cross  quotes  an  interesting  letter  (op.  cit.,  p.  256,  note  3)  from  the  Fulham 
MSS.,  written  by  Mr.  Martyn  to  the  Bishop  of  London,  dated  South  Carolina,  October 
30,  1765:  "If  I  may  form  a  Judgment  from  the  present  prevailing  turbulent  Spirit 
through  this  and  other  colonies,  I  can  venture  to  affirm  that  it  would  be  as  unsafe  for  an 
American  Bishop  (if  such  should  be  appointed)  to  come  hither,  as  it  is  at  present 
for  a  Distributor  of  the  Stamps." 


1 62  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

that  same  year  (1773),  and  the  outbreak  of  the  Revolution 
(1775)  added  further  complications  to  the  problems  of  juridic 
ecclesiastical  control  over  the  Church  in  the  English  Colonies. 
The  delay  in  Carroll's  appointment  must  be  viewed  not  from  the 
standpoint  of  indifference  or  apathy  on  the  part  of  Rome,  but 
solely  from  motives  of  policy.  The  Holy  See  realized  the  grave 
danger  to  church  discipline  which  might  arise  in  the  absence 
of  a  canonically  appointed  Superior,  but  there  was  nothing  to 
gain  in  forcing  the  issue  upon  the  rebellious  colonies.  Moreover, 
it  was  prudent  to  await  the  outcome  of  the  war.  It  is  to  John 
Carroll's  credit  that,  when  the  Church  here  was  finally  organized 
under  his  leadership,  he  quickly  gained  control  of  all  elements 
that  might  have  caused  disorder.  For  the  next  ten  years — "ten 
years  of  inaction"  Hughes  calls  them — the  administration  of  the 
Church  in  the  colonies  was  practically  paralysed.  The  work  in 
the  American  vineyard  went  on  in  a  listless  way,  as  it  was  bound 
to,  without  a  shepherd,  and  manned  by  a  little  group  of  priests 
who  had  been  dishonoured  and  disbanded  by  the  Holy   See. 


CHAPTER  XII 
CHURCH   ADMINISTRATION   DURING   THE   WAR 

(1775-1784) 

Theoretically,  during  the  American  Revolution,  the  London 
Vicars-Apostolic  (Dr.  Challoner,  1759-1781,  Dr.  Talbot,  1781-  ■ 
1784),  were  the  Superiors  of  the  Catholic  clergy  and  laity  in 
the  ''Thirteen  Provinces  of  America."  Canon  Burton  writes 
that  "it  is  indeed  a  strange  and  curious  fact  to  remember,  but 
it  is  none  the  less  true,  that,  during  the  rest  of  Bishop  Challoner's 
life,  his  jurisdiction  over  his  American  priests  and  people  re- 
mained the  only  remnant  of  authority  in  the  hands  of  an  English- 
man that  was  still  recognized  in  America.  King  and  Parliament 
and  Ministry  had  lost  their  power,  but  this  feeble  old  man,  living 
his  retired  life  in  an  obscure  London  street,  still  continued  to 
issue  his  faculties  and  dispensations  for  the  benefit  of  his  Catholic 
children  in  Maryland  and  Pennsylvania.'*  ^  Practically,  however,  ^ 
the  outbreak  of  the  War  resulted  in  the  stoppage  of  all  juridic 
relationship  between  London  and  the  Maryland-Pennsylvania 
Mission. 

There  is  no  document  in  the  Westminster  Diocesan  Archives 
or  in  the  ecclesiastical  archives  in  the  LTnited  States  to  show  any 
distinctive  use  by  Bishop  Challoner  of  his  faculties  in  the  matter 
of  dispensations  and  subdelegation,  but  his  headship  of  the 
Church  in  this  country  was  virtually  accepted  by  the  fact  that 
the  priests,  and  consequently  the  laity,  acted  during  the  War 
under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  last  Jesuit  Superior,  Father  John 
Lewis,  who  was  Bishop  Challoner's  vicar-general  in  the  colonies. 
Bishop  Challoner's  death  became  known  to  the  American  clergy  y 
about  the  time  of  the  victory  at  Yorktown  (October  19,  1781), 
and  they  were  too  patriotic,  or  too  prudent,  to  appeal  to  his  suc- 
cessor in  matters  ecclesiastical ;  in  fact,  Bishop  James  Talbot  not 


*  Op.  cit.j  vol.  ii,  p.  118. 

163 


164  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

only  showed  no  desire  to  continue  his  American  jurisdiction,  but 
even  refused  to  give  faculties  to  two  American  priests,  Fathers 
John  Boone  and  Henry  Pile,  who  applied  to  him  on  their  way 
home  in  1783,  declaring  that  he  would  exercise  power  no  longer 
over  the  American  Church.  The  only  outstanding  factor  of  these 
ten  years  of  inaction  is  Father  John  Carroll's  Plan  of  Organi- 
zation, of  1782.  On  February  20,  1782,  he  wrote  to  Father 
Charles  Plowden,  whose  name  will  now  appear  regularly  until 
the  end  of  Carroll's  life,  describing  the  listlessness  which  had 
come  over  the  ex- Jesuits  who  had  merely  stayed  at  their  posts, 
doing  their  work  in  a  spiritless  way,  while  the  war  waged  back 
and  forth  across  the  land: 

The  clergymen  here  continue  to  live  in  the  old  form.  It  is  the  effect 
of  habit,  and  if  they  could  promise  themselves  immortality,  it  would  be 
well  enough.  But  I  regret  that  indolence  prevents  any  form  of  admin- 
istration being  adopted,  which  might  tend  to  secure  to  posterity  a  suc- 
cession of  Catholic  clergymen,  and  secure  to  these  a  comfortable  sub- 
sistence. I  said,  that  the  former  system  of  administration  (that  is,  every- 
thing being  in  the  power  of  a  Superior)  continued.  But  all  those  checks 
upon  him  so  wisely  provided  by  former  constitutions,  are  at  an  end.  It  is 
happy  that  the  present  Superior  [Father  John  Lewis]  is  a  person  free 
from  every  selfish  view  and  ambition.  But  his  successor  may  not  [be]. 
And  what  is  likewise  to  be  feared,  the  succeeding  generation,  which  will 
not  be  trained  in  tlie  same  discipline  and  habits  as  the  present,  will  in  all 
probability  be  infected  much  more  strongly  with  interested  and  private 
views.  The  system,  therefore,  which  they  will  adopt,  will  be  less 
calculated  for  the  publick  or  future  benefit,  than  would  be  agreed  to  now, 
if  they  could  be  prevailed  upon  to  enter  at  all  upon  the  business.  But 
ignorance,  indolence,  delusion  (you  remember  certain  prophecies  of  re- 
establishment),  and  above  all  the  irresolution  of  Mr.  Lewis,  put  a  stop 
to  every  proceeding  in  this  matter.^ 

These  are  the  words  of  a  man  of  insight  and  of  courageous 
principles.  At  the  time  they  were  written.  Father  John  Carroll 
held  no  official  position  in  the  body  of  the  clergy,  and  was  not 
even  in  touch  with  those  who  were  considered  their  leaders.  He 
had  shown  a  spirit  of  independence  from  the  time  of  his  return 
in  1774,  and  very  soon  he  began  to  exhibit  points  of  dissimilarity 
with  the  majority  of  his  fellow-priests  in  the  mission.  The  hope 
of  an  early  restoration  of  the  Society  of  Jesus  he  looked  upon 


*  Hughes,  op.  cit.,  Documents,  vol.  i,  part  ii,  p.  609  (Italics  ours). 


Church  Administration  165 

as  delusion,  although  no  member  of  the  great  Order  to  which  he 
belonged  felt  the  blow  which  had  fallen  upon  them  more  keenly 
than  he.     But  his  mind  was  too  logical  and  his  insight  too  far- 
reaching  to  allow  him  to  entertain  any  false  sentiments  in  a 
matter  which,  as  an  ex-Jesuit,  touched  him  so  intimately  as  the 
vindication  of  the  Society's  good  name.     Father  John  Carroll 
had  outgrown  the  insularity  of  many  of  his  fellow-labourers; 
and  added  to  this  calm  logical  outlook  went  an  absence  of  charac- 
teristics which,  if  present  in  his  make-up  during  those  days  of 
reorganization,  would  have  seriously  hampered  him  in  the  work 
that  was  to  fall  to  his  lot.     Among  those  characteristics  was 
freedom  from  emotionalism.     To  the  sentimentality  that  creeps 
out  in  the  clergy  correspondence  of  the  day  over  the  fall  of  the 
Society,  he  was  never  a  party.    John  Carroll  was  not  a  cold  man. 
He  could  be  affectionate,  and  no  doubt  his  correspondence,  if  it 
existed  today,  would  display  a  tender  side  to  his  nature.     Apart  , 
from  his  domestic  relations,  he  was  as  phlegmatic  and  practical 
as  any  Englishman  of  his  time.     He  hated  pretense  and  sham. 
He  avoided  pomp  and  show.     He  stood  for  authority,  but  only 
so  long  as  authority  lived  up  to  its  obligations.     And  no  Amer- 
ican living  at  that  time  caught  so  quickly  and  indelibly  the  spirit 
that  had  created  the  new  Republic.     His  attitude  was  uncom- 
promising on  all  points  of  doctrine.     He  was  a  man  who  loved 
the  truth,  a  man  of   facts.     Dr.  Wharton  fared  badly  at  his 
hands  because  Carroll  was  not  satisfied  to  accept  a  single  quota- 
tion or  reference  in  the  chaplain's  Letter.    Every  sentence  was 
compared  with  the  original,  and  with  that  disaster  to  Wharton 
every  one  who  has  read  the  Address  is  familiar.     His  position 
was  a  singularly  unhappy  one,  in  one  way,  but  was  also  singu- 
larly felicitous  in  another.     The  indolence  of  his  fellow-priests 
he  did  not  hesitate  to  pillory.     He  knew  it  was  an  indolence 
caused  by  the  suppression  of  their  beloved  Society.    But  he  saw 
the  danger  of  their  listlessness.     They  knew  better  than  anyone 
the  kind  and  the  content  of  any  clerical  organization  which  would 
be  set  up ;  and  with  immigration  growing,  it  was  evident  that  the 
secular   clergy   of   Europe   would    follow   or   accompany   their 
people ;  religious  of  other  Orders  than  the  Jesuits  would  come — 
all  with  their  own  ways  and  means  of  securing  control.     If 
American  Catholicism  was  to  have  the  proper  start,  the  time  was 


1 66  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

urgent.     Father  Lewis  had  grown  old  and  gray  in  the  service. 
Nothing  could  be  expected  of  him.     Father  Molyneux  in  Phila- 
delphia for  a  time  seemed  to  be  more  alive  than  the  rest,  and 
did  not  appear  to  have  his  mind  clouded  by  the  "delusion"  of  a 
restoration,  but  laziness  soon  overtook  him.     Carroll  knew  that 
the  hopes  of  a  restoration  were  not  wholly  innocent  of  a  desire 
to  protect  the  important  proprietary  rights  the  Jesuits  had  ac- 
quired—a problem  which  was  to  sit  like  Banquo's  ghost  at  every 
board-meeting  of  the  clergy  for  almost  a  half-century.     Another 
factor  John  Carroll  realized,  and,  realizing,  accepted  without 
conditions :  that  the  old  order  of  things  had  passed  away  forever 
in  the  new  Republic.     Independence  was  not  an  experiment. 
There  was  a  finality  about  Yorktown  that  could  not  be  gainsaid. 
The  last  year  of  the  War  and  the  years  immediately  following 
the  victory  of  1781  are  somewhat  blemished  by  reconcentration 
camps,  persecutions,  and  exile  with  all  its  misery,  in  the  lives 
of  those  who  did  not  wish  to  share  the  fruits  of  the  victory. 
America  for  Americans  was  the  shibboleth  even  in  those  days; 
and  in  their  own  way,  bombastic  though  it  may  have  been,  the 
leaders  and  the  victors  of  American  independence  were  deter- 
mined beyond  all  compromise  to  secure  their  country  from  for- 
eign interference  and  foreign  overlordship.     To  have  made  a 
distinction  between  London  and  Rome  at  that  time  would  be 
asking  too  much  of  those  who  were  then  flushed  with  victory. 
John  Carroll  felt  this  spirit  and  was  not  out  of  sympathy  with 
its  basic  purpose.     He  had  indeed  come  closely  into  contact  with 
a  similar  spirit  during  his  twenty-seven  years  in  France  and 
Belgium;  and  although  the  extreme  doctrines  of  that  clerical 
party  in  Europe  which  looked  askance  at  the  centralized  authority 
of  the  Holy  See  never  found  a  place  in  his  written  word,  never- 
theless we  must  admit  that  it  is  this  spirit  which  will  direct  him 
in  much  that  he  does  from  the  time  he  is  appointed  prefect- 
apostolic  until   his   mantle   as   archbishop    falls   upon   Leonard 
Neale's  shoulders  in  181 5. 

His  Plan  of  Organisation  (1782),  while  treating  mainly  of 
the  problem  of  property,  shows  how  unmistakably  his  mind  was 
directed  by  the  spirit  of  honesty  and  open  diplomacy.  He  places 
upon  the  clergy  of  the  two  States  of  Maryland  and  Pennsylvania, 
where  the  bulk  of  the  Jesuit  estates  was,  the  obligation  arising 


Church  Administration  167 

from  justice  and  from  charity,  of  using  the  funds  entrusted  to 
their  predecessors  and  to  themselves,  solely  for  the  spiritual 
uplift  of  the  faithful,  and  for  the  sustenance  of  the  clergy.  A 
due  and  equitable  administration  of  the  estates  could  be  secured 
only  by  the  adoption  of  some  form  of  administration,  settled 
upon  by  joint  concurrence  of  all,  and  founded  upon  principles 
of  justice  and  equality.  A  sensible  arrangement  of  checks  and 
balances  was  to  be  agreed  upon  among  themselves,  for  the  danger 
was  present  that,  without  any  such  check  on  the  administrators, 
the  estates  might  be  squandered.  Whatever  administration  be 
adopted,  it  was  of  the  utmost  consequence  that  it  should  be 
settled  by  common  consent.  He  would  have  the  clergy  of  the 
different  districts  meet  and  elect  a  deputy  for  this  general  meet- 
ing. All  this  was  necessary  to  protect  the  estates  from  unworthy 
administrators,  from  any  bishop  who  might  be  appointed  over 
them,  and  even,  if  necessary,  from  undue  interference  on  the 
part  of  the  representatives  of  the  Holy  See.  Carroll  refers  to 
the  system  of  checks  and  balances  adopted  by  the  ex- Jesuits  in 
England,  and  ends  his  Plan  with  these  words:  "They  have 
rightly  distinguished  between  the  spiritual  power  derived  from 
the  Bishop,  and  which  must  be  left  in  the  hands  to  which  he  has 
intrusted  it;  and  the  common  rights  of  the  missioners  to  their 
temporal  possessions,  to  which,  as  the  Bishop,  or  Pope  himself, 
have  no  just  claim,  so  neither  can  they  invest  any  person  or 
persons  with  the  administration  of  them."  ^ 

Hughes  says  that  presumably  a  copy  of  the  Plan  was  com- 
municated to  his  clerical  brethren,  since,  in  the  following  year, 

»  Ibid.,  p.  614.  The  entire  document  with  Carroll's  marginal  corrections  will  be 
found  in  Hughes  (I.e.).  That  Carroll  was  not  unduly  emphasizing  the  possibility  of 
encroachments  upon  the  property  rights  of  the  clergy  will  be  granted  by  all  who  are 
aware  of  the  unjust,  and,  at  times,  the  cruel  confiscation  of  Jesuit  property  in  Europe. 
"Your  information  of  the  intention  of  Propaganda,"  he  writes  to  Plowden  (September 
26,  1783),  "gives  me  concern  no  farther,  than  to  hear  that  men,  whose  institution  was 
for  the  service  of  Religion,  should  bend  their  thoughts  so  much  more  to  the  grasping 
of  power  and  the  commanding  of  wealth.  For  they  may  be  assured  that  they  will 
never  get  possession  of  a  six  pence  of  our  property  here;  and,  if  any  of  our  friends 
could  be  weak  enough  to  deliver  any  real  estate  into  their  hands  or  attempt 
to  subject  it  to  their  authority,  our  civil  government  would  be  called  upon  to 
wrest  it  again  out  of  their  dominion.  A  foreign  temporal  jurisdiction  will  never 
be  tolerated  here;  and  even  the  spiritual  supremacy  of  the  Pope  is  the  only 
reason,  why  in  some  of  the  United  States  the  full  participation  of  all  civil  rights  are 
not  granted  to  the  Roman  Catholics.  They  may  therefore  send  their  agents  when 
they  please;  they  will  certainly  return  empty-handed.  .  .  ."  Cf.  Hughes,  /.  c,  pp. 
617-628. 


1 68  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

all  the  main  lines  traced  by  Carroll  were  followed  in  the  proceed- 
ings of  the  Chapter  of  1783.  Carroll's  correspondence  with 
Plowden  gives  us  additional  light  on  his  Plan.  On  September 
26,  1783,  he  tells  his  former  colleague:  "Our  gentlemen  here 
continue,  as  when  I  last  wrote.  We  are  endeavoring  to  establish 
some  regulations  tending  to  perpetuate  a  succession  of  labourers 
in  this  vineyard,  to  preserve  their  morals,  to  prevent  idleness, 
and  to  secure  an  equitable  and  frugal  administration  of  tem- 
porals. An  immense  field  is  opened  to  the  seal  of  apostolical 
men.  Universal  toleration  throughout  this  immense  country,  and 
innumerable  R,  Catholics  going  and  ready  to  go  into  the  new 
regions  bordering  on  the  Mississippi;  perhaps  the  finest  in  the 
world,  and  impatiently  clamorous  for  clergymen  to  attend  them."*' 
The  leader  is  again  apparent  in  this  letter  for  he  says  that  "the 
object  nearest  my  heart  is  to  establish  a  college  on  this  continent 
for  the  education  of  youth,  which  might  at  the  same  time  be  a 
seminary  for  future  clergymen.  But  at  present  I  see  no  prospect 
of  success."  '^ 

Church  administration,  therefore,  during  the  period  of  the  war 
was  for  all  practical  purposes  non-existent.  The  only  change  in 
the  clerical  situation  was  made  by  the  Angel  of  Death.  They 
could  not  accept  any  longer,  without  causing  prejudice,  the  juris- 
diction of  the  London  Vicar- Apostolic,  even  had  that  patriotic 
Englishman,  Bishop  Talbot,  the  brother  of  the  Earl  of  Shrews- 
bury, discovered  in  his  heart  any  love  or  respect  for  the  rebels 
in  the  former  colonies. 

The  Holy  See  was  rather  far  away  in  those  days,  and  they 
had  no  intermediary  whom  they  could  trust.  Their  confidence 
in  Rome  had  received  a  body-blow  but  ten  years  before,  and  they 
had  no  special  reason  to  encourage  the  establishment  of  a  "foreign 
power,"  such  as  the  Congregation  of  Propaganda  Fide  was  con- 
sidered, over  the  American  Church.  Something,  however,  had  to 
be  done.  The  little  band  of  priests  showed  where  the  merciless 
hand  of  death  had  robbed  them,  here  and  there,  of  a  brother 
and  fellow-labourer.  The  vast  country  was  alive  with  possi- 
bilities, material  and  spiritual.  Immigration  was  like  a  sluice- 
gate, raised  an  inch  or  so,  but  with  a  strong  hand  ready  to  send 


*  HuGHESj  I.e.,  p.  615  (Italics  ours)* 

•  Ibid. 


Church  Administration  169 

a  gulf  stream  of  humanity  across  the  Atlantic,  seeking  liberty, 
peace,  and  happiness.  Whether  Carroll's  Plan  of  Organisation 
alone  aroused  the  sleeping  shepherds  is  not  certain,  but  by  the 
summer  of  1783,  we  find  the  clergy  gathered  at  last  for  the 
purpose  of  organization. 

On  June  27,  1783,  in  consequence  of  a  call  sent  out  by  Father 
Lewis,  who  still  continued  to  act  as  Vicar-General  of  the  London 
District,  six  deputies  of  the  American  clergy  met  at  the  old 
Jesuit  residence  at  Whitemarsh,  half-way  between  Georgetown 
and  Annapolis,  in  a  First  General  Chapter,  to  consider  the  grave 
question  of  providing  a  Constitution  for  the  American  Church. 
At  this  meeting  they  exchanged  views  on  the  ways  and  means 
of  securing  the  same.     The  mission  was  divided  into  three  Dis- 
tricts— the  Northern,  Middle,  and  Southern — in  each  of  which 
the  clergy  were  to  meet  and  to  appoint  two  delegates  for  a 
General  Chapter.^     At  these  local  meetings,  a  Form  of  Govern- 
ment was  proposed,  and  on  November  6,  1783,  the  delegates  met 
again  at  Whitemarsh  to  decide  according  to  their  instructions 
what  was  to  be  accepted.     At  this  meeting  there  were  present: 
Father   John  Lewis,  the   Superior,  who  also   represented  the 
Northern  District;  Fathers  John  Carroll  and  Bernard  Diderick 
from  the  Middle  District;  and  Fathers  Ignatius  Matthews  and 
James  Walton  from  the  Southern  District.     Carroll's  Plan  was 
fully  discussed,  but  its  ultimate  adoption  was  postponed  until 
the  final  meeting  of  this  First  Chapter,  held  on  October  11,  1784. 
The  two  principal  questions  deliberated  upon  by  this  Chapter 
were:  the  maintenance  of  ecclesiastical  life  and  discipline,  and 
the  preservation  of  ecclesiastical  property.     Three  separate  sec- 
tions were  decided  upon  as   forming  the  Constitution  of  the 
clergy — The  Form  of  Government,  in  nineteen  articles ;  the  Rules 
for  the  Particular  Government  of  Members  belonging  to  the 
Body  of  the  Clergy,  in  six  articles ;  and  the  Regulations  respect- 
ing the  Management  of  Plantations,  in  eight  articles.'' 

A  Formula  of  Promise  was  added,  which  each  member  of  the 
Select  Body  of  the  Clergy  was  to  sign.     The  Chapter  then  ad- 


•  Shea,  op.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  205. 

'  Original  copies  of  these  documents  with  the  signatures  of  those  present  are  in 
the  Baltimore  Cathedral  Archives,  Special  C-Ei.  Hughes  has  published  only  a  few 
of  these  important  papers;  cf.  Hughes,  /.  c,  pp.  617-628. 


170  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

journed  to  meet  in  three  years  (October  lo,  1787),  and  all  the 
deputies  signed  the  minutes.  The  clergy  were  henceforth  known 
as  the  Select  Body  of  the  Clergy;  their  deputies  were  called 
Representatives  to  the  Chapter;  and  the  Board  of  Trustees, 
formed  to  exercise  administrative  function,  was  called  the  Cor- 
poration. The  Constitution  adopted  in  1784  remained  the  Rule 
of  the  clergy  until  1806,  when  the  Society  of  Jesus  was  partially 
restored  in  the  United  States.  All  the  problems  that  dealt  with 
this  Chapter  Meeting  have  an  important  bearing  on  the  history 
of  the  Church  in  the  earlier  half  of  the  nineteenth  century ;  but 
among  these  problems  the  one  which  interests  us  most  and  which 
very  soon  begins  to  centre  itself  around  Father  John  Carroll,  is 
the  question  of  the  superior  ship  over  the  Church  in  the  Republic. 
Two  events  of  the  Chapter  need  to  be  recorded.  The  first  was 
the  appointment  (November,  1783)  of  a  Committee  of  Five  to 
draw  up  a  Petition  to  the  Holy  See,  asking  that  Father  John 
Lewis  be  formally  constituted  the  Superior  of  the  Church  in  the 
United  States,  with  certain  episcopal  privileges — those  of  admin- 
istering the  Sacrament  of  Confirmation,  blessing  chalices  and 
altar  stones,  and  giving  faculties  to  new-comers  in  the  mission. 
This  Petition,  composed  by  Fathers  Lewis,  Diderick,  Matthews, 
Walton,  and  John  Carroll,  gives  us  a  clearer  idea  of  the  attitude 
of  the  clergy  towards  the  problem  of  a  hierarchy  of  jurisdiction 
in  the  American  Church: 

Most  Holy  Father: 

We,  John  Lewis,  Bernard  Diderick,  Ignatius  Matthews,  James  Walton 
and  John  Carroll,  missionary  priests,  residing  in  the  Thirteen  United  States 
of  North  America,  assembled  together  from  the  neighboring  stations  to 
take  counsel  for  the  good  of  the  missions,  our  fellow-priests  residing  in  the 
more  remote  parts  of  this  mission  agreeing  herein  and  approving  by  letter, 
in  our  name  and  in  the  common  name  of  our  brethren,  with  all  respect 
represent  to  your  Holiness,  that  we,  placed  under  the  recent  supreme 
dominion  of  the  United  States,  can  no  longer  have  recourse,  as  form- 
erly, for  necessary  spiritual  jurisdiction  to  the  Bishops  and  Vicars- 
Apostolic  residing  in  different  and  foreign  States  (for  this  has  very 
frequently  been  intimated  to  us  in  very  positive  terms  by  the  rulers  of 
this  Republic),  nor  recognize  any  one  of  them  as  our  ecclesiastical 
Superior,  without  open  offense  of  this  supreme  civil  magistracy  and  politi- 
cal government.  Wherefore  we,  placed  in  this  difficult  position,  have 
recourse  to  your  Holiness,  humbly  beseeching  you  to  vouchsafe  to  con- 
firm anew  the  ecclesiastical  Superior  whom  we  now  have,  namely,  John 


Church  Administration  171 

Lewis,  a  priest  already  approved  and  confirmed  by  the  Vicar-Apostolic 
of  London,  to  whom  this  whole  mission  was  subject  before  the  change 
of  political  government,  and  to  delegate  to  him  the  power  of  granting 
the  necessary  faculties  to  priests  coming  into  these  missions,  as  it  shall 
seem  expedient ;  that  said  Superior  may  delegate  this  power  to  at  least 
one  or  more  of  the  most  suitable  missionaries  as  the  necessity  and  dis- 
tance of  time  and  place  may  require. 

Moreover,  as  there  is  no  bishop  in  these  regions  who  can  bless  the 
holy  oils,  of  which  we  were  deprived  for  several  years  during  the  confusion 
of  the  war,  no  one  to  bless  the  chalices  and  altar  stones  needed,  no  one 
to  administer  the  Sacrament  of  Confirmation,  we  humbly  beseech  your 
Holiness  to  empower  the  said  John  Lewis,  priest,  Superior,  to  perform 
these  things  in  the  present  necessity,  and  until  otherwise  provided  for 
this  mission  by  your  Holiness,  that  our  faithful,  living  in  many  dangers, 
may  be  no  longer  deprived  of  the  Sacrament  of  Confirmation  nor  die 
without  Extreme  Unction  according  to  the  rite  of  the  Church. 

Moreover,  we  also  pray  your  Holiness  to  bestow  on  this  mission  the 
indulgences  of  the  Jubilee,  and  to  extend  to  the  missionaries  the  ample 
faculties  which  may  seem  seasonable  in  these  vast  and  remote  regions 
racked  by  a  long  bitter  war,  where  on  account  of  the  constant  military 
movements,  neither  the  Jubilee  on  the  exaltation  of  your  Holiness  to  the 
See  of  Peter,  nor  the  Jubilee  of  the  year  1775,  could  be  promulgated,  much 
less  celebrated  or  enjoyed. 

This,  Most  Holy  Father,  is  what  the  aforesaid  petitioners,  missionary 
priests  in  these  regions  of  United  North  America,  humbly  solicit  from 
your  Holiness'  supreme  wisdom  and  providence  for  the  good  of  the 
Catholic  Religion.^ 

Shea  says  that  this  Petition,  which  is  not  dated  in  the  original, 
was  forwarded  through  Cardinal  Borromeo.  Evidently  it  was 
presented  to  Pius  VI,  as  it  is  still  among  the  Propaganda  Ar- 
chives.^ When  its  contents  became  known  to  the  rest  of  the 
American  clergy,  it  was  feared  by  some  that  it  was  not  suffic- 
iently respectful  in  tone,  and  accordingly  another  Committee, 
of  which  John  Carroll  was  a  member,  was  appointed  to  draft  a 
second  Petition.  This  second  request  for  a  Superior  contained 
the  modification  that  they  be  permitted  to  elect  their  own  Super- 
ior; it  declared  also  that  the  United  States  Government  would 
not  permit  the  presence  of  a  bishop  in  the  country.  Father 
Carroll  was  instructed  to  send  this  second  Petition  to  the  Holy 


'  Propaganda   Archives,    Scritture   riferite,    America    Centrale,    vol.    ii,    S.    338. 
(Translation  from  Shea,  op.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  pp.  209-211.) 

•  Propaganda  Archives,  I   c,  America  Centrale,  vol.  ii,  no.  8.     (Another  copy.) 


172  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

Father  through  a  friend  at  Rome.     Accompanying  the  Petition 
J   was  a  letter  from  Carroll  instructing  his  friend  on  the  mind  of 
the  American  clergy  toward  the  establishment  of  a  hierarchy  in 
the  United  States. 

You  are  not  ignorant  that  in  these  United  States  our  religious  system 
has  undergone  a  revolution,  if  possible,  more  extraordinary  than  our 
political  one.  In  all  of  them  free  toleration  is  allowed  to  Christians  of 
every  denomination;  and  particularly  in  the  States  of  Pennsylvania, 
Delaware,  Maryland,  and  Virginia,  a  communication  of  all  civil  rights, 
without  distinction  or  diminution,  is  extended  to  those  of  our  religion. 
This  is  a  blessing  and  advantage  which  it  is  our  duty  to  preserve  and 
improve,  with  the  utmost  prudence,  by  demeaning  ourselves  on  all  occa- 
sions as  subjects  zealously  attached  to  our  government  and  avoiding  to 
give  any  jealousies  on  account  of  any  dependence  on  foreign  jurisdic- 
tions more  than  that  which  is  essential  to  our  religion,  an  acknowledg- 
ment of  the  Pope's  spiritual  supremacy  over  the  whole  Christian  world. 
You  know  that  we  of  the  clergy  have  heretofore  resorted  to  the  Vicar- 
Apostolic  of  the  London  District  for  the  exercise  of  spiritual  powers,  but 
being  well  acquainted  with  the  temper  of  Congress,  of  our  assemblies 
and  the  people  at  large,  we  are  firmly  of  opinion  that  we  shall  not  be 
suffered  to  continue  under  such  a  jurisdiction  whenever  it  becomes  known 
to  the  publick.  You  may  be  assured  of  this  from  the  following  fact. 
The  clergy  of  the  Church  of  England  were  heretofore  subject  to  the 
Bishop  of  London,  but  the  umbrage  taken  at  this  dependence  was  so 
great,  that  notwithstanding  the  power  and  prevalence  of  that  sect  they 
could  find  no  other  method  to  allay  jealousies,  than  by  withdrawing 
themselves  as  they  have  lately  done,  from  all  obedience  to  him. 

Being  therefore  thus  circtunstanced,  we  think  it  not  only  adviseable 
in  us,  but  in  a  manner  obligatory,  to  solicit  the  Holy  See  to  place  the 
episcopal  powers,  at  least  such  as  are  most  essential,  in  the  hands  of  one 
amongst  us,  whose  virtue,  knowledge,  and  integrity  of  faith,  shall  be 
certified  by  ourselves.  We  shall  annex  to  this  letter  such  powers  as  we 
judge  it  absolutely  necessary  he  should  be  invested  with.  We  might  add 
many  very  cogent  reasons  for  having  amongst  us,  a  person  thus  em- 
powered, and  for  want  of  whom  it  is  impossible  to  conceive  the  incon- 
venience happening  every  day.  If  it  be  possible  to  obtain  a  grant  from 
Rome  for  vesting  these  powers  in  our  Superior  pro  tempore,  it  would  be 
most  desirable.  We  shall  endeavor  to  have  you  aided  in  this  application, 
by  a  recommendation,  if  possible,  from  our  own  country  and  the  minister 
of  France.  You  will  know  how  to  avail  yourself  of  so  favorable  a  Rus- 
sian minister  at  Rome;  and  if  Mr.  Thorpe  will  be  pleased  to  undertake 
the  management  of  the  business  there,  we  will  with  cheerfulness  and 
gratitude  answer  all  expenses  which  he  may  incur  in  the  prosecution  of  it. 
He  will  be  the  judge,  how  and  whether  the  annexed  petition  ought  in 
prudence  to  be  presented  to  His  Holiness,  but  at  all  events  the  powers 


Church  Administration  173 

therein  contained,  are  those  which  we  wish  our  Superior  to  be  invested 
with.io 

Father  Carroll's  views  on  the  question  of  establishing  the 
American  hierarchy  were  always  guided  by  this  distinction.  He 
could  see  no  other  way  of  meeting  fairly  and  honestly  the  Amer- 
ican attitude  toward  "foreign  jurisdiction,"  except  by  the  ap- 
pointment of  a  Bishop  Ordinary  with  his  see  in  the  United 
States.  He  instructs  his  correspondent,  therefore,  that  the  Su- 
perior asked  for  in  the  Petition  should  have  episcopal  powers. 

The  second  event  was  the  formal  presentation  by  Father  John 
Carroll  at  the  last  meeting  (October  11,  1784)  of  the  Chapter 
of  Father  Thorpe's  letter  from  Rome,  dated  June  9,  1784, 
which  reached  Rock  Creek  on  August  20,  1784,  announcing 
to  Carroll  the  fact  that  the  Holy  See  had  chosen  him  as  prefect- 
apostolic  of  the  Church  here,  and  that  as  soon  as  the  necessary 
information  on  the  state  of  the  Church  reached  Propaganda, 
the  Holy  See  would  promote  him  to  the  dignity  and  character 
of  a  bishop.  Father  Thorpe's  letter  was  discussed  by  the  Chap- 
ter at  the  last  meeting  of  the  delegates,  October  11,  1784,  with 
the  following  result: 

The  business  of  Mr.  Thorpe's  letter  was  next  considered  by  the  Chapter 
and  the  following  resolves  passed.  It  is  the  opinion  of  the  majority  of 
the  Chapter,  that  a  Superior  in  spiritualtbus  with  powers  to  give  con- 
firmation, grant  faculties,  dispensations,  bless  oils,  etc.,  is  adequate  to 
the  present  exigencies  of  religion  in  this  country.  Resolved  therefore: 
I.  That  a  Bishop  is  at  present  unnecessary.  2.  That,  if  one  be  sent,  it  is 
decided  by  the  majority  of  the  Chapter,  that  he  shall  not  be  entitled  to 
any  support  from  the  present  estates  of  the  Clergy.  3.  That  a  com- 
mittee of  three  be  appointed  to  prepare  and  give  an  answer  to  Rome, 
conformable  to  the  above  resolution.  The  committee  chosen  to  meet  at 
the  White-Marsh  are  Messrs.  Bernard  Diderick,  Ignatius  Matthews,  and 
Joseph  Mosley.^i 

Father  Carroll  had  also  received  the  news  of  his  appointment 
as  prefect-apostolic  and  of  the  future  bishopric,  on  September 
18,  1784,  from  Father  Charles  Plowden's  letter  of  July  3,  1784. 
Plowden's  letter  is  a  frank  avowal  of  the  French  intrigue,  which 
forms  the  subject  of  the  next  chapter,  and  it  is  clearly  the  prevail- 


"    Baltimore  Cathedral  Archives,  Special  C-A4  (in  Carroll's  hand);  cf.  Shea,  op. 
cit.,  p.  211. 

"   Hughes,  op.  cit..  Documents,  vol.  i,  part  ii,  p.  633. 


174  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

ing  English  attitude  on  the  Church  which  the  Revolution  had 
removed  from  English  jurisdiction : 

It  appears,  however,  to  me,  a  great  incongruity  that  a  negotiation  should 
be  carried  on  between  the  American  States  and  the  Court  of  Rome  upon 
affairs  of  the  Catholic  Religion  without  the  participation  of  the  priests 
who  are  actually  in  the  country.  If  Dr.  Franklin  reflects,  he  must  see 
the  impropriety  of  such  an  act  and  be  sensible  that  your  civil  and  eccle- 
siastical rights  may  be  much  prejudiced  by  it.  It  is  not  improbable  that 
the  ultimate  answer  of  the  States  and  of  Franklin  will  be  that  your 
country  is  open  to  the  Roman  Catholic  as  well  as  to  other  religions, 
leaving  the  manner  of  establishing  it  to  the  Pope,  that  is,  to  the  Propa- 
ganda. This  is  just  the  answer  lately  given  by  the  King  of  Sweden 
during  his  residence  at  Rome.  In  consequence  of  it  a  Vicar-Apostolic  is 
named  to  go  to  Stockholm,  and  a  sum  of  money  is  given  to  build  a 
Catholic  Church.  Now,  as  Franklin  may  be  presumed  to  be  less  in- 
formed than  we  could  wish  upon  these  matters,  I  have  desired  Messrs. 
Sewall,  Hoskins,  and  Mattingly  to  write  to  him  with  a  view  of  giving 
him  information,  and  as  you  are  personally  acquainted  with  him,  I  trust 
you  will  zealously  do  the  same.  A  confidential  representation  will  come 
with  better  grace  from  American  Catholic  clergymen  than  from  British- 
born  priests  ...  I  have  suggested  to  them  to  entreat  Franklin  not  to  con- 
cur in  any  proposal  which  may  be  detrimental  to  the  tranquillity  and  pros- 
perity [of  your  Church]  ...  I  have  had  the  consolation  to  receive 
information  that  on  the  Qth  of  last  month  the  Propaganda  had  sent  off 
ample  faculties,  according  to  the  tenor  of  the  petition,  with  power  to 
give  the  Sacrament  of  Confirmation  to  you,  and  that  you  are  to  be 
appointed  Bishop  and  Vicar-Apostolic  as  soon  as  proper  information  can  be 
procured  from  America.  I  heartily  congratulate  with  religion,  you  and 
your  country.  Mr.  Thorpe  and  the  Cardinal  judged  that  the  Memorial 
which  came  to  Rome  in  the  name  of  Messrs.  John  Lewis  and  his  associates 
could  not  be  presented  in  its  own  full  shape;  it  demanded  too  much,  it 
demanded  it  in  a  manner  too  immethodical,  and  it  would  have  given 
occasion  to  too  many  comments  which  at  such  a  distance  from  informa- 
tion could  not  well  be  answered.  You  cannot  be  ignorant  that  prudence 
was  highly  requisite  as  well  to  obtain  your  request  as  to  remove  every 
occasion  to  the  gentlemen  of  Propaganda  introducing  their  own  preten- 
sions .  .  .  They  must  have  some  motive  for  delegating  you  with  plenitude 
of  power  while  the  negotiation  between  Doria  and  Franklin  is  yet  un- 
determined. Perhaps  they  feared  that  it  might  result  in  the  establishing 
a  Bishop  in  Ordinary  which  would  at  once  withdraw  the  American  Mis- 
sions from  their  control.  Our  friends  at  Rome  have  taken  much  pains 
to  inculcate  the  danger  of  introducing  any  alien  or  foreigners  with  spiritual 
powers  into  your  Missions,  and,  it  seems,  with  some  success.^ 2 


"  Ibid.,  p.  633, 


Church  Administration  175 

Father  Carroll  replied  the  day  he  received  this  letter  (Sep- 
tember 15,  1784)  :  ''Nothing  can  place  in  a  stronger  light  the 
aversion  to  the  remains  of  the  Society  than  the  observation  made 
by  you  of  a  negotiation  being  carried  on  relative  to  the  affairs  of 
religion  with  Dr.  Franklin,  without  ever  deigning  to  apply  for 
information  to  the  Catholic  clergy  of  this  country."  When  John 
Carroll  first  heard  that  the  Paris  Nuncio,  Doria  Pamphili,  was 
consulting  his  friend,  Franklin,  on  the  question  of  episcopal  gov- 
ernment in  the  United  States,  he  was  on  the  point  of  writing  at 
once  to  the  American  envoy,  but  he  feared  that  such  a  procedure 
would  place  him  in  "a  conspicuous  point  of  view."  No  one 
realized  more  keenly  than  Carroll  the  necessity  of  spiritual  inde- 
pendence from  every  foreign  court,  the  Holy  See  alone  excepted ; 
and  the  French  intrigue,  while  it  accidentally  hastened  his  own 
appointment,  became  very  distasteful  to  him.  "I  do  assure  you, 
dear  Charles,"  he  wrote,  "that  nothing  personal  to  myself,  ex- 
cepting the  dissolution  of  the  Society,  ever  gave  me  so  much 
concern  [as  the  news  in  your  letter].  And,  if  a  meeting  of  our 
gentlemen  held  the  ninth  of  October  agree  in  thinking  that  I  can 
decline  the  intended  office  without  grievous  inconvenience,  I  shall 
certainly  do  so." 

Meanwhile,  the  Committee  of  Three,  appointed  in  the  meeting 
of  October  11,  1784,  set  to  work  on  the  proposed  Memorial  to 
Rome  against  the  appointment  of  a  Bishop.  On  December  9, 
1784,  Father  Diderick,  who  led  the  opposition  to  the  introduction 
of  episcopal  government  in  the  United  States,  sent  Father  Car- 
roll a  copy  of  the  Memorial,  with  the  following  letter : 

Port  Tobacco,  December  g,  1784. 
Rev.  Sir :  We  send  you  a  copy  of  the  letter  we  have  drawn  up  to  send 
to  Rome.  We  hope  it  will  not  be  disagreeable  to  you,  as  your  intended 
promotion  seemed  to  give  you  much  imeasiness.  We  should  be  happy, 
in  case  of  a  bishop's  being  appointed  here,  that  you  should  be  the  person, 
as  we  have  not  any  objection  to  your  person  and  qualities.  But  as  we 
look  upon  it  to  be  unnecessary  and  hurtful  to  the  good  of  religion,  we  have 
sent  this  letter  according  to  what  was  determined  in  chapter. 
We  are,  with  due  respect,  Rev.  Sir, 

Your  most  obed't  and  humble  servants, 
Bernard  Diderick, 
Ignatius   Matthews.^* 


"    Campbell,  in  the  United  States  Catholic  Magazine,  vol.  iii,  p.  797. 


176  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

The  Memorial  was  as  follows : 

Most  Holy  Father: 

Of  the  twenty-two  secular  priests  living  in  the  thirteen  United  States 
of  North  America,  six  were  appointed  a  few  months  ago  to  deliberate 
together  upon  the  welfare  of  the  Catholics  in  this  part  of  the  world. 
Having  assembled  for  this  purpose,  they  expressed  the  opinion  that  there 
is  not  the  least  necessity  for  a  bishop  in  this  country,  because  there  is  no 
institution  as  yet  for  the  education  of  youth,  and  their  subsequent  prepara- 
tion for  holy  orders.  I,  Bernard  Diderick,  have  been  requested  by  the 
committee  to  notify  your  holiness  of  this  sentiment,  and  to  acquaint  you 
also  with  the  following  circumstances : 

1.  The  majority  of  the  Protestant  population  here  are  averse  to  a 
Roman  Catholic  prelate,  and  for  this  reason  the  episcopal  office  if  intro- 
duced would  most  likely  av/aken  their  jealousy  against  us. 

2.  We  are  not  able  to  support  a  bishop  in  a  manner  becoming  his 
station,  and  at  the  same  time  to  supply  the  necessary  wants  of  our  fellow 
laborers  in  the  ministry;  moreover,  the  Catholics  cannot  be  induced  to 
aid  us  with  their  means  in  effecting  this  object. 

3.  Were  it  even  admitted  that  the  two  points  just  mentioned  would 
present  no  difficulty,  we  are  entirely  at  a  loss  to  see  how  the  greater 
number  of  missionaries,  whose  cooperation  would  be  so  very  desirable  in 
this  immense  region,  could  be  furnished  with  the  means  of  passing  to 
this  country. 

We  therefore  humbly  entreat  Your  Holiness  not  to  persist  in  the 
design  of  conferring  the  episcopal  dignity  upon  any  individual  in  these 
parts,  unless  the  necessary  provision  be  made  in  some  other  quarter  for 
his  support.  Should  Your  Holiness  entertain  a  different  view,  it  would 
be  a  source  of  much  affliction  to  us,  while  at  the  same  time  we  are  con- 
vinced that  it  will  be  much  more  detrimental  than  otherwise  to  the  interest 
of  religion;  for  as  it  has  pleased  Your  Holiness  to  appoint  one  of  our 
body  to  administer  confirmation,  consecrate  altar-stones,  bless  the  holy 
oils,  and  grant  dispensations  in  the  prohibited  degrees,  this  appointment 
is  equally  advantageous  for  the  good  of  religion.^* 

Carroll's  sentiments  on  the  Memorial  are  expressed  in  a  letter 
to  Father  Thorpe,  dated  Maryland,  near  Georgetown,  February 
17,  1785,  which  follows  in  its  chronological  place  in  the  series  of 
documents  given  in  the  next  chapter.  "At  the  same  meeting,"  he 
says,  "but  after  I  had  left  it  thro'  indisposition,  a  direction  was 
given  to  Messrs.  Diderick,  Mosely  and  Matthews  to  write  you 
a  letter  (I  believe  likewise  a  Memorial  to  the  Pope)  against  the 


"  Ibid.,  pp.  797-798.  The  contemporary  copies  of  these  documents  are  in  the 
Baltimore  Cathedral  Archives,  Special  C-A3,  but  they  are  so  badly  worn  with  age 
that   I   could   not  compare   them   with   Hughes. 


Church  Administration  177 

appointment  of  a  bishop.  I  hear  that  this  displeased  many  of 
those  absent  from  the  meeting,  and  that  it  is  not  certain  whether 
the  measure  is  to  be  carried  into  execution.  Mr.  Diderick  has 
shown  me  a  copy  of  his  intended  letter  to  you,  of  his  Memorial, 
and  of  a  letter  to  Cardl.  Borromeo.  He  has  no  other  introduc- 
tion to  write  to  this  worthy  Cardinal  than  the  information  com- 
municated to  me  by  our  common  friend  Plowden,  of  his  great 
worth  and  friendly  disposition  to  you.  I  made  objections  to 
some  parts  of  his  letters ;  and  I  cannot  tell,  as  I  mentioned  before, 
whether  they  will  be  sent.  It  is  matter  of  surprise  to  me  that 
he  was  nominated  to  the  Commission  of  Three;  he  is  truly  a 
zealous,  painstaking  Clergyman;  but  not  sufficiently  prudent, 
and  conversant  in  the  world,  or  capable  of  conducting  such  a 
business  with  the  circumspection  necessary  to  be  used  by  us 
towards  our  own  Government,  and  the  Cong,  of  the  Prop- 
aganda." ^^ 

The  First  Chapter  Meeting  was  scarcely  over  when  Father 
Carroll  received  a  third  notification  of  his  appointment  in  a 
letter  from  the  French  Charge  d'affaires.  Barbe  de  Marbois, 
dated  New  York,  October  27,  1784;  and  finally  on  November 
26,  1789,  he  received  the  official  documents  from  Rome,  sent 
(June  9,  1784)  by  Cardinal  Antonelli,  the  Prefect  of  Propa- 
ganda. The  Chapter  Petition  in  favor  of  Father  Lewis  and  the 
Diderick  Memorial  did  not  arrive  in  time  to  prevent  Father 
Carroll's  appointment,  but  they  had  the  desired  effect  of  delaying 
the  appointment  of  a  bishop  for  the  United  States  until  1789. 
Another  factor,  quite  foreign  to  the  best  interests  of  the  American 
Church,  had  intervened  in  the  meantime,  and  this  factor  it  was 
which  actually  hastened  Carroll's  appointment  as  prefect- 
apostolic.  This  was  an  intrigue  at  Paris  for  what  Shea  calls 
"the  enslavement  of  the  Catholics  in  this  country."  ^^ 


"    GuiLDAY,  Appointment  of  Father  John  Carroll,  etc.,  in  the   Catholic  Historical 
Review,  vol.  vi,  p.  237.     The  letter  is  in  the  Baltimore  Cathedral  Archives,  Case  9A-F1. 
*•     Op.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  213  note. 


CHAPTER  Xlir 

FRENCH   ECCLESIASTICAL   INTERFERENCE   IN    THE 

AMERICAN  CHURCH 

(1783-1784) 

At  the  very  time  when  the  American  clergy  were  holding  their 
meetings  at  Whitemarsh  for  the  purpose  of  reorganizing  the 
government  of  the  Church  under  one  of  themselves,  who  would 
be  subject  in  spiritual  affairs  to  the  Holy  See  only,  and  thus  be 
free,  as  the  Republic  was,  from  all  foreign  alliances,  an  interest- 
ing and  significant  series  of  negotiations  was  being  promoted  in 
Europe,  and  especially  at  Paris,  the  object  of  which  was  to  place 
the  nascent  American  Church  under  French  control.  France  had 
proven  herself  America's  noblest  and  most  generous  friend 
during  the  Revolution.  In  December,  1776,  an  American  mission 
at  Paris,  presided  over  by  Benjamin  Franklin,  had  formally 
asked  the  assistance  of  the  French  Government  in  the  great 
struggle  for  independence.  That  the  policy  of  France  was  to 
take  advantage  of  England's  conflict  with  the  American  colonies 
was  understood  by  all  at  that  time.  France  was  still  smart- 
ing under  the  defeat  she  sustained  in  the  Seven  Years'  War 
and  she  was  recognized  as  the  chief  sufferer  among  the  conti- 
nental nations  which  had  been  humiliated  by  England.  America's 
independence  would  be  a  great  check  upon  the  arrogance  of 
the  British  Navy.  The  Secretary  of  Foreign  Affairs  in  France 
at  that  time,  the  Count  de  Vergennes,  was  not  only  in  favour 
of  immediate  intervention  in  behalf  of  the  rebelling  colo- 
nists, but  was  also  a  warm  personal  friend  of  Franklin.^  Bur- 
goyne's  surrender,  or,  as  it  was  called,  to  spare  the  English 
general's  feelings,  the  "convention  between  Lieutenant-General 
Burgoyne  and  Major-General  Gates,"  on  October  17,  1777, 
marked  the  turning  point  in  the  war.^    From  that  date  down  to 

*  Fisher,  Struggle  for  American  Independence,  vol.  ii,  pp.   113-115. 

*  General   Sir  John  Burgoyne  was  one  of   the  most  tolerant  men  in  the   British 

178 


French  Interference  179 

the  victory  at  Yorktown  the  Revokition  became  an  international 
affair.  The  news  reached  Paris  in  December,  1777,  and  its  imme- 
diate effect  was  to  hasten  the  Alliance  with  France.  This  was 
signed  on  January  17,  1778.  Soldiers,  money,  warships,  and 
supplies  were  to  be  furnished  to  the  struggling  colonists.  Ulti- 
mate victory  for  the  Americans  was  now  a  certainty.  Franklin, 
in  his  house  at  Passy,  a  suburb  of  Paris,  gathered  around  him 
the  best  men  of  the  French  capital,  and  it  was  through  his  shrewd- 
ness and  statesmanship  that  the  Alliance  was  kept  in  vigorous 
activity  until  the  end  of  the  war.  It  must  be  remembered  that 
France  was  a  great  Catholic  country  at  this  time.^  The  King, 
Louis  XVI,  mediocre  as  he  was  in  statesmanship,  was  a  most 
Christian  King  in  more  than  name,  and  there  is  no  doubt  that 
every  aspect  of  the  future  of  the  new  nation  then  coming  into 
existence  was  discussed  between  him  and  his  ministers.  The 
French  Alliance,  as  is  well-known,  was  denounced  by  the  Loyalists 
in  America  as  "a  horror  and  an  infamy  worse  than  the  Declara- 
tion of  Independence."  That  Protestant  colonists  should  ally 
themselves  with  the  great  Roman  Catholic  monarchy,  the  ancient 
enemy  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  race,  and  ally  themselves  for  the 
purpose  of  making  war  upon  their  own  faithful  and  loving 
mother,  England,  was  a  depth  of  degradation  to  which,  they  de- 
clared, they  had  thought  it  impossible  for  Americans  to  descend. 
"They  saw  in  it  nothing  but  ruin,  and  the  Romanizing  of  Amer- 
ica under  despotic  government."  * 

It  is  hard  to  enter  upon  the  story  of  the  effort  made  in  France 
at  this  time  (1783-1784)  to  give  an  organized  hierarchy  to  the 
Church  in  the  new  Republic,  without  considerable  suspicion  of 
all  concerned.  The  leading  fact  to  be  kept  in  mind,  however,  for 
a  cautious  judgmenl  on  the  whole  episode,  is  Franklin's  prompt 
acquiescence  in  the  appointment  of  John  Carroll  once  the  latter's 
name  was  seriously  considered.    The  whole  matter  can  be  easily 


service.  His  speech  in  the  House  of  Commons,  on  December  ii,  1770,  in  favor  of 
freedom  of  worship  and  the  abrogation  of  the  test  oath  for  Catholic  soldiers  was  the 
beginning  of  the  debate  which  led  up  to  the  relief  which  came  to  the  Catholics  in 
England  in  1778. 

•  Cf.  The  French  Clergy's  Gift  to  America,  in  the  Catholic  Mind,  vol.  xviii,  no.  8. 

*  Fisher,  op.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  120;  cf.  Van  Tyne,  Loyalists  in  America,  pp.  132-136, 
for  an  excellent  summary  of  the  loyalist  point  of  view;  Kite,  Notes  on  Franco-Ameri- 
CQ,n  Relations  in  I7j8,  in  the  Records,  vol.  xxxii,  pp,  131-150, 


i8o  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

followed  in  the  diplomatic  and  ecclesiastical  correspondence  of 
the  time.^ 

In  the  Instruction^  sent  by  the  Congregation  of  Propaganda 
Fide  to  Prince  Doria  Pamphili,  Archbishop  of  Seleucia,  and 
Apostolic  Nuncio  at  Paris,  dated  January  15,  1783,  the  Nuncio  is 
reminded  that  the  occasion  of  the  general  peace  which  was  to  be 
concluded  among  the  nations  of  Europe  was  an  important  one 
for  the  future  of  the  Church  in  the  new  Republic  across  the  seas. 
He  is  informed  that  up  to  the  outbreak  of  the  Revolutionary  War, 
all  the  possessions  of  England  on  the  continent  or  on  the  islands 
of  America  were  under  the  spiritual  jurisdiction  of  the  Vicar- 
Apostolic  of  London.  "The  approaching  declaration  of  the  inde- 
pendence of  all  those  provinces,"  he  is  informed,  "will  destroy 
the  bonds  of  their  political  and  civil  subordination  to  the  British 
government ;  it  will  thereby  destroy  all  bonds  in  religious  matters, 
and,  therefore,  the  Vicar-Apostolic  of  London  will  be  deprived 
of  the  influence  and  direction  he  has  exercised  until  now  in  the 
religious  affairs  of  those  provinces."  ^  The  Nuncio  should,  there- 
fore, exert  his  own  power  with  the  Court  of  France,  to  the  end 
that,  through  the  influence  which  the  King  has  with  the  leaders 
of  the  American  Congress,  he  may  obtain  the  insertion  of  an 
article  in  the  Treaty  of  Peace  "concerning  the  free  exercise  and 
the  maintenance  of  the  Catholic  religion."  His  Most  Christian 
Majesty,  Louis  XVI,  was  to  be  approached  on  the  question  of 
assuming  the  royal  patronage  of  the  Church  in  the  new  Republic. 
A  plan  for  establishing  new  missions  and  for  sending  mission- 
aries to  the  new  Republic  was  to  be  discussed,  if  the  opportun- 
ity offered  itself.  A  most  desirable  method  of  organizing  the 
Church  in  the  United  States  "would  be  to  establish  in  one  of  the 
principal  cities  a  Vicar-Apostolic,  with  episcopal  character, 
chosen  from  among  the  subjects  of  the  new  Republic,  who  should 


'  These  Documents  (on  the  appointment  of  the  first  Bishop  of  Baltimore)  appeared 
in  the  original  French,  Italian,  and  Latin  in  the  American  Historical  Review  for  July, 
1910,  pp.  801-829.  They  were  copied  at  Rome  by  Professor  Carl  Russell  Fish,  while 
he  was  engaged  on  his  Guide  to  the  Materials  for  American  History  in  Roman  and  other 
Italian  Archives  (Washington,  191 1),  and  were  translated  into  English  and  published 
by  the  late  American  Church  historian,  Rev.  Edward  I.  Devitt,  SJ.,  in  the  Records 
of  the  American  Catholic  Historical  Society  of  Philadelphia,  vol.  xxi,  pp.  185-236,  and 
were  later  printed  separately.  They  are  cited  here  as  Fish-Devitt  Transcripts. 

•  For  the  diplomatic  and  historical  value  of  these  Instructions,  cf.  Cauchie-Maere, 
Recueil  des  Instructions  Generales  aux  Nonces  de  Flandre,  pp.  3-9.     Brussels,  19 14. 

^     Propaganda  Archives,  Istrusioni,  vol.  i,  S.  41-44;  Fish-Devitt  Transcripts,  p.  4. 


French  Interference  i8i 

receive  from  the  Holy  See  powers  for  the  spiritual  government 
of  the  Catholics  of  all  those  regions,  and  who,  thereafter,  should 
receive  the  charge  of  establishing  various  missionary   stations, 
more  or  less  numerous,  according  to  the  requirements  of  each 
province."  ^    A  bishop  vicar-apostolic  was  proposed  by  the  Holy 
See,  not  only  because  he  would  be  able  to  guide  the  Church  and 
confer  on  the  Catholics  all  they  needed  to  render  their  spiritual 
life  complete,  but  also  because  "national  jealousy  could  thus  be 
obviated,  by  not  constraining  these  new  republicans  to  receive 
those  sacraments  [Confirmation  and  Holy  Orders]  from  foreign 
bishops."  ^    The  Holy  See  recognized  that  the  members  of  the 
American  Congress  might  not  be  willing  to  allow  a  Catholic 
bishop  to  enter  the  United  States;  if  such  should  prove  to  be 
the  case,  a  native  American  might  be  appointed  prefect,  with  the 
title  of  vicar-apostolic,   enjoying  episcopal  power,   except   for 
the  administration  of  Holy  Orders.  The  rule  is  laid  down  in  this 
Instruction  to  the  Nuncio  that  if,  by  any  chance,  a  native  Amer- 
ican be  found  worthy  for  this  important  post,  he  should  be  pre- 
ferred, whether  for  the  simple  prefecture  or  for  the  vicariate- 
apostolic.     If  an  available  American  should  not  be  found,  then 
Congress  should  be  asked  to  allow  a  foreigner  to  be  appointed. 
It  would  appear  also  from  the  text  of  the  Instruction  that  Con- 
gress was  to  be  given  the  privilege  of  stating  whether  the  choice 
was  acceptable  or  not.  The  maintenance  of  the  new  ecclesiastical 
head  in  the  United  States  should  also  be  discussed,  and  in  case 
no  help  be  proffered,  the  Congregation  of   Propaganda   Fide 
would  be  ready  to  assign  an  allowance  to  the  new  bishop,  to  the 
prefect,  or  the  vicar-apostolic.     The  Holy  See  no  doubt  hoped 
that  if  the  missionaries  who  would  go  to  America  were  French- 
men, the  King  would  assist  them  "from  his  royal  and  liberal 

munificence." 

Less  than  a  month  later,  on  February  lO,  1783,  Doria  Pam- 
phili  replied  to  Cardinal  Antonelli  that  he  had  transmitted  His 
Eminence's  wishes  to  the  Prime  Minister,  Count  de  Vergennes/^ 


«  Prop.  Arch.,  ibid.,  Fish-Devitt  Transcripts,  p.  S- 

•  Ibid. 

10  Charles  Gravier  Vergennes,  Prime  Minister  of  France,  born  at  Dijon  in  17 17, 
died  at  Paris,  1787.  Entered  the  diplomatic  service  under  Chavigny,  French  ambassa- 
dor at  Lisbon.  Appointed  in  1750,  Minister  to  Elector  at  Treves.  Six  years  later, 
became  ambassador  at  Constantinople.     Recalled  in   1768,  was  later   (177O   appointed 


1 82  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

at  a  conference  held  on  Tuesday  of  the  preceding  week.  Article 
VIII  of  the  peace  preliminaries  (signed  on  November  30,  1782) 
between  England  and  America,  had  secured  religious  peace  to 
the  new  Republic.  The  Prime  Minister  saw  no  difficulty  in 
establishing  a  vicariate-apostolic  in  America,  with  an  American 
having  episcopal  power,  and  the  Nuncio  begged  him  to  inform 
Mr.  Franklin,  the  minister  plenipotentiary  of  the  new  Republic, 
that  he  desired  to  treat  with  him  on  this  important  matter.  The 
main  object  of  France  in  the  war  was  American  Independence, 
and  while  John  Jay  and  John  Adams,  two  of  the  American  com- 
missioners, were  very  suspicious  of  the  intentions  of  France, 
Franklin  never  lost  his  complete  confidence  in  our  ally.  France 
had  been  forced  to  give  up  so  much  for  the  hard-won  independ- 
ence of  the  new  Republic  that  it  is  not  surprising  to  find  FrankHn 
willing,  probably  anxious,  partially  to  recompense  France  by 
allowing  the  French  Government  to  have  control  over  the  Church 
in  the  United  States.^^ 

Cardinal  Antonelli  replied  on  March  19,  1783,  telling  the 
Nuncio  what  a  great  consolation  his  letter  of  February  10  had 
been  to  all  in  Rome.  He  is  especially  cheered  by  the  hope  that 
Catholic  missionaries  will  be  tolerated  in  the  United  States  and 
that  a  native  vicar-apostolic  will  be  permitted  to  reside  in  the 
new  Republic.^2  Six  months  were  to  pass  before  the  Nuncio 
was  able  to  report  on  the  results  of  his  promised  interview  with 


to  Stockholm.  Louis  XVI  gave  him  the  post  of  Secretary  of  Foreign  Affairs,  and  it 
was  in  this  capacity  that  he  concluded  the  Franco-American  alliance  on  January  26, 
1778.     Had  he  lived,  it  has  been  said,  he  might  have  prevented  the  French  Revolution. 

"  Prop.  Arch.,  Scritture  riferite,  America  Centrale,  vol.  ii,  f.  186;  Fish-Devitt 
Transcripts,  pp.  6-7. 

"  Two  interesting  documents  find  a  place  here  in  order  of  time,  though  they 
have  little  bearing  on  the  question  under  discussion.  The  first  is  a  letter  from  the 
Capuchin,  Father  Sulpitius  de  Fribourg,  dated  Isle  of  San  Domingo,  June  25,  1783, 
to  Propaganda,  calling  attention  to  the  sad  state  of  the  Catholics  in  the  Carolinas,  and 
announcing  his  willingness  to  go  to  the  faithful  there,  if  the  Holy  See  would  give  him 
proper  authority.  He  explains  that  he  is  well  versed  in  French  and  German  and 
could  easily  perfect  himself  in  English.  Propaganda  replied  on  September  27,  1783, 
praising  his  great  zeal,  but  postponed  accepting  his  worthy  offer  until  some  sort  of 
ecclesiastical  government  be  set  up  in  the  new  Republic.  Father  Sulpitius  wrote  also 
on  July  8,  1783,  laying  his  desire  before  Cardinal  Antonelli,  and  on  March  13,  1784, 
a  similar  answer,  if  not  in  the  identical  terras  to  that  of  September  27,  was  sent  to 
the  good  friar.  This  is  a  good  example  of  the  anxiety  expressed  by  Carroll  in  his  letters 
to  Plowden  in  1782,  that  apostolic  men,  seeing  the  state  of  the  clergy  in  the 
newly  created  States,  would  succeed  in  having  themselves  sent  to  save  the  souls  of 
the  faithful.  (Propaganda  Archives,  Scritture  originate,  America  Centrale,  vol.  ii, 
f.  195.)     A  further  example  of  this  self-aroused  interest  in  the  American  Church  can 


French  Interference  183 

Mr.  Franklin.  On  September  i,  1783,  two  days  before  the 
definitive  treaty  of  peace  was  signed,  Doria  Pamphili  wrote  to  the 
Cardinal,  telling  him  that  he  was  transmitting  a  dossier  of  three 
papers,  marked  A,  B,  and  C,  respectively,  relating  to  the  organi- 
zation of  the  Church  in  the  United  States  and  giving  to  the 
prefect  a  complete  account  of  the  negotiations  entered  into  up  to 
that  date: 

I  have  the  honor  of  transmitting  to  your  Eminence,  herewith,  three 
papers  marked  A,  B,  and  C,  respectively,  and  relating  to  the  establishment 
of  apostolic  missions  in  the  new  republic  of  the  United  States  of  America, 
which  matter  was  committed  to  me.  The  first  is  a  copy  of  a  note  or 
memorandum,  that  I  sent  to  Mr.  Franklin,  minister  plenipotentiary  of 
the  new  republic,  the  second  and  third  are  copies  of  a  note  of  Mr. 
Franklin  and  of  some  observations  made  by  him  on  the  subject  of  my 
note  just  mentioned.  In  order  to  take  time  to  send  a  categorical  reply 
to  Mr.  Franklin,  I  merely  acknowledged  the  receipt  of  these  papers,  in 
which  your  Eminence  will  find  Mr.  Franklin  to  be  of  opinion  that  our 
court,  or,  in  other  words,  the  Sacred  Congregation  of  the  Propaganda, 
will  be  free  to  take  all  measures  that  may  be  useful  to  the  Catholics 
of  America  without  infringing  the  constitutions,  and  that  the  congress 
will  not  fail  tacitly  to  approve  the  choice  that  the  Sacred  Congregation 
may  make  in  concert  with  the  minister  plenipotentiary  of  the  United 
States  of  a  French  ecclesiastic,  who,  residing,  in  France,  may  regulate 
the  affairs  of  Catholics  in  America,  through  a  suffragan  there.  In  this 
connection,  I  am  of  the  opinion  that,  rather  than  a  French  ecclesiastic, 
the  apostolic  nuncio  for  the  time  being  in  France,  in  concert  with  that 
Sacred  Congregation,  might,  himself,  Invest  an  ecclesiastic  with  the 
character  of  bishop,  of  prefect,  or  of  vicar-apostolic  for  the  government 


be  seen  in  the  following  letter  {Propaganda  Archives,  America  Centrale,  vol.  ii,  f.  263), 
from  John  O'ConnoIly,  dated  at  Paris,  May  23,  1784: 

Monseigncur, 

Quoique  mes  Superieurs  m'aient  destine  pour  les  missions  de  Irlande,  dont 
je  suis  natif,  j'ose  cependant  representer  a  Votre  Eminence,  que  I'etat  de- 
plorable de  la  foi  catholique  en  Amerique  me  penetre,  de  la  plus  viva  douleur; 
d'autant  plus  que  la  tolerance  accordee  dans  ce  pais,  a  toute  sorte  de  sectes, 
y  donnera  entree  a  toutes  celles  qui  se  donnent  pour  protestantes,  et  y  feront 
des  proselytes  nombreux;  s'il  n'y  a  point  de  pretre  touche  de  zele  des  ames 
pour  en  empecher  le  progres  funeste;  et  pour  gagner  a  la  vraie  foi  ceux  que 
les  faux  apotres  chercheront  a  corrompre,  sous  pretexte  de  reforme.  C'est 
dans  ces  sentiments  et  dans  le  desir  d'encourager  a  la  perseverance  les  vrais 
fideles  de  ces  contrees  que  je  supplie  Votre  Eminence  de  me  faire  expedier  des 
patentes  pour  la  mission  de  1' Amerique  septentrionale;  ubi  messis  tnulta, 
operarii  autem  pauci,  vel  niilli.  Pour  ce  qui  regarde  mes  mceurs,  Votre 
Eminence  en  sera  instruite  par  le  Pere  Guardien  de  St.  Isidore  a  Rome. 
J'ose  esperer  que  Votre  Eminence  daignera  m'accorder  cette  grace  et 
m'honorer  d'une  response. 


1 84  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

in  question.    There  being  in  America,  as  Mr.  Franklin  says  in  his  note  C, 
no  college  or  establishment  in  which  a  Catholic  ecclesiastic  may  receive 
the  instruction  that  it  is  necessary  for  him  to  have,  nor  the  hope  of  a 
public  appropriation  for  such  a  purpose,  Your   Eminence  will  recognize 
that  recourse  must  be  had  to  other  means  in  this  connection,  and  that 
those   suggested   by   Mr.   Franklin   in   his   note   C,    concerning   the    four 
establishments  of  English  Religious  that  exist  in  France,  could  not,  and 
should   not,   be   proposed,   much   less,   accepted.     The   last   paragraph   of 
that  note  deserves  all  attention,  tending  as  it  does,  to  the  attainment  of 
desirable  ends.     I  have  thought  it  well  to  give  information  of  the  con- 
tents of  these  papers  to  the  Count  of  Vergennes,  a  true  statesman,  full 
of  zeal  and  attachment  for  our  holy  Catholic  religion;  and  as  I  begged 
of  him  to  facilitate  the  means  of   establishing  a  college  in  France   for 
the  education  of  as  many  priests  as  may  be  necessary  for  the  spiritual 
welfare  of  the  Roman  Catholics  who  now  are,  or  may  come  to  be,  in  the 
States  of  the  new  republic,  the  royal  minister,  assuring  me  that  he  will 
give  all  the  assistance  that  it  may  be  in  his  power  to  lend  in  that  con- 
nection,  suggested  that   I   speak  to   Monseigneur   the   Bishop  of   Autun, 
minister   of   ecclesiastical  benefices   of   this   realm,   in  order   that  he,   by 
his  lights,  and  by  his  good  offices,  may  assist  in  the  establishment  of  the 
proposed  college,   at   St.   Malo,   Nantes,   L'Orient,   or   any  other   city  of 
France,  near  the  coast,  it  being  necessary,  however,   first  to  obtain  the 
requisite  funds,  and  to  know,  approximately,  the  number  of  priests  that 
the  Roman  Catholics  of  the  United  States  may  need,  and  whether  there 
be  in  that  country,  individuals  inclined  to  undertake  the   studies  and  to 
adopt    the    ecclesiastical    state.      Accordingly,    I    had    an    interview    with 
Monseigneur   the   Bishop   of    Autun,   on   Wednesday,   and   we   agreed   to 
confer  together,  on  Saturday  of  last  week,  with  the  Count  of  Vergennes. 
To  this  end,  on  the  day  appointed,  I  went  to  Versailles,  and  the  Count  of 
Vergennes,  as  well  as  the  above-named  prelate,  showed  himself  to  be  desir- 
ous of  obtaining  the  funds  necessary  for  so  important  an  end.    While  this 
matter  is  being  thought  over,  I  trust  that  your  Eminence  will  give  me 
what  information  you  have  in  regard  to  the  mission  of  North  America, 
and  will  obtain  further  information  from  the  prelate  who  is  in  charge 
of  that  mission,  requesting  him  to  give  the  number  of  priests  that  are 
in  those  states,  and  the  number  of  them  that  may  be  needed  there.     In 
quest  of  this  information,  after  receiving  the  answer  of  Your  Eminence, 
I   will   endeavor   to   obtain   that   the   Count   of    Vergennes   write   to   the 
Chevalier  de  la  Luzerne,   who  has  been  minister  plenipotentiary  of   the 
Most  Christian   King  to  the  United   States  of    North  America   for   the 
last  three  years,  and  who  is  much  esteemed  and  loved  there.^^ 

The  first  note  (Note  A)  is  a  copy  of  a  memorandum  which  the 
Nuncio  had  sent  to  Mr.  Franklin  on  July  28,  1783,  requesting  him 

"    Prop.  Arch.,  Scritt.  riferite,  America  Centralc,  vol.  ii,  ff.  206-313;  Fish-Devitt 
Transcripts,  pp.  8-1 1. 


French  Interference  185 

to  transmit  the  same  to  the  American  Congress  and  to  support 
it  with  his  influence: 

Before  the  revolution  that  has  just  been  consummated  in  North  America, 
the  Catholics  and  the  missionaries  of  those  provinces  were  in  spiritual 
dependence  upon  the  Vicar-Apostolic  residing  at  London.  It  is  obvious 
that  this  arrangement  can  not  be  continued;  but,  as  it  is  essential  that 
the  Catholic  subjects  of  the  United  States  have  an  ecclesiastic  to  govern 
them  in  what  concerns  their  religion,  the  Congregation  of  Propaganda 
Fide,  which  exists  at  Rome  with  a  view  to  the  establishment  and  preser- 
vation of  the  missions,  has  determined  to  propose  to  the  Congress  the 
installation  of  one  of  their  Catholic  subjects,  in  some  city  of  the  United 
States  of  North  America,  with  the  powers  of  Vicar-Apostolic  and  with 
the  character  of  Bishop,  or  simply  as  Prefect-Apostolic.  The  estab- 
lishment of  a  Bishop  Vicar-Apostolic  seems  to  be  preferable,  all  the 
more,  since  this  would  enable  the  Catholic  subjects  of  the  United  States 
to  receive  Confirmation  and  Holy  Orders  in  their  own  country,  instead 
of  being  obliged  to  go  to  foreign  countries  to  receive  those  Sacraments; 
and  as  it  might  happen  at  times,  that  no  one  be  found  among  the  subjects 
of  the  United  States  qualified  to  be  entrusted  with  the  spiritual  govern- 
ment, whether  as  Bishop  or  as  Prefect-Apostolic,  it  would  be  necessary 
in  such  cases  that  Congress  be  pleased  to  consent  that  the  choice  be 
made  among  the  Bishops  of  a  foreign  nation,  the  most  friendly  to  the 
United  States.^* 

Shea  tells  us  that  the  Nuncio  transmitted  also  to  the  French 
Minister  in  the  United  States,  the  Chevalier  de  la  Luzerne,  a 
similar  letter  addressed  to  the  "Senior  Catholic  Missionary  in 
the  United  States."  Note  B  is  a  resume  of  Franklin's  reply  to 
the  Nuncio.  The  American  Minister,  after  mature  reflection  on 
the  matter  contained  in  the  Nuncio's  letter  of  July  28,  decided 
that  "it  would  be  absolutely  useless  to  send  it  to  Congress,  which, 
according  to  its  power  and  constitution,  cannot  and  should  not  in 
any  case  intervene  in  the  ecclesiastical  affairs  of  any  sect  of 
religion  estabhshed  in  America."  Mr.  Franklin  was  of  the  opin- 
ion that  the  Holy  See  was  entirely  free  in  taking  whatever 
measures  might  be  useful  to  the  Catholics  of  America,  without 
infringing  the  Constitution,  and  that  Congress  would  not  fail  to 
give  a  tacit  approval  of  the  choice  made  by  the  Sacred  Congre- 
gation. But,  as  the  Note  goes  on  to  say,  it  was  understood  that 
the  choice  in  question  would  be  "of  a  French  ecclesiastic;  who 


**    Ibid.,  p.  II. 


1 86  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

residing  in  France,  may  regulate  the  spiritual  affairs  of  the 
Catholics  who  live,  or  who  may  come  to  establish  themselves,  in 
those  States,  through  a  suffragan  residing  in  America." 

Observations  on  the  Note  of  M.  the  apostolic  Nuncio 
Mr.  Franklin,  after  reading  the  note  of  M.  the  Nuncio  and  reflecting 
upon  it  maturely,  believes  that  it  would  be  absolutely  useless  to  send  it 
to  the  Congress,  which,  according  to  its  power  and  constitution  cannot 
and  should  not,  in  any  case,  intervene  in  the  ecclesiastical  affairs  of  any 
sect  or  of  any  religion  established  in  America.  Each  particular  state  has 
reserved  to  itself  by  its  own  constitution  the  right  to  protect  its  members, 
to  tolerate  their  religious  opinions  and  not  to  interfere  with  the  matter, 
as  long  as  they  do  not  disturb  civil  order. 

Mr.  Franklin  is  therefore  of  opinion  that  the  Court  of  Rome  may 
take,  of  its  own  initiative,  all  the  measures  that  may  be  useful  to  the 
Catholics  of  America,  without  disregard  to  the  constitutions  and  that 
Congress  will  not  fail  to  give  its  tacit  approval  to  the  choice  that  the 
Court  of  Rome  in  concert  with  the  minister  of  the  United  States  may 
make  of  a  French  Ecclesiastic  who,  residing  in  France,  may  regulate  the 
spiritual  affairs  of  the  Catholics  who  may  live  or  who  may  come  to 
establish  themselves  in  those  states  through  a  suffragan  residing  in 
America. 

Besides  many  political  reasons  that  may  make  that  arrangement  desir- 
able, the  Apostolic  Nuncio  must  find  in  it  many  others  that  may  be 
favorable  to  the  intentions  of  the  Court  of  Rome.^^ 

The  third  Note  (C)  contained  the  surprising  suggestion  about 
the  English  colleges.  The  Cardinal-Prefect  had  stressed  the 
necessity  of  maintenance  for  the  vicar-apostolic  of  the  new 
Republic,  and  Franklin  suggests  to  the  Nuncio  that,  since  there  is 
in  America  no  college  or  establishment  where  a  Catholic 
ecclesiastic  might  receive  the  necessary  preparation,  the  four 
monasteries  of  the  English  Benedictine  monks,  the  annual 
revenues  of  which  amounted  to  almost  60,000  livres,  might  be 
used  for  this  purpose.  *Tt  is  possible,"  so  runs  Note  C,  "that  the 
King  of  France,  to  please  the  Court  of  Rome  and  to  strengthen 
the  bonds  of  friendship  with  the  United  States,  would  permit 
these  establishments  to  train,  instruct,  and  in  part  support  the 
ecclesiastics  who  would  be  used  in  America." 

The  American   revolution,  by   separating  the   interest   of   the   colonies 
from  those  of  the  mother  country  changes  the  relations  that  boimd  the 

"    Ibid.,  p.   12. 


French  Interference  187 

Catholics  of  America  with  tliose  who  live  in  the  English  dominion.  The 
unity  of  the  present  government  seems  to  require  that  those  bonds  be 
diminished  and  weakened  by  taking  from  the  British  ministry  all  influ- 
ence over  the  subjects  of  the  United  States. 

In  the  greater  number  of  the  colonies,  there  is  no  endowment,  no  fixed 
revenue,  for  the  support  of  a  clergy  of  whatever  denomination ;  Legisla- 
ture, viewing  this  subject  from  the  standpoint  of  a  more  general  freedom, 
has  been  unwilling  to  make  a  public  charge  of  a  tax  that  should  be  only 
voluntary  and  private.  Neither  is  there  a  college  or  public  establishment 
where  a  Catholic  ecclesiastic  may  receive  necessary  instruction.  These 
are  two  equally  essential  points  to  be  considered. 

There  are  in  France  four  establishments  of  English  monks,  the  total 
revenues  of  which  may  amount  to  50,000  or  60,000  livres.  These  monks 
are  few.    The  want  of  subjects  makes  those  who  remain  useless  at  least. 

It  is  possible  that  the  King  of  France  to  please  the  Court  of  Rome, 
and  to  strengthen  the  bonds  of  friendship  with  the  United  States,  would 
permit  these  establishments  to  train,  instruct  and  in  part  support  the 
ecclesiastics  who  would  be  used  in  America. 

It  would  be  expedient  that  one  of  the  Bishops  named  by  the  Holy 
See  should  be  a  subject  of  the  king,  residing  in  France,  in  a  position, 
always,  to  act  in  accordance  with  the  Nuncio  of  His  Holiness  and  the 
American  minister,  and  to  adopt  with  them  the  means  of  training  the 
ecclesiastics,  which  might  be  agreeable  to  Congress  and  useful  to  Amer- 
ican Catholics.^'' 

From  these  three  memoranda  it  is  clear  that  a  definite  policy- 
regarding  the  American  Church  had  been  decided  upon  between 
March  and  September,  1783.  Cardinal  Antonelli's  concession 
that  a  foreigner  might  be  chosen  as  head  of  the  American  Church 
was  evidently  being  made  capital  of  in  Paris,  and  whoever  orig- 
inated the  scheme  found  in  Franklin  a  willing  tool  in  the  project 
for  subjecting  his  Catholic  fellow-citizens  to  a  foreign  superior, 
nominated  by  French  influence  and  residing  in  France.  The 
Nuncio  was  not  favorably  disposed  toward  the  suggestion  that 
the  property  of  the  Anglo-Benedictine  Congregation  be  confis- 
cated for  the  purpose  of  educating  priests  for  the  American 
Mission.^^  Vergennes  also  saw  the  injustice  of  the  proposal  and 
intimated  to  the  Nuncio  that  Talleyrand  would  be  the  proper 
official  to  consult  in  this  aspect  of  the  affair.  By  September, 
1783,  therefore,  the  French  scheme  was  fully  developed.   Besides 


*•    Ibid.,  pp.  12-13. 

"    Taunton,  English  Black  Monks,  vol.  ii,  chapters  xvii-xix.  London,   1897. 


1 88  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

a  French  vicar-apostolic  for  the  United  States,  with  episcopal 
character,  who  would  rule  the  Church  here  through  a  suffragan 
or  vicar-general,  an  American  Seminary  was  to  be  erected  in 
one  of  the  sea-coast  towns  of  France,  supported  by  the  revenues 
of  the  English  monastic  establishments  in  France  which  were  to 
be  confiscated  for  this  purpose.  How  much  money  would  be 
necessary  for  the  project  would  depend  upon  the  number  of 
priests  needed  in  the  United  States.  The  Nuncio  called  on  Talley- 
rand and  a  conference  was  agreed  upon  between  Doria  Pamphili, 
Talleyrand  and  Vergennes  at  Versailles.  The  Prime  Minister 
and  the  Bishop  of  Autun  both  showed  themselves  desirous  of 
carrying  out  the  American  Seminary  plan.  Accordingly,  the 
Nuncio  was  directed  to  ask  at  Rome  for  further  information  on 
the  American  mission :  namely,  the  number  of  priests  already 
in  the  States,  and  the  number  that  was  still  needed  for  the  Church 
there.  The  Nuncio  intended  also,  he  tells  Antonelli,  to  ask  Ver- 
gennes to  inquire  from  de  la  Luzerne,  then  French  Minister  at 
New  York,  "and  who  is  much  esteemed  and  loved  there/'  for 
information  on  these  two  points. 

As  we  have  seen,  the  American  clergy,  although  ignorant  up 
to  this  time  of  the  intrigue,  had  already  begun  to  create  their 
own  organization  during  the  peace  year  (1783-1784).  The 
Whitemarsh  meeting  of  the  clergy  on  June  27,  1783,  had  decided 
upon  a  Chapter  form  of  government.  Father  John  Lewis,  the 
Vicar-General  of  the  London  Vicar-Apostolic  up  to  the  outbreak 
of  the  war,  was  the  acknowledged  head  of  the  Church  in  the 
United  States  down  to  the  General  Chapter  of  the  American 
Clergy,  on  November  6,  1783,  when  his  nomination  as  superior 
for  the  whole  Mission  was  sent  to  Rome.  News  of  the  pro- 
ceedings of  the  June  meeting  had  no  doubt  been  reported  to 
the  Nuncio,  for  his  letter  of  September  i,  1783,  as  has  been  seen 
above,  contains  a  rather  emphatic  suggestion  that  silence  on  the 
whole  plan  should  be  kept :  "On  the  other  hand,  Your  Eminence 
Vv'ill  deign  to  inform  neither  the  ecclesiastic  just  mentioned  (the 
superior  of  the  Mission  in  the  United  States)  nor  anyone  else, 
with  the  exception  of  the  Holy  Father,  of  my  negotiations  with 
the  Count  de  Vergennes  and  with  Monseigneur  the  Bishop  of 
Autun,  since  it  is  a  question,  as  yet,  of  mere  project,  of  which  it 
would  pot  be  well  to  speak  before  it  be  realized,  or  developed 


French  Interference  189 

sufficiently  not  to  be  frustrated  by  anyone  who  may  regard  the 
proposed  establishment  unfavorably." 

There  were,  indeed,  several  quarters  from  which  opposition 
might  legitimately  be   expected.    The   English   Benedictines   in 
France  had  dwindled  to  a  mere  shadow  of  their  former  greatness; 
St.  Edmund's  Monastery  in  Paris,  for  example,  was  reduced  to 
such  a  state  that  during  the  latter  half  of  the  eighteenth  century 
"it  was  seriously  considered  whether  it  would  not  be  as  well  to 
disband  the  house  altogether."  ^^  All  the  English  religious  houses 
in  France  were  indeed  to  be  swept  away  in  the  whirlwind  of  the 
French  Revolution  ten  years  later,  their   sequestration  taking 
place  on  Feburary  18,  1793,  a  few  days  after  the  declaration  of 
war  between  England  and  France  ;^^  but  no  religious  Order, 
with  the  great  antiquity  of  the  Anglo-Benedictine  Congregation 
behind  it,  could  acquiesce  without  a  protest  in  the  heartless  pro- 
ject contained  in  Franklin's  Note  C  to  the  Nuncio.    There  was 
a  lack  of  generosity  in  the  plan  if,  as  Taunton  states,  Benjamin 
Franklin  during  his  stay  in  Paris  (1776- 1784),  was  a  constant 
guest  at  St.  Edmund's  Monastery.^o  Another  source  of  opposition 
was  naturally  the  American  Catholics  themselves.    Priests  and 
people  were  thoroughly  imbued  with  the  spirit  of  independence — 
at  that  time  more  intense  in  American  life  than  ever  afterwards; 
and  the  proposal  to  place  them  under  a  "foreign  prince  or  poten- 
tate," was  obnoxious  to  a  nation  which  had  just  forged  its  way 
to  freedom,  and  at  such  awful  cost.   Whether  the  English  Bene- 
dictines became  aware  of  the  Franklin  proposal  we  do  not  know. 
Both  Taunton  and  Ward  are  silent  on  the  matter,  and  both  had 
access  to  archives  which  should  have  contained  documents  on 
the  subject  had  it  been  discussed. 

We  know  that  the  French  vicar-apostolic  project  was  first 
made  known  to  Carroll  through  former  English  associates.  Car- 
roll expressed  his  great  surprise,  as  we  have  seen,  in  a  letter  to 
Plowden,  dated  September  15,  1784,  that  his  old  friend  Dr. 
Franklin  had  become  a  party  to  the  Nuncio's  intrigue,^^  which, 
however,  was  not  meeting  with  the  success  its  leaders  expected. 


"  Ibid.,  vol.  ii,  p.  287. 

"  Ward,  Dawn  of  the  Catholic  Revival  in  England,  vol.  ii,  p.  78.     London,  1909. 

2°  Taunton,  op.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  285. 

»  Shea,  op.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  218  note. 


190  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

On  September  27,  1783,  Antonelli  wrote  to  the  Papal  Nuncio 
at  Paris,  telling  him  that  the  Holy  Father,  Pius  VI  (i775-i799)' 
had  greatly  commended  his  zeal  and  sagacity  in  having  obtained 
the  active  cooperation  of  Vergennes  and  Talleyrand  "in  this 
salutary  work."  He  reminds  the  Nuncio  that  "this  Holy  Con- 
gregation does  not  withdraw  from  its  original  oflfer  to  assist  in 
the  support  of  a  vicar-apostolic  endowed  with  episcopal  char- 
acter, or  of  a  1:)ishop,  if  this  should  be  preferred,  whom  it  will 
be  necessary  to  put  at  the  head  of  the  Catholics  in  the  United 
States."  Very  wisely,  Antonelli  rejected  "without  further  dis- 
cussion" the  Franklin  project  of  suppressing  the  four  monas- 
teries of  English  Benedictines  in  France.  Antonelli's  letter  of 
this  date  is  one  of  the  most  interesting  in  this  correspondence: 

September  27,  1783. 

Your  Lordship  has  so  well  begun  the  great  matter  of  a  plan  for  mis- 
sions in  the  provinces  of  the  new  republic  of  the  United  States  of  North 
America  that  I  do  not  doubt  that  you  will  soon  bring  it  to  a  most  happy 
termination.  The  Holy  Father,  who  has  been  informed  of  your  action, 
has  greatly  commended  your  zeal,  and  your  sagacity  in  having  interested 
the  Count  of  Vergennes  and  Monseigneur  the  Bishop  of  Autun  in  this 
salutary  work,  the  former,  for  his  protection  as  worthy  Prime  Minister, 
the  latter,  for  the  subsistence  of  the  new  workers,  in  view  of  his  ministry 
of  ecclesiastical  benefices  in  that  kingdom.  This  Holy  Congregation, 
however,  does  not  withdraw  from  its  original  offer  to  assist  in  the  sup- 
port of  the  Vicar-Apostolic  endowed  with  the  episcopal  character,  or  of 
a  bishop,  if  this  should  be  preferred,  whom  it  will  be  necessary  to  put 
at  the  head  of  the  Catholics  in  the  United  States. 

Conformably  with  the  judicious  suggestions  of  Your  Lordship,  the 
following  points  should  be  established : 

L  The  proposition  of  Mr.  Franklin,  to  suppress  the  four  monasteries 
of  English-Benedictines  that  exist  in  France,  should  be  rejected,  without 
further  discussion.  Besides  the  odium  that  would  be  aroused  in  the 
nation,  which  would  be  highly  displeasing  to  the  pacific  and  generous 
spirit  of  His  Most  Christian  Majesty,  grievous  injury  would  be  done  to 
the  missions  of  England,  if  the  four  monasteries  in  question  should  be 
suppressed,  since  the  English  Benedictine  Congregation,  which  furnishes 
nearly  forty  missionaries  who  work  for  the  good  of  souls  in  England, 
would  be  reduced  to  the  one  monastery  that,  with  the  four  in  France, 
constitutes  the  total  number  of  the  convents  of  the  worthy  Congregation, 

n.  The  Nuncio  to  France,  as  Your  Lordship  opportunely  suggested 
to  Mr.  Franklin,  should  have  the  supervision  of  these  American  missions, 
as  is  the  case  with  the  Nuncio  at  Brussels  for  the  missions  of  Holland, 
and  he  would  come  to  an  understanding  with  the  minister  of  the  United 


French  Interference  191 

States  at  Paris,  whenever  it  was  necessary  to  act  in  accordance  with 
him  for  the  greater  good  of  those  missions.  This  arrangement  would 
also  be  compatible  with  an  agent  of  the  Vicar-Apostolic,  or  of  the  Bishop 
to  be  established  in  the  United  States,  at  Paris,  in  the  person  of  some 
French  ecclesiastic,  who,  upon  occasion,  would  act  in  concert  with  the 
minister  of  those  States  and  with  the  Nuncio.  It  is  to  be  desired  that, 
some  day,  this  new  republic  may  have  a  Catholic  minister  at  Paris ;  but, 
in  the  present  circumstances,  in  which  the  minister  is  heretical,  possibly 
Presbyterian,  or  Non-Conformist,  which  are  the  dominant  sects  in  those 
states,  it  would  be  desirable  to  have  a  French  ecclesiastic  in  private  corre- 
spondence between  the  Nuncio  and  the  minister. 

III.  It  was  suggested  above,  and  is  repeated  now,  that  it  appears  very 
necessary  to  establish  that  the  superior,  who  is  to  have  jurisdiction  over 
all  the  Catholics  of  the  American  Republic,  be  invested  with  the  character 
of  bishop,  with  the  title  of  Vicar-Apostolic,  or,  if  acceptable,  that  he  be 
the  bishop  of  a  diocese  in  that  country.  He  may  take  his  title  from 
any  city  in  the  provinces  of  that  republic  that  may  seem  to  be  the  one 
best  adapted  for  his  residence.  As  the  greater  number  of  Catholics  are 
in  Maryland  and  in  Pennsylvania,  it  would  appear  that  the  residence 
should  be  established  in  one  of  these  two  states ;  but  it  will  be  better  to 
determine  this  point  according  to  what  may  be  most  satisfactory  to  the 
minister  and  to  the  states.  There  is  no  doubt  that  all  the  missionaries 
should  depend  upon  the  Vicar -Apostolic,  or  Bishop,  and  receive  from  him 
their  powers  and  destination  among  the  various  stations,  according  to 
requirements.  And  to  that  end,  the  Prelate  will  be  invested  with  the 
most  ample  powers,  as  for  instance,  those  of  the  first  formula. 

IV.  As  to  the  subjects  to  be  chosen,  for  the  vicariate-apostolic,  or 
the  episcopacy,  as  well  as  for  missionaries,  present  conditions  seem 
clearly  to  indicate  that  they  should  be  taken  from  among  the  ecclesiastical 
subjects  of  His  Most  Christian  Majesty.  But  if  in  time  any  native 
should  be  found  available  for  the  sacred  ministry,  there  is  no  doubt  that 
the  Vicar  or  Bishop  would  be  free  to  ordain  him,  and  to  employ  him  in 
the  missions. 

V.  It  would  be  most  useful  to  establish  a  college  for  the  sole  benefit 
of  these  missionaries,  at  Nantes,  St.  Malo,  TOrient,  or  some  other  place, 
near  the  ocean;  but  it  may  be  foreseen  that  the  magnitude  of  the  idea 
would  make  its  realization  difficult.  It  is  clearly  understood  that  Mon- 
seigneur  d'Autun,  by  his  favour,  could  overcome  all  obstacles;  but  great 
and  expensive  things,  as  would  be  the  creation  of  a  new  college,  should 
not  be   sought. 

VI.  Consideration  might  be  given,  therefore,  to  the  idea  of  increasing 
to  some  extent  the  income  of  the  Seminary  of  Foreign  Missions,  where 
ecclesiastics,  already,  are  trained  for  the  East  Indies;  or  better  still,  the 
Seminary  of  Saint  Esprit,  the  ecclesiastics  of  which  are  destined  to  the 
missions  of  South  America,  at  Cayenne  and  Guiana,  imposing  upon  it 
the  obligation  of  maintaining  there,  for  the  present,  a  reasonable  number 
of  ecclesiastics,  to  be  sent  under  the  suggested  authority  in  America  to 


192  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

the  provinces  of  the  United  States.  If,  to  begin,  eight  or  ten  mission- 
aries are  sent,  besides  the  vicar,  or  bishop,  this  will  provide  sufficiently 
for  the  needs  of  the  faithful  in  question,  the  number  of  whom  is  not 
precisely  known  to  this  Holy  Congregation,  which  is  also  without  exact 
information  of  the  number  of  the  old  workers,  who,  for  the  greater  part, 
were  of  the  suppressed  Society  of  Jesus ;  for,  neither  directly,  nor  through 
the  Vicar-Apostolic  of  London,  has  news  been  received  concerning  those 
Catholics,  of  whom  some  information  was  sent  to  Your  Lordship  in  the 
instruction  of  the  15th  of  January  of  the  present  year. 

VIL  If  the  number  of  workers  suggested  should  prove  to  be  insufficient, 
it  will  be  time,  then,  to  think  of  other  means  of  study  for  a  greater 
number  of  subjects,  and  it  will  be  possible,  even,  if  there  be  a  desire  to 
form  a  national  clergy,  to  establish  at  the  College  of  the  Propaganda, 
here,  two  or  three  places  for  Americans,  as  has  been  done  for  so  many 
nations  of   Asia,  Africa,   and  Europe. 

Your  Lordship,  however,  who  is  better  informed  of  the  state  of  affairs, 
will  know  which  of  the  points  noted  above  should  be  communicated  to  the 
minister,  and  which  not;  upon  this  point,  His  Holiness  and  this  Con- 
gregation repose  on  j'^our  known  zeal  and  activity,  of  which  there  are 
so  many  exceptional  proofs;  and  thanking  Your  Lordship  for  the  letter 
which  you  enclosed  from  Monseigneur  the  Vicar-Apostolic  of  London,  I 
remain,  with  all  esteem,  heartily  yours,  etc.-2 

The  hierarchical  character  of  the  French  project  as  outlined  by 
Antonelli  was  as  follows :  At  the  head  of  American  ecclesiastical 
affairs  would  be  the  Papal  Nuncio  in  Paris,  who  would,  as 
Ordinary,  act  with  the  knowledge  and  understanding  of  the 
American  Minister  in  Paris,  "whenever  it  was  necessary  to  act 
in  accordance  with  him  for  the  greater  good  of  those  missions." 
Subordinate  to  the  Nuncio  would  be  a  French  vicar-apostolic  or 
bishop,  with  an  official  agent  at  Paris,  who  would  act  in  concert 
with  the  American  Minister  and  with  the  Nuncio.  Antonelli 
hoped  that  some  day  the  new  Republic  might  have  a  Catholic 
Minister  at  Paris,  but  until  that  should  occur,  it  would  be  best 
to  have  a  French  ecclesiastic  act  as  agent  for  the  American 
Mission.  Apart  from  this,  there  would  always  be,  he  explained, 
"the  formal  correspondence  between  the  Nuncio  and  the  min- 
ister." The  chird  point  in  Antonelli's  letter  is  quite  significant : 
It  is  becoming  more  evident,  in  fact,  it  appears  very  necessary, 
to  appoint  a  Bishop  for  the  United  States,  who  should  have  his 
See  in  that  country.    Since  the  greater  number  of  Catholics  live  in 


Prop.  Arch.,  Leitere,  vol.  242,  f.  753;  Fish-Devitt  Transcripts,  pp.    i4-i7« 


French  Interference  193 

Maryland  and  in  Pennsylvania,  it  would  appear,  he  says,  that  the 
bishop's  see  should  be  established  in  either  one  of  these  two 
States.  Whoever  is  appointed,  whether  as  bishop  or  as  vicar- 
apostolic,  should  have  episcopal  jurisdiction  over  the  Church 
in  the  States.  The  choice  of  an  ecclesiastic  to  occupy  this  post 
is  clearly  indicated  by  present  conditions — "he  should  be  taken 
from  among  the  ecclesiastical  subjects  of  His  Most  Christian 
Majesty."  Not  only  was  the  ecclesiastical  head  to  be  chosen,  but 
the  missionaries  also  for  the  Church  in  the  new  Republic,  were 
to  be  selected  from  among  the  French  clergy.  If,  in  the  course  of 
time,  Antonelli  adds,  an  American  be  found  available  for  the 
sacred  ministry,  "there  is  no  doubt  that  the  vicar  or  bishop 
would  be  free  to  ordain  him,  and  to  employ  him  in  the  missions.'* 

It  may  be  necessary  for  the  reader's  benefit  to  emphasize  the 
fact  that  the  ecclesiastic  who  thus  describes  the  early  American 
Church  was  not  only  a  cardinal,  but  was  also  the  Prefect  of  the 
Congregation  which  had  for  its  purpose  the  propagation  of  the 
Faith  in  non-Catholic  lands.  There  were  means  at  his  disposal 
for  a  thorough  acquaintance  with  the  state  of  the  American 
Church,  but  those  means  were  seldom  employed.  The  interest 
shown  in  the  organization  of  the  Church  in  the  United  States 
in  these  early  years  was  mainly  political  and  financial,  and  from 
this  date  down  to  the  first  Provincial  Council  of  Baltimore  in 
1829,  no  impartial  reader  will  be  able  to  accuse  the  Roman 
authorities  of  accurate  knowledge  of  American  Catholic  affairs 
in  general  or  of  American  conditions  geographical  and  otherwise, 
in  particular.  The  American  clergy  will  be  at  the  mercy  of 
meddlers  and  at  the  mercy  of  badly  informed  chiefs  in  the  Con- 
gregation to  which  they  are  obliged  to  look  as  to  their  superiors, 
until  an  Archbishop  of  Baltimore  breaks  the  restraint  the  Ameri- 
can clergy  must  have  felt,  and  appeals  directly  to  the  Pope  in  a 
letter  which  lacks  nothing  in  its  indignation  at  the  sad  situation  in 
which  Roman  curial  ignorance  had  placed  them.^^ 

Antonelli's  letter  of   September   27,   1783,  must   have  been 


^  Archbishop  Neale  to  Pope  Pius  VII,  Georgetown,  March  6,  1817.  Cf.  Shea, 
op.  cit.,  vol.  iii,  p.  34.  Cf.  Mar^chal's  Report  of  i8i8  in  the  Catholic  Historical  Re- 
view, vol.  i,  pp.  439-453.  An  interesting  side-light  on  the  situation  will  be  found  in 
S.  B.  Morse  (of  telegraph  fame),  Foreign  Conspiracy  Against  the  Liberty  of  the 
United  States,  p.  141.  New  York,  1835;  it  was  published  originally  under  the  pen- 
name  "Brutus,"  in  the  New  York  Observer  (1834-1835). 


194  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

written  with  the  cognizance  of  the  plans  formulated  by  the 
American  clergy.  He  persists,  however,  in  the  Franco-American 
Seminary  project.  He  directs  the  Nuncio's  attention  to  the  idea 
of  combining  the  Seminary  project  with  either  the  Seminary  of 
Foreign  Missions  or  the  Seminary  of  the  Holy  Ghost  in  Paris. 
If  the  income  of  either  of  these  establishments  was  to  be  aug- 
mented for  the  purpose  by  Talleyrand,  they  could  be  required  to 
furnish  a  certain  number  of  missionaries  for  the  missions  in  the 
United  States.  Eight  or  ten  missionaries,  he  thinks,  would  be 
a  sufficient  number  to  send  to  the  United  States;  but  of  this  he 
is  not  quite  certain,  because  the  number  of  Catholics  in  the 
United  States  "is  not  precisely  known  to  this  Holy  Congregation, 
which  is  also  without  exact  information  of  the  number  of  the 
old  workers."  Later  on,  he  deems,  there  might  be  room  for  a 
national  American  College  at  Rome,  for  the  formation  of  the 
national  clergy. 

On  December  15,  1783,  Franklin  wrote  to  Vergennes  that  the 
delay  in  the  spiritual  organization  of  the  American  Church  was 
causing  him  some  concern:  "I  understand  that  the  Bishop  or 
spiritual  person  who  superintends  or  governs  the  Roman  Catho- 
lic clergy  in  the  United  States  of  America  resides  in  London,  and 
is  supposed  to  be  under  obligations  to  that  Court  and  subject 
to  be  influenced  by  its  Ministers.  This  gives  me  some  uneasiness, 
and  I  cannot  but  wish  that  one  should  be  appointed  to  that  office 
who  is  of  this  nation  and  who  may  reside  here  among  our  friends. 
I  beg  Your  Excellency  to  think  a  little  of  this  matter  and  afford 
me  your  counsels  upon  it.'*  ^* 

"But  for  this  positive  evidence,"  says  Shea,  "we  could  scarcely 
believe  that  Dr.  Franklin  lent  himself  to  a  plan  for  treating  his 
Catholic  countrymen  in  this  manner  and  helping  a  conspiracy  to 
subject  them  not  to  a  Superior  chosen  from  among  themselves, 
but  to  one  nominated  by  the  French  Court  and  residing  in 
France.'*  ^^  Franklin  certainly  had  opportunities  in  Paris  of 
learning  that  the  Vicar-Apostolic  of  London  had  exercised  no 
jurisdiction  over  the  Church  in  America  from  the  outbreak  of  the 
Revolution;  Bishop  Talbot's  refusal  to  recognize  the  American 
Church  as  part  of  his  charge  was  too  well  known  at  the  time 


**    Researches,  vol.  xi,  p.   190. 
"    Op.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  215. 


French  Interference  195 

to  have  escaped  one  so  fortunately  placed  as  Franklin.  On 
receiving  Franklin's  letter,  Vergennes  made  a  memorandum, 
which  shows  that  the  Prime  Minister  was  not  altogether  satisfied 
about  the  French  vicar-apostolic  plan,  and  that  he  was  better 
acquainted  with  the  situation  than  Franklin.  "Mr.  Franklin,"  he 
says,  "represents  that  since  the  Bishop  governing  the  Catholic 
Clergy  in  America  resides  in  London,  it  is  to  our  interest  to  name 
someone  for  that  charge  who  could  reside  in  the  United  States." 
Franklin  had  already  consulted  Archbishop  de  Cice  of  Bor- 
deaux on  the  Seminary  subject,  doubtless  at  the  suggestion  of 
Talleyrand,  as  we  learn  in  a  letter  from  de  Cice  to  Vergennes, 
dated  December  27,  1783:  "I  regard  it  a  duty,  Count,  to  inform 
you  of  the  proposition  just  made  me  by  Mr.  Franklin.  The 
object  is  to  secure  to  religion  among  the  Catholics  of  the  United 
States  more  order  and  facility  in  the  number  and  choice  of 
ministers  necessary  for  them.  I  reasonably  presume  that  in  this 
matter  Mr.  Franklin  is  the  interpreter  of  the  wishes  of  his 
Catholic  fellow-citizens.  He  seems  to  desire  that  to  attain  se- 
curely what  they  propose,  they  should  have  in  France  a  titled 
ecclesiastic,  appointed  to  provide  for  the  wants  of  the  Church."  ^® 

The  truth  is  that  Franklin  was  not  only  acting  blindly  in  the 
whole  affair,  but  was  proceeding  without  the  knowledge  of  the 
Catholic  leaders  in  the  new  Republic.  Certainly  his  wishes  re- 
garding the  chief  pastor  of  the  flock  in  the  United  States  were 
at  variance  with  those  of  the  American  clergy,  as  evidenced  in 
the  Whitemarsh  meeting  of  1783-1784.  The  Archbishop  of 
Bordeaux,  while  not  a  party  to  the  enterprise,  was  brought  into 
the  affair,  on  account  of  the  Bordeaux  American  Seminary 
scheme,  of  which  the  correspondence  speaks  often  during  these 
two  years.  Cice  acted  very  cautiously,  albeit  generously,  in  the 
matter.  Among  the  Franklin  MSS.  at  the  Library  of  Congress 
(fol.  2617),  there  is  a  letter  from  the  Archbishop  of  Bordeaux 
to  Franklin,  assuring  him  of  his  eagerness  to  second  the  worthy 
efforts  of  Talleyrand  and  the  American  minister  to  supply  the 
American  mission  with  priests,  but  asking  for  more  detailed  in- 
formation before  he  gave  his  consent  to  the  Bordeaux  project.^^ 

It  would  appear  from  a  letter  of  Antonelli  to  Doria  Pamphili, 


^    Ibid.,  p.  216. 

^    KesearcheSf  vol.  xxvii,  p.  345. 


196  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

of  June  9,  1784,  that  Talleyrand  had  first  made  the  proposition 
that  one  of  the  Seminaries  in  Bordeaux  be  used  for  the  American 
Seminary  project. 

Meanwhile  Vergennes'  commission  to  Luzerne  had  not  been 
neglected.  That  worthy  French  gentleman  had  consulted  with  the 
leaders  of  the  American  Republic  and  on  January  31,  1784,  he 
wrote  to  Vergennes  from  Annapolis,  stating  that  while  Congress 
did  not  wish  to  take  any  action  in  the  matter,  which  was  beyond 
its  competency,  the  delegates  had  assured  him  that  a  Catholic 
bishop  would  be  very  well  received.  That  part  of  the  letter 
which  touches  on  the  subject  is  as  follows: 

Monseigneur  the  Apostolic  Nuncio  has  made  some  propositions  in  the 
name  of  His  Holiness  to  Doctor  Franklin  in  regard  to  the  sending  of  a 
Bishop  or  a  Vicar- Apostolic  whom  the  Holy  Father  desires  to  place 
over  the  Roman  Catholic  Churches  of  this  continent.  The  Congress  has 
respectfully  welcomed  that  overture;  it  has  been  unable,  however,  to  take 
action  in  this  matter,  which  is  not  of  the  competency  of  Congress.  It 
is  a  matter  that  concerns  the  Catholics  alone;  and  the  delegates  who 
have  spoken  to  me  on  the  subject  have  assured  me  that  a  Catholic  bishop 
would  be  very  well  received  in  the  state  of  Pennsylvania  and  much  more 
so  in  Maryland,  where  there  are  many  Catholics,  providing  the  prelate 
carefully  avoided  to  assume  any  temporal  jurisdiction  or  authority.  The 
Congress,  in  general,  would  be  pleased  at  the  residence  of  a  prelate,  who 
by  conferring  the  sacrament  of  Holy  Orders  on  the  priests  of  these  parts, 
would  relieve  them  of  the  necessity  of  receiving  it  in  London,  or  in  Quebec, 
as  has  been  done  in  the  past.  Some  of  the  delegates  even  believe  that  a 
Catholic  bishop  would  not  refuse  to  confer  Holy  Orders  on  the  Anglican 
ministers  of  America,  who  until  now,  have  been  obliged  to  procure  their 
ordination  at  London;  but  this  practice  does  not  seem  to  me  to  be  com- 
patible to  the  profession  that  those  who  receive  Holy  Orders  must  make 
or  with  the  examination  that  they  must  imdergo.  The  State  Legislatures 
and  Congress  refrain  from  entangling  themselves  with  religious  matters. 28 

This  letter  was  no  doubt  communicated  at  once  to  the  Nuncio, 
who  probably  sent  it  to  Propaganda.  On  May  11,  1784,  as  we 
have  seen  from  the  Secret  Journals  of  Congress,  one  of  the 
resolutions  passed  was  to  the  effect  that  Dr.  Franklin  be  requested 
to  notify  the  Nuncio  at  Paris  of  the  American  policy  of  non- 
interference in  religious  affairs :  "Resolved,  That  Doctor  Franklin 
be  desired  to  notify  the  Apostolic  Nuncio  at  Versailles,  that  Con- 


**    Prop.    Arch.,    Scritt.    riferite,    America    Centrale,    vol.    ii,    f.    241    Fish-Devitt 
Transcripts,  pp.    19-20. 


French  Interference  197 

gress  will  always  be  pleased  to  testify  their  respect  to  his  sovereign 
and  state;  but  that  the  subject  of  his  application  to  Doctor 
Franklin  being  purely  spiritual,  is  without  the  jurisdiction  and 
powers  of  Congress,  who  have  no  authority  to  permit  or  refuse  it, 
these  powers  being  reserved  to  the  several  states  individually,"^® 
This  resolution  could  not  have  reached  Franklin  before  the 
end  of  the  summer,  but  the  shrewd  American  Minister  had  al- 
ready arrived  at  the  same  conclusion.  Antonelli,  likewise,  was 
beginning  to  see  the  wisdom  of  appointing  one  of  the  American 
missionaries.^**  Writing  to  Luzerne  under  date  of  May  12,  1784, 
he  states  that  the  Sacred  Congregation  desires  full  information  of 
the  condition  of  the  Church  in  the  United  States.  (The  four 
points  of  information  asked  for  are  those  which  Father  Carroll 
eventually  answered  on  March  i,  1785,  in  his  Relation): 

Before  the  American  revolution,  the  Catholics  and  missionaries  of  those 
states,  in  what  concerns  religion,  were  under  the  vigilance  and  direction 
of  the  Vicar-Apostolic  residing  in  London,  That  revolution  having 
separated  the  interests  of  the  United  States  from  those  of  England,  and 
having  entirely  changed  the  government  of  those  states,  the  Sacred  Con- 
gregation of  the  Propaganda  has  seen  the  necessity  of  taking  other  meas- 
ures for  the  government  of  these  missions;  hence,  Monseigneur,  the 
Archbishop  of  Seleucia,  Apostolic  Nuncio  at  Paris,  was  charged  by  this 
Congregation  to  make  on  that  subject  to  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States  some  proposition,  not  less  useful  to  religion  and  to  the  spiritual 
assistance  of  the  Catholics  than  acceptable  to  the  government  of  those 
States. 

Monseigneur  the  Nuncio  mentioned  the  matter  to  Mr.  Franklin,  who, 
however,  answered  that,  having  seriously  reflected  on  it  he  considered 
it  absolutely  useless  to  refer  the  question  to  the  Congress,  which,  by  its 
constitutions  and  faculties,  could  not,  and  should  not,  entangle  itself  in 
ecclesiastical  affairs,  and  consequently,  that  it  was  in  the  power  of  the 
Court  of  Rome  to  take  all  measures  that  might  be  of  advantage  to  the 
Catholics  of  America,  without  offending  the  constitutions.  After  receiving 
this  answer,  the  Congregation,  by  order  of  His  Holiness,  instructed  Mon- 


*    Vol.  iii,  p.  493.     Boston,   1821. 

^  About  this  time  there  should  have  arrived  at  Rome  a  letter  in  Italian  (copy  in 
my  possession — Propaganda  Archives,  Scritture  riferite,  America  Centrale,  vol.  ii, 
f.  223),  sent  from  Maryland,  November  10,  1783,  and  unsigned  and  unaddressed, 
which  I  take  to  be  a  translation  of  Carroll's  letter  of  this  date.  The  Italian  version 
differs  from  the  English  and  seems  to  have  been  made  by  some  one  who  knew  the 
animus  of  Americans  in  general  towards  "prelacy."  At  the  end  of  the  letter,  in  Latin, 
is  the  information  that  Father  John  Lewis  was  sixty-two  years  old.  It  was  this  fact, 
not  mentioned  by  the  American  Committee,  which  decided  Rome  to  appoint  Carroll, 
who  was  much  younger. 


198  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

seigneur  the  Nuncio  to  agree  with  the  ministers  of  His  Most  Christian 
Majesty,  and  with  the  minister  of  the  United  States,  upon  the  most 
desirable  means  of  giving  to  the  missions  of  North  America  the  stability 
and  development  of  which  they  might  be  capable. 

His  Most  Christian  Majesty  having  wished,  on  such  an  occasion,  to 
give  a  new  proof  of  his  piety  and  of  the  interest  that  he  takes  in  the 
preservation  and  extension  of  the  Catholic  religion  in  all  parts  of  the 
world,  found  no  difficulty  in  agreeing  to  a  plan  that  is  no  less  useful 
to  the  Catholics  of  the  United  States  than  to  the  government  of  those 
provinces;  but,  to  establish  a  stable  condition  of  things,  and  to  forestall 
all  the  objections  and  difficulties  that  might  present  themselves  in  its 
realization,  it  is  necessary  to  have  certain  information  that  may  make  it 
possible  to  compass  that  object. 

I  St.  To  have  exact  knowledge  of  the  conduct  and  capacities  of  the 
ecclesiastics  and  missionaries  who  are  in  the  various  provinces  of  North 
America;  which  one  of  them  would  be  the  most  worthy,  and  the  most 
acceptable  to  the  assembly  of  those  provinces,  to  be  created  Bishop  m 
partibus  and  invested  with  the  character  of  vicar-Apostolic,  considering 
that  it  will  be  desirable  to  fix  the  residence  in  that  province  in  which 
there  is  the  greatest  number  of   Catholics. 

2d.  li  there  be  among  those  ecclesiastics  a  native  of  the  country  who 
may  be  among  the  most  worthy,  in  equality  of  merits,  he  would  be 
preferred  to  any  of  another  nationality;  and  whenever  the  provinces 
would  be  in  lack  of  missionaries,  a  Frenchman  will  be  sent  to  establish 
himself  there,  residing  in  the  province  suggested  above. 

3d.  To  know  the  number  of  the  ecclesiastics  and  missionaries,  as,  also, 
that  of  the  Catholics  in  the  different  provinces  and  their  area,  assuming 
that  the  greater  number  of  them  is  to  be  found  in  Pennsylvania  and 
Maryland.  It  would  be  well,  however,  to  know  the  same  in  regard  to 
the  other  provinces. 

4th.  To  know  if  there  be  schools  in  those  provinces,  where  the  Latin 
language  may  be  learnt,  and  where  those  youths  who  wish  to  prepare  for 
the  ecclesiastic  state  may  have  studied  the  humanities  before  repairing 
to  France  or  to  Rome  for  the  study  of  philosophy  and  of  theology.^i 

On  this  same  date,  May  12,  1784,  the  Nuncio  also  wrote  to 
Luzerne  at  New  York,  asking  him  to  assist  Propaganda  in  ascer- 
taining full  knowledge  of  the  state  of  affairs  in  the  Church  of  the 
United  States.  He  incloses  a  letter  which  he  has  drawn  up  by 
order  of  Propaganda,  which  he  begs  Luzerne  to  deliver  "to  one 
of  the  oldest  missionaries  of  those  provinces."  He  does  not 
touch  in  this  enclosed  letter  on  the  subject  of  the  bishop  vicar- 
apostolic  or  on  the  manner  of  his  selection,  but  he  adds  that 

"    Prop.    Arch.,    Scritt.    rifetite.    America    Centrale,    vol.    ii,    f.    253;    Fish-Devitt 
Transcripts,  pp.  20-22. 


French  Interference  199 

"the  ex-Jesuit,  Mr.  Carroll  of  Maryland,  has  heen  spoken  of  to 
me  with  eulogy,  this  Carroll  being  the  same  who  was  educated  at 
St.  Omer,  and  who,  in  1776,  was  sent  by  the  Congress  to  Canada, 
with  Mr.  Franklin  and  other  commissioners.  I  hope  that  Your 
Lordship  will  be  pleased  to  give  me  information  concerning  him, 
and  will  let  me  know  whether  you  consider  him  worthy  to  be 
named  bishop  in  partibus  and  vicar-apostolic."  ^^ 

As  Shea  has  intimated,  this  came  about  through  the  English 
ex-Jesuits,  who  had  become  aware  of  the  French  intrigue,  and 
Plowden,  Carroll's  great  friend,  on  hearing  of  the  intrigue, 
wrote  at  once  to  Franklin  to  dissuade  the  American  minister 
from  the  French  scheme.  Fathers  Sewall  and  Mattingly, 
natives  of  Maryland,  were  then  in  England,  and  they  added 
their  protests  to  that  of  Plowden,  explaining  to  Franklin  that 
out  of  respect  and  consideration  for  the  missionaries  then  in  the 
United  States  no  appointment  should  be  made  without  their  par- 
ticipation and  consent.  Plowden  tells  this  to  Carroll  in  his 
letter  dated  September  2,  1784.  It  is  not  certain  that  this  inter- 
vention preceded  the  letter  of  the  Nuncio  to  Luzerne  of  May  12, 
1784,  but  from  this  time  on  the  French  scheme  was  doomed. 
Franklin's  eyes  were  opened,  says  Shea,  and  as  he  knew  John 
Carroll  personally,  **he  must  have  felt  not  a  little  chagrined  to 
find  himself  made  even  indirectly  the  medium  of  impeaching  the 
loyalty  of  the  Carrolls  and  other  patriotic  American  Catholics, 
priests  and  laymen.  It  is  certain  that  he  at  once  determined  that 
sound  policy  required  him  to  favor  the  appointment  of  an  Amer- 
ican missionary  as  Superior  of  the  Catholics  in  the  United  States, 
and  he  certainly  from  this  time  exerted  all  his  influence  to  press 
the  appointment  of  Rev.  Mr.  Carroll,  to  whose  qualifications  he 
could  bring  the  testimony  of  personal  knowledge  and  daily  inter- 
course for  a  considerable  period."  ^^ 

Meanwhile,  the  project  was  dragging  itself  tediously  to  an  end. 
On  May  17,  1784,  Doria  Pamphili  wrote  to  Antonelli  (referring 
to  his  letter  of  April  26),  stating  that,  on  May  3,  a  conference 
was  held  at  Versailles  on  the  very  important  matter  of  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  missions  in  the  province  of  the  new  Republic  of 
the  United  States  of  North  America,  with  Vergennes,  Talley- 


"^    Ibid.,  pp.  22-23. 

*•    Op.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  pp.  216-219. 


200  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

rand,  and  himself  present.  The  Prime  Minister  read  Luzerne's 
dispatch  from  Annapolis  of  January  31,  1784.  The  Nuncio  gave 
an  abstract  of  His  Eminence's  letter  of  September  27,  1783. 
The  chief  matter  discussed  at  the  conference  was  the  supply  of 
the  clergy  for  the  American  missions.  It  was  decided  that  the 
Nuncio  should  send  two  letters ;  one  to  Luzerne  and  the  other  to 
one  of  the  missionaries  in  America  (those  mentioned  above, 
May  12,  1784),  asking  for  information  on  the  needs  of  the 
Church  in  the  United  States.  The  place  to  educate  the  students 
for  the  American  missions  was  also  discussed.  Paris,  it  was 
decided,  would  not  be  desirable,  since  only  philosophy,  canon  and 
civil  law,  and  theology  were  taught  in  the  Seminaries  there.  The 
students  would  need  a  college  education  before  beginning  these 
studies,  and  for  this  purpose  Talleyrand  suggested  that  the 
Archbishop  of  Bordeaux,  an  intimate  friend  of  the  Bishop  of 
Autun,  should  be  asked  to  arrange  for  the  reception  of  these 
students  in  one  of  the  Seminaries  in  Bordeaux. 

Since  Mr.  Franklin  had  spoken  to  him  of  the  merits  and  good 
reputation  of  Father  Carroll,  the  Nuncio  hopes  that  the  Holy  See 
will  be  pleased  to  hear  this,  and  he  avers  that  Franklin  and  many 
members  of  Congress  would  welcome  Carroll's  appointment  to 
the  vicariate  to  be  established  in  America. 

The  letter  which  the  Nuncio  inclosed  in  his  dispatch  to  Lu- 
zerne, on  May  12,  1784,  addressed  to  "one  of  the  missionaries 
living  in  America,"  was  as  follows : 

The  interests  of  religion  requiring  that  new  information  be  had  of  the 
missions  that  are  established  in  the  United  States  of  North  America,  the 
Congregation  of  the  Propaganda  has  ordered  me  to  ask  you  for  detailed 
information  of  the  present  conditions  of  those  missions.  I  beg  of  you 
to  let  me  know,  at  the  same  time,  what  number  of  missionaries  would  be 
necessary  for  the  service  of  those  stations,  and  to  secure  spiritual  assist- 
ance to  the  Catholic  subjects  of  the  United  States;  which  are  the  provinces 
where  there  are  Catholics,  and  where  the  greatest  number  of  Catholics 
are  to  be  found,  and  lastly,  whether  there  be,  among  the  natives  of  that 
country,  subjects  available  to  receive  Holy  Orders  and  to  exercise  the 
functions  of  a  missionary.  I  shall  be  very  thankful  to  you,  personally, 
for  the  precision  and  celerity  with  which  you  may  be  kind  enough  to 
procure  and  to   forward  this  information  for  me.^^ 


»*    Prop.    Arch.,   Scrit.    riferite,    America    Centrale,    vol.    ii,    f.    261;    Fish-Devitt 
Transcripts,  pp.  27-29. 


French  Interference  201 

Luzerne  had  probably  left  for  France  when  the  letter  arrived, 
and  the  Charge  d'affaires,  Marbois,  informed  Reyneval,  Ver- 
gennes'  secretary,  on  August  15,  1784,  that  he  had  sent  the  letter 
to  Mr.  Charles  Carroll,  asking  him  to  give  it  to  the  oldest 
missionary.  Shea  says  that  this  letter  was  addressed  by  the 
Nuncio  to  the  Rev.  John  Carroll.^*'  This  is  no  doubt  incorrect. 
Mr.  Charles  Carroll  was  asked  by  Marbois  to  give  it  to  the 
oldest  missionary  and  he  reHeved  himself  of  responsibility  in 
the  matter  by  sending  it  to  his  cousin,  Father  Carroll.  Father 
Carroll  was  not  the  oldest  missionary,  nor  was  he  the  superior  of 
the  clergy  at  that  time,  but  he  was  known  to  Franklin,  and  his 
reply  would  probably  have  greater  weight  with  that  statesman 
in  the  matter  under  consideration.  On  May  31,  1784,  the  Nuncio 
informed  Antonelli  that  he  had  sent  to  Vergennes  copies  of  the 
two  letters  of  May  12,  one  to  Luzerne  and  one  to  the  oldest 
missionary.  On  June  9,  1784,  the  negotiations  were  brought  to 
an  abrupt  close  by  the  action  of  the  Holy  See  in  appointing  John 
Carroll  "head  of  the  missions  in  the  provinces  of  the  new  Re- 
public of  the  United  States  of  North  America." 


•'    op.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  221. 


CHAPTER  XIV 

APPOINTMENT  OF  FATHER  JOHN  CARROLL  AS  PREFECT- 
APOSTOLIC 

(1784-1785) 

The  appointment  of  Father  John  Carroll  had  a  double  effect : 
that  of  officially  ending  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Vicar-Apostolic 
of  London  over  the  Catholics  in  the  former  English  colonies, 
and  that  of  giving  to  the  Church  in  the  United  States  its  own 
autonomy  under  the  jurisdiction  of  Propaganda.  We  have  for  this 
date,  June  9,  1784,  a  letter  from  Antonelli  to  the  Nuncio,  which 
states  that  John  Carroll  had  been  appointed  Prefect-Apostolic 
of  the  United  States  on  that  day,  and  refers  to  the  fact  that 
prior  to  the  Nuncio's  dispatch  of  May  17,  1784,  the  Congregation 
of  Propaganda  had  received  the  Petition  from  the  priests  in 
America  in  which  they  requested  that  Father  Lewis  should  be 
constituted  their  Superior.  Antonelli  enclosed  copies  of  other 
letters  for  the  Nuncio's  perusal,  and  pointed  out  that  Carroll's 
name  is  the  last  place  among  the  nominees  sent  by  the  American 
missionaries.  "This  fact  shows,"  he  says,  "that  Carroll  has  not 
cooperated  with  the  earnest  solicitation  of  Mr.  Franklin  in  his 
behalf,  and,  consequently,  it  has  helped  to  give  him  the  preference 
over  Lowis  [sic],  who,  moreover,  being  64  years  of  age,  as  the 
letters  in  question  show,  would  seem  to  deserve  a  rest.  We  are 
not  informed  of  the  age  of  Carroll  [he  was  then  49  years  old], 
but  it  may  be  assumed  to  be  a  much  more  vigorous  one  than  that 
of  Lowis  [sic],  since  he  is  named  last  in  the  petition."^ 

A  second  letter  of  this  same  date,  June  9,  1784,  enclosed  in  the 
one  to  the  Nuncio  and  addressed  to  Father  Carroll,  which  the  new 
Superior  received  on  November  26,  1784,  announced  officially  to 
the  Church  in  America  the  decision  reached  by  the  Lloly  See : 


»  Propaganda  Archives,  Lettere,  vol.  244,  f.  487;  Fish-Devitt  Transcripts,  p.  30. 

202 


Prefect-Apostolic  203 

Rome,  June  9,  1784. 

Very  Rev.  Sir: 

In  order  to  preserve  and  defend  Catholicity  in  the  Thirteen  United 
States  of  North  America,  the  Supreme  Pontiff  of  the  Church,  Pius  VI, 
and  this  Sacred  Congregation  have  thought  it  extremely  proper  to  desig- 
nate a  pastor  who  should,  permanently  and  independently  of  any  ecclesi- 
astical power,  except  the  same  Sacred  Congregation,  attend  to  the  spiritual 
necessities  of  the  Catholic  flock.  In  the  appointment  of  such  a  pastor, 
the  Sacred  Congregation  would  have  readily  cast  its  eyes  on  the  Rev. 
John  Lewis  if  his  advanced  age  and  the  labors  he  has  already  undergone 
in  the  vineyard  of  the  Lord  had  not  deterred  it  from  imposing  on  him 
a  new  and  very  heavy  burden ;  for  he  seems  to  require  repose  rather  than 
arduous  labor.  As  then.  Rev.  Sir,  you  have  given  conspicuous  proofs  of 
piety  and  zeal,  and  it  is  known  that  your  appointment  will  please  and 
gratify  many  members  of  that  republic,  and  especially  Mr.  Franklin, 
the  eminent  individual  who  represents  the  same  republic  at  the  court  of 
the  Most  Christian  King,  the  Sacred  Congregation,  with  the  approbation 
of  his  Holiness,  has  appointed  you  Superior  of  the  Mission  in  the  thirteen 
United  States  of  North  America,  and  has  communicated  to  you  the  facul- 
ties, which  are  necessary  to  the  discharge  of  that  office;  faculties  whicli 
are  also  communicated  to  the  other  priests  of  the  same  States,  except 
the  administration  of  Confirmation,  which  is  reserved  for  you  alone,  as 
the  enclosed  documents  will  show. 

These  arrangements  are  meant  to  be  only  temporary.  For  it  is  the 
intention  of  his  Holiness  soon  to  charge  a  Vicar-Apostolic,  invested  with 
the  title  and  character  of  bishop,  with  the  care  of  those  states,  that  he 
may  attend  to  ordination  and  other  episcopal  functions.  But,  to  accom- 
plish this  design,  it  is  of  great  importance  that  we  should  be  made 
acquainted  with  the  state  of  the  orthodox  religion  in  those  thirteen  states. 
Therefore  we  request  you  to  forward  to  us,  as  soon  as  possible,  a  correct 
report,  stating  carefully  the  number  of  Catholics  in  each  state;  what  is 
their  condition,  their  piety  and  what  abuses  exist;  also  how  many  mis- 
sionary priests  labor  now  in  that  vineyard  of  the  Lord;  what  are  their 
qualifications,  their  zeal,  their  mode  of  support.  For  though  the  Sacred 
Congregation  wish  not  to  meddle  with  temporal  things,  it  is  important 
for  the  establishment  of  laborers,  that  we  should  know  what  are  the 
ecclesiastical  revenues,  if  any  there  are,  and  it  is  believed  there  are  some. 
In  the  meantime  for  fear  the  want  of  missionaries  should  deprive  the 
Catholics  of  spiritual  assistance,  it  has  been  resolved  to  invite  hither 
two  youths  from  the  states  of  Maryland  and  Pennsylvania,  to  educate 
them  at  the  expense  of  the  Sacred  Congregation  in  the  Urban  College; 
they  will  afterwards,  on  returning  to  their  country,  be  substitutes  in  the 
mission.  We  leave  to  your  solicitude  the  care  of  selecting  and  sending 
them.  You  will  make  choice  of  those  who  have  more  promising  talents 
and  a  good  constitution,  who  are  not  less  than  twelve,  nor  more  than 
fifteen  years  of  age;  who  by  their  proficiency  in  the  sanctuary  may  give 
great   hopes   of   themselves.     You   may   address   them   to   the   excellent 


204  ^^^  ^^f^  ^^^  Times  of  John  Carroll 

Archbishop  of  Seleucia,  Apostolic  Nuncio  at  Paris,  who  is  informed  of 
their  coming.  If  the  young  men  selected  are  unable  to  defray  the  expenses 
of  the  voyage,  the  Sacred  Congregation  will  provide  for  them;  we  even 
wish  to  be  informed  by  you  frankly  and  accurately  of  the  necessary  trav- 
eling expenses,  to  serve  as  a  rule  for  the  future.  Such  are  the  things  I 
have  to  signify  to  you;  and  whilst  I  am  confident  you  will  discharge  the 
office  committed  to  you  with  all  zeal,  solicitude  and  fidelity,  and  more 
than  answer  the  high  opinion  we  have  formed  of  you,  I  pray  God  that 
he  may  grant  you  all  peace  and  happiness. 

L.  Card.  Antonelli, 

Prefect. 
Stephen  Borgia, 

Secretary.^ 

On  June  19,  1784,  Cardinal  Antonelli  announced  to  the  London 
Vicar-Apostolic,  Bishop  Talbot,  the  end  of  English  ecclesiastical 
rule  in  the  former  colonies : 

To  his  Lordship  James  Talbot,  Bishop  of  Birtha,  Vicar-Apostolic  in  the 
Kingdom  of  England,  London: 
As  the  Catholics  inhabiting  the  thirteen  United  States  of  America 
have  been  forbidden  by  the  magistrates  of  that  Republic  to  have  any 
longer  as  their  Superiors,  Vicars-Apostolic  dwelling  in  foreign  countries, 
and  as  for  the  preservation  of  religion  the  missionaries  dwelling  there 
have  petitioned  the  Holy  See  to  provide  for  their  spiritual  necessities, 
the  Sacred  Congregation  of  the  Propaganda  with  the  approbation  of  His 
Holiness  Pius  VI,  has  appointed  as  Superior  of  said  Mission  John 
Carroll,  a  man  of  approved  virtue  and  ability,  and  has  granted  to  him 
all  necessary  and  proper  faculties  independently  of  any  ecclesiastical  juris- 
diction save  that  of  the  Sacred  Congregation.  Furthermore,  His  Holiness 
judges  it  fitting  to  appoint  and  intends  shortly  to  appoint  for  those  prov- 
inces a  Bishop  or  Vicar-Apostolic  with  episcopal  title  and  character  who 
shall  have  power  to  administer  to  the  faithful  all  the  offices  of  religion 
that  require  episcopal  authority.  I,  therefore,  hasten  to  communicate 
this  to  your  Lordship,  to  whom  the  spiritual  care  of  those  Catholics  was 
formerly  entrusted;  not  doubting  that  the  foresight  of  this  Congregation 
in  providing  for  the  welfare  of  religion  will  be  most  pleasing  to  your 
Lordship  also,  I  pray  that  God  may  prolong  your  life  and  protect  you.^ 

Father  Carroll  received  the  news  of  his  appointment  from 
several  sources:  namely,  August  20,  1784,  Father  Thorpe's  letter 
of  June  9,  from  Rome;  September  17-18,  1784,  Father  Charles 
Plowden's  letter  of  July  3,  from  England;  November  7-8,  1784, 


*  Shea,  op.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  pp.  243-245,  from  Propaganda  Archives,  Lettere,  vol.  244, 
f.  493;  original  in  Baltimore  Cathedral  Archives,   Letter-Books,  vol.   ii. 

•  Propaganda  Archives,  Lettere,  vol.  244,  f.  524;  cf.  Fish-Devitt  Transcripts,  f.  H. 


Prefect-Apostolic  205 

Barbe  de  Marbois'  letter  of  October  27,  from  New  York;  No- 
vember 26,  1784,  Cardinal  Antonelli's  letter  of  June  9,  from 
Rome. 

Father  Thorpe's  letter  of  June  9  announced  his  appointment, 
the  nature  of  the  faculties  imparted  by  Propaganda,  particularly 
the  power  of  administering  Confirmation,  and  stated  that  as  soon 
as  the  necessary  information  of  the  state  of  the  Church  in 
America  reached  Propaganda,  the  Holy  See  would  promote  him 
to  the  dignity  and  character  of  a  bishop.  This  letter,  as  we  have 
seen,  Carroll  presented  to  his  brethren  at  the  Whitemarsh  Chap- 
ter on  October  11,  1784.  The  Chapter  thereupon  passed  three 
important  resolutions  already  referred  to,  which  are  based  on  the 
decision  that  a  Superior  in  spiritualibus  was  adequate  "to  the 
present  exigencies  of  religion  in  this  country":  (i)  that  a  bishop 
was  unnecessary;  (2)  that  if  one  be  sent  (i.e.,  not  elected  by 
themselves),  he  should  not  be  entitled  to  support  from  the  clergy 
estates;  (3)  that  a  Committee  of  Three  (Fathers  Diderick, 
Matthews,  and  Mosley)  be  empowered  to  send  a  Memorial  to 
Rome  against  the  appointment  of  a  bishop."* 

Father  Charles  Plowden's  letter  of  July  3,  1784,  was  answered 
by  Carroll  on  September  15,  1784.  (He  mentions  having  received 
the  news  already  from  Father  Thomas  Talbot,  the  Procurator  of 
the  dissolved  English  Jesuit  Province)^ 

The  letter  of  Barbe  de  Marbois,  French  Charge  d'affaires,  at 
New  York,  dated  October  27,  1784,  reached  Carroll  on  No- 
vember 8.  "I  congratulate  myself,"  Marbois  says,  "in  being  one 
of  the  first  to  assure  you  that  this  choice  will  give  general  satis- 
faction." Accompanying  this  letter  was  the  dispatch  from  Car- 
dinal Antonelli  to  "Mr.  John  Carroll,  Superior  of  the  Missions  in 
the  thirteen  United  States  of  North  America,"  authorizing  him 
to  publish  the  Jubilee  of  1775-1776,  which  was  especially  ex- 
tended to  the  United  States.  The  proclamation  of  this  Jubilee 
was  the  first  official  act  of  the  new  Superior. 

The  official  documents  of  his  election  to  the  Superiorship  sent 
by  Cardinal  Antonelli  on  June  9,  reached  Father  Carroll  at  Rock 
Creek  on  November  26,  1784.  Cardinal  Antonelli's  letter,  as 
given  above,  emphasized  the  one  point  in  the  official  decree  of 


*  Hughes,  op.  cit.,  Documents,  vol.  i,  part  ii,  p.  633. 
■  HuGHESj  op.  cit.,  Documents,  vol.  i,  part  ii,  pp.  632-633. 


2o6  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

appointment  which  gave  Father  Carroll  most  concern,  namely, 
the  nature  and  extent  of  his  dependence  on  Propaganda. 

Shea  has  summed  up  the  effect  of  this  letter  in  the  following 
paragraph :  'The  action  of  the  Holy  See  had  given  the  Catholics 
in  the  United  States  a  separate  organization ;  but  among  priests 
and  people  who  had  just  emerged  from  the  oppressed  condition 
so  long  maintained  by  the  penal  laws,  the  temporary  tenure  of 
the  Prefect,  his  absolute  dependence  on  the  Propaganda,  and  the 
extremely  limited  powers  given  him,  were  the  source  of  much 

uneasiness."  ® 

No  one  felt  more  uneasy  over  the  embarrassing  situation  caused 
by  his  appointment  than  Father  Carroll  himself.  We  have  seen 
how  decided  his  views  were  from  the  beginning  on  the  question 
of  having  the  American  Church  under  what  he  and  others  called 
^'Foreign  Domination."  The  appointment  was  not  at  all  to  his 
liking.  "He  had  a  decided  repugnance  to  accept  any  position,  and 
especially  one  merely  at  their  pleasure,  from  the  Congregation  de 
Propaganda  Fide ;  to  accept  it  hampered  by  restrictions  and  little 
power  for  good  was  a  step  from  which  he  shrank."  The  action 
taken  by  the  Chapter  in  October,  1784,  left  him  free  to  decline 
the  appointment.  Our  only  means  of  following  his  deliberations 
on  the  question  of  acceptance  is  in  his  correspondence  with  his 
fellow  priests,  as  a  result  of  the  Circular  he  issued  about  this 
time  to  the  clergy  announcing  his  appointment  and  asking  for 
their  guidance  in  the  matter.  This  circular  contained  the  state- 
ment :  "Nothing  but  the  present  extreme  necessity  of  some  spiri- 
tual powers  here  could  induce  me  to  act  under  a  commission, 
which  may  produce,  if  long  continued,  and  it  should  become 
public,  the  most  dangerous  jealousy."  ^ 

Some  of  this  correspondence  has  survived,  and  in  a  special 
manner,  the  letters  of  his  two  friends  of  Philadelphia,  Fathers 
Molyneux  and  Farmer,  are  important,  for  they  undoubtedly 
had  a  great  share  in  his  decision.  Father  Molyneux  had  been 
in  correspondence  with  Carroll  all  through  the  year  1784,  owing 
to  the  Wharton-Carroll  controversy,  and  had  been  instrumental 
in  securing  important  data  from  the  library  of  James  Logan  for 
Carroll's  reply  to  the  apostate.     Shortly  after  Father  Thorpe's 

•  op.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  pp.  245-346. 
'  Ibid.,  p.  251  note. 


Prefect-Apostolic  207 

letter  had  become  known  to  the  clergy,  Father  Molyneux  wrote 
to  Carroll,  September  18,  1784,  telling  him  of  the  great  joy  he 
experienced  in  learning  that  the  Holy  See  had  chosen  Carroll 
for  the  post.  "It  is  our  humble  opinion,"  he  wrote,  "that  you 
should  not  hesitate  one  moment  in  giving  your  consent.  In  negotio 
tanti  rnomenti  digitus  Dei  hand  duhiiim  est.  We  shall  henceforth 
esteem  it  our  duty  daily  to  remember  you  ad  altare.  May  God 
grant  us  all  grace  to  be  ever  thankful,  and  by  our  lives  and  con- 
versations show  that  we  are  not  undeserving.  It  has  been  my 
uniform  opinion  that  no  one  was  so  fit  for  the  sacred  character."  * 
This  sentiment  he  reiterates  in  letters  dated  from  Philadelphia, 
November  18,  November  25,  and  December  7,  1784.  "A  refusal 
on  your  part,"  he  writes,  "or  an  objection  of  any  of  our  gentle- 
men [the  ex- Jesuits]  might  prove  fatal  to  their  fortune  and 
existence  in  this  country,  and  perhaps  so  to  the  cause  of  religion." 
Father  Farmer,  to  whom  he  showed  his  letters,  urged  Carroll  to 
reply  at  once  to  Propaganda,  accepting  the  post : 

Philadelphia,  January  ig,  1785. 
Plurimum  Reverende  Dne: 

Having  read  the  circular  letter  of  your  reverence,  I  thought  it  my 
duty  to  communicate,  with  due  respect  and  submission,  some  objections 
which  occurred  to  me,  being  notwithstanding,  determined  to  be  united, 
and  to  stand  by  your  reverence's  resolution.  The  first  objection  is,  that 
the  communication  of  the  circular  letter  will  cause  a  delay,  in  our  district, 
of  some  months,  we  being  all  far  separated  from  one  another,  and  some 
deprived  of  the  benefit  of  the  post.  This  delay  must  be  extended  to  a 
year  or  years,  if  we  are  to  receive  no  supplies  till  the  affair  or  subject 
of  the  letter  is  finished;  for  the  court  of  Rome  moves  exceedingly  slow. 
Another  objection  I  cannot  help  making  to  the  idea  of  our  being  a  body 
of  clergy,  and  no  more  missionaries.  For  I  cannot  conceive  how  we 
could  be  a  body  without  a  bishop  for  a  head.  We  may  have  a  voluntary 
union  among  ourselves,  I  allow;  but  as  in  worldly  matters  we  were 
heretofore  united  by  the  bands  of  the  society,  yet  never  made  a  corporation 
or  body  politic,  not  being  declared  so  by  the  government;  in  a  similar 
manner,  I  suppose,  our  voluntary  union  in  spiritualibus  cannot  constitute 
us  a  canonical  body  of  clergy,  unless  declared  and  appointed  as  such, 
either  by  the  supreme  pastor,  or  rather  by  a  bishop  set  over  us  by  him. 
Our  association,  even  in  temporalibus  I  am  afraid,  will  be  looked  upon 
rather  as  a  combination.    These  are  my  thoughts ;  but  as  you  are  appointed 


»  Baltimore  Cathedral  Archives.  Case  5-K1;  cf.  United  States  Catholic  Miscellany, 
rol.  iii,  pp.  378-3 79^ 


2o8  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

to  preside  over  us,  it  is  to  your  reverence  the  Giver  of  all  gifts  will 
bestow  the  gift  of  discernment  and  discretion. 
Comvicndo  me  impense. 

I  am,  very  reverend  sir,  etc., 

Your  most  humble  and  obed't  serv't, 

Ferdinand   Farmer.^ 

In  the  Baltimore  Cathedral  Archives  (Case  9A-F1)  there  is 
the  rough  sketch  of  a  Circular,  dated  January  12,  1785,  which 
Carroll  issued  regarding  the  Jubilee  of  1 775-1 776.  "The  com- 
mencement of  this  grant  is  to  date  from  November  28,  1784,  and 
it  is  to  be  in  force  till  November  28,  1785.  A  commission  v^^as 
sent  me  at  the  same  time  to  publish  it  in  all  the  countries  sub- 
ject to  these  states."  At  the  end  of  this  letter  is  the  announce- 
ment that,  until  "I  have  better  opportunity  of  conversing  with  the 
several  gentlemen  to  fix  a  general  and  equitable  rule  for  keeping 
Lent  for  all  the  different  Congregations,  I  request  each  of  you 
to  make  such  regulations  (for  this  year)  for  those  under  your 
charge,  as  you  shall  in  prudence  think  proper."  This  is  the 
language  of  a  Superior.  Father  Carroll  had  evidently  concluded 
to  accept  the  prefectship-apostolic  by  this  time,  but  before  doing 
so  he  decided  to  place  the  whole  affair  with  its  proper  light 
before  the  authorities  at  Rome.  A  long  letter,  written  on  Febru- 
ary 17,  1785,  to  his  friend  Father  Thorpe  at  Rome,  is  a  summary 
of  the  ecclesiastical  situation  created  by  the  appointment.  The 
rough  draft  of  this  Letter,  with  many  erasures  and  corrections, 
is  in  the  Baltimore  Cathedral  Archives.  It  is  printed  here  in  full; 
Shea  has  used  excerpts  from  it : 

Maryland,  near  Georgetown,  Feb.  17,  1785. 

The  official  information  of  the  advices  sent  by  you  June  9th,  1784,  was 
only  received  Nov.  26th.  I  did  myself  the  honour  of  writing  to  you  on 
the  subject,  immediately  after  receiving  your  letter,  which  was  about  the 
20th  of  August,  and  of  thanking  you  most  cordially  for  your  active  and 
successful  endeavours  to  render  service  to  this  country.  I  say  successful, 
not  because  your  partiality,  as  I  presume,  joined  to  that  of  my  old  and 
chearful  friend  Dr.  Franklin  suggested  me  to  the  consideration  of  his 
Holiness;  but  because  you  have  obtained  some  form  of  spiritual  govern- 
ment to  be  adopted  for  us.    It  is  not  indeed  quite  such  as  we  wish ;  and  it 


•  Baltimore  Cathedral  Archives,  Case  3-P6;  cf.  United  States  Catholic  Miscellany, 
vol.  iii,  p.   800. 


Prefect-Apostolic  209 

cannot  continue  long  in  its  present  form.  You  well  know,  that  in  our 
free  and  jealous  government,  where  Catholics  are  admitted  into  all  public 
councils  equally  with  the  professors  of  any  other  Religion,  it  will  never 
be  suffered  that  their  Ecclesiastical  Superior  (be  he  a  Bishop  or  Prefect- 
Apostolic),  receive  his  appointment  from  a  foreign  State,  and  only  hold 
it  at  the  discretion  of  a  foreign  tribunal  or  congregation.  If  even  the 
present  temper,  or  inattention  of  our  Executive  and  legislative  bodies 
were  to  overlook  it  for  this  and  perhaps  a  few  more  instances,  still  ought 
we  not  to  acquiesce  and  rest  quiet  in  actual  enjoyment;  for  the  conse- 
quence, sooner  or  later,  would  certainly  be,  that  some  malicious  or  jealous- 
minded  person  would  raise  a  spirit  against  us,  and  under  pretence  of 
rescuing  the  State  from  foreign  influence  and  dependence,  strip  us  per- 
haps of  our  common  civil  rights.  For  these  reasons,  every  thinking  man 
amongst  us  is  convinced,  that  we  neither  must  request  or  admit  any  other 
foreign  interference  than  such,  as  being  essential  to  our  religion,  is 
implied  in  the  acknowledgment  of  the  Bishop  of  Rome,  by  divine  appoint- 
ment, head  of  the  universal  Church;  and  the  See  of  St.  Peter  being  the 
centre  of  ecclesiastical  unity. 

I  am  well  aware  that  these  suggestions  will  sound  ungrateful  at  Rome, 
and  that  the  mention  of  them  from  us  will  be  perhaps  imputed  by  some 
of  the  officers  of  the  propaganda  to  a  remaining  spirit  of  Jesuitism;  but 
I  own  to  you,  that  tho'  I  wish  to  treat  with  them  upon  terms  of  sincere 
unanimity  and  cordial  concurrence  in  all  matters  tending  to  the  service  of 
Religion,  yet  I  do  not  feel  myself  disposed  to  sacrifice  to  the  fear  of 
giving  offence  the  permanent  interests  of  Religion.  I  mean  candidly  and 
respectfully  to  state  our  present  situation;  the  spirit  of  our  people;  and 
the  sentiments  of  the  R.  Catholics,  the  principal  of  whom  are  ready  and 
desirous  to  transmit  to  Rome  their  opinion  on  the  probable  consequences 
of  such  a  spiritual  government,  as  is  laid  down  in  my  dispatches  from  yr 
city.  Whether  I  shall  transmit  their  opinion  imder  their  own  signature, 
I  am  yet  uncertain;  I  would  wish  to  avoid  giving  the  Congregation,  or 
any  other  person  the  smallest  reason  to  suspect  a  cabal  to  defeat  their 
measures;  and  if  plain  and  honest  representation  will  not  succeed  with 
them,  I  should  fear  the  effects  of  intemperate  obstinacy. 

That  you  may  judge  of  these  matters  yourself,  I  must  inform  you,  that 
my  dispatches  contained,  ist  the  decree  of  the  Congn,  of  the  Propgda.,  ap- 
pointing me  Superior  of  the  Missions  in  the  Thirteen  U.  States,  ad  suum 
beneplacitum  .  .  .  cum  auctorae  ea  exercendi,  quae  ad  earundem  Mis- 
sionum  regimen  pertinent,  ad  proscriptum  decretorum  sacrae  Congnis.  et 
facultatum  eidem  [mihi]  concessarum  et  non  alias  nee  alio  modo.  2-ly. 
An  order  from  his  Holiness,  empowering  me  to  administer  Confirmation. 
3-ly.  A  letter  from  Cardl.  Antonelli,  advising  that  His  Holiness  has 
extended  to  these  States  the  Jubilee  of  1776.  4-ly.  Another  letter  from 
him  and  one  likewise  from  the  Nuncio  at  Paris,  desiring  me  to  send  two 
youths  to  be  educated  in  the  College  of  the  Propgda.  5-ly.  In  the  same 
letter  Cardl.  Antonelli  wishes  to  know  the  number  of  our  Clergy,  and 
the  amount  of  their  incomes:   for  tho'  the  Congregation  means  not  to 


2IO  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

meddle  in  temporalibus,  yet  conceiving  and  believing  there  are  Church 
possessions  here,  it  is  proper  for  them  to  know  how  many  Clergymen  can 
be  maintained  from  them.  6-ly.  He  further  informs  that  his  Holiness 
means  hereafter  to  appoint  a  Bishop  Vicar-apostolic;  but  neither  insinu- 
ates when  or  whom.  7-ly.  In  the  faculties  sent  me,  which  with  respect 
to  matrimonial  dispensations,  are  too  much  restricted,  for  our  exigencies, 
I  am  particularly  charged  to  grant  no  powers  or  faculties  to  any  who 
may  come  into  this  country,  but  those  quos  sacra  Congregao.  destinaverit 
et  approbaverit.  Thus  you  see  the  outlines  of  our  future  Ecclesiastical 
government,  as  it  is  planned  at   Rome. 

(  Our  objections  to  it  are — ist.    We  conceive  our  situation  no  longer  as 
that  of  missioners;  and  the  Ecclesiastical  constitution  here  no  longer  as 
that  of   a  mission.     By  acquiring  civil   and   religious   rights   in  common 
with  other  Christians,  we  are  become  a  national  Catholic  Clergy;  Colleges 
are  now  erecting  for  giving  general  and  liberal  education;  these  Colleges 
are  open,  both  to  masters  and  scholars  of  every  religious  denomination; 
and  as  we  have  every  reason  to  believe,  that  amongst  the  youth  trained 
in  these  different  Colleges,  there  will  be  frequently  some  inclined  to  the 
Ecclesiastical  State,  we  Catholics  propose  instituting  a  Seminary  to  form 
them  to  the  virtues  of  their  future  state,  and  to  instruct  them  in  Divinity. 
Thus  we  shall  in  a  few  years,  with  the  blessing  of  providence,  be  able 
to  supply  this  country  with  labourers  in  the  Lord's  vineyard,  and  keep 
up  a  succession,  if  we  are  indulged  in  a  Bishop.    We  are  not  in  immediate 
want  of  one,  and  it  will  be  more  agreeable  to  many  of  my  Brethren  not 
to  have  any  yet  appointed;  but  whenever  the  time  for  it  comes,  we  con- 
ceive that  it  will  be  more  advantageous  to  Religion  and  less  liable  to  give 
oflFence  that  he  be  an  ordinary  Bishop,  and  not  a  Vicar-Apostolic,  and  be 
chosen   and   presented   to   his    Holiness   by   the   American    Cath.    Clergy. 
2-ly.    For  two  reasons  we  think  it  improper  to  be  subject  in  our  Ecclesi- 
astical government  to  the  Propaganda:   the  first  is,  that  not  being  mis- 
sioners, we  conceive  ourselves,  not  a  proper  object  of  their  institutions; 
and  the  second  is,  that  tho'  our  free  and  tolerant  forms  of  Government 
(in  Virginia,  Maryland,  and  Pennsylvania)   admit  us  to  equal  civil  rights 
with  other  Christians,  yet  the  leading  men  in  our  respective  States  often 
express  a  jealousy  of  any  foreign  jurisdiction;  and  surely  will  be  more 
offended   about   submitting   to   it   in   matters   not   essential   to   our    faith. 
I  hope  they  will  never  object  to  our  depending  on  the   Pope  in  things 
purely  spiritual ;  but  I  am  sure  there  are  men,  at  least  in  this  State,  who 
would  blow  up  a  flame  of  animosity  against  us,  if   they  suspected  that 
we  were  to  be  so  much  under  the  government  of  any  Congn.  at  Rome, 
as  to  receive  our  Superior  from  it,  commissioned  only  during  their  good 
will;  and  that  this  Superior  was  restricted  from  employing  any  Clergy- 
man here,  but  such  as  that  Congregation  should  direct.     I  dread  so  much 
the  consequences  of   its  being   known   that   this   last   direction   was   ever 
given,  that  I  have  not  thought  it  proper  to  mention  it  to  several  of  my 
Brethren. 
With  respect  to  sending  two  youths,  I  shall  inform  Propaganda  that  it 


Prefect-Apostolic  211 

would  surely  be  very  acceptable  to  have  children  educated  gratis  in  so 
religious  a  seminary;  and  very  acceptable  to  us  all  to  have  a  succession 
of  ministers  of  the  altar  thus  provided  for:  but,  as  I  suppose,  they  will 
not  receive  any  into  their  College,  but  such  as  shall  afterwards  be  subject 
to  their  government;  and  it  being  yet  imcertain  what  effect  my  repre- 
sentations may  produce,  I  shall  delay  that  measure  till  further  infor- 
mation. 

I  shall  in  the  meantime  request  permission  to  give  faculties  to  other 
Clergymen,  than  those  sent  by  the  Propgda.,  of  whose  virtue  and  talents 
I  shall  have  sufficient  documents.  For  want  of  this  power,  the  Catholics 
in  the  Jersies,  N.  Y.,  the  great  Western  Country,  bordering  on  the  lakes, 
and  the  Ohio,  Wabash,  and  Mississippi  (to  say  nothing  of  many  in  the 
N.  England  States  and  Carolinas)  are  entirely  destitute  of  spiritual  suc- 
cours. The  Catholics  in  some  of  these  Settlements,  have  been  at  the 
expence  of  paying  the  passage  of  some  Irish  Franciscans,  providing  for 
their  subsistence,  and  in  erecting  places  of  worship.  These  men  have 
brought  good  testimonials;  but  I  am  precluded  from  giving  them  any 
spiritual  powers. 

I  should  deem  it  a  singular  happiness  to  have  an  opportunity  of  con- 
ferring with  a  person  of  your  experience  of  the  air  of  Rome,  before  these 
representations  are  given  in.  But  our  distance  is  so  great,  that  I  must  act 
according  to  the  best  of  my  own  and  Brethren's  judgment,  and  commit 
all  I  can  to  your  prudent  management.  At  a  meeting  of  some  of  us  last 
autumn,  it  was  ordered  that  £  20-0-0  should  be  remitted  to  you  as  a 
feeble  acknowledgement  of  our  sense  of  your  services  and  to  defray 
your  expence  of  attendance,  etc.  Mr.  Ashton,  who  is  chosen  to  be  our 
Manager  general,  either  has  or  soon  will  transmit  the  necessary  orders 
for  it.  Tho',  since  my  late  appointment,  I  do  not  intermeddle  in  our 
temporal  concerns,  yet  I  shall  not  fail  to  suggest  the  propriety  of  fixing 
on  you,  as  our  agent,  a  permanent  salary :  it  will  be  proportioned,  not 
to  your  zeal  and  services,  but  to  our  poor  ability.  At  the  same  meeting, 
but  after  I  had  left  it  thro'  indisposition,  a  direction  was  given  to  Messrs. 
Diderick,  Mosely,  and  Matthews  to  write  you  a  letter  (I  believe  likewise 
a  Memorial  to  the  Pope)  against  the  appointment  of  a  Bishop.  I  hear 
that  this  has  displeased  many  of  those  absent  from  the  meeting,  and  that 
it  is  not  certain,  whether  the  measure  is  to  be  carried  into  execution. 
Mr.  Diderick  has  shown  me  a  copy  of  his  intended  letter  to  you,  of  his 
Memorial,  and  of  a  letter  to  Cardl.  Borromeo.  He  has  no  other  intro- 
duction to  write  to  this  worthy  Cardinal  than  the  information  communi- 
cated to  me  by  our  common  friend  Plowden,  of  his  great  worth  and 
friendly  disposition  to  you.  I  made  objections  to  some  parts  of  his  letters; 
and  I  cannot  tell  as  I  mentioned  before  whether  they  will  be  sent.  It  is 
matter  of  surprise  to  me  that  he  was  nominated  to  the  commission 
of  Three ;  he  is  truly  a  zealous,  painstaking  Clergyman ;  but  not  sufficiently 
prudent,  and  conversant  in  the  world,  or  capable  of  conducting  such  a 
business  with  the  circumspection  necessary  to  be  used  by  us  towards  our 
own  Government,  and  the  Congn.  of  the  Propaganda. 


212  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

My  long  letter  must  have  tired  you.  But  it  has  been  so  earnestly 
recommended  to  me  to  give  you  very  minute  intelligence,  that  I  have 
ventured  to  trespass  on  your  patience.  I  have  two  things  more  to^  request : 
ist.  that  you  would  please  to  present  us  all,  and  myself  in  particular,  to 
Cardl.  Borromeo,  as  penetrated  with  a  lively  sense  of  his  virtue,  and 
earnestly  suing  for  his  good  offices  to  the  service  of  Religion  in  this 
Country,  wherever  they  can  be  usefully  employed.  2-ly.  that  you  would 
let  Mr.  Thayer  know  (for  I  hear  from  Plowden  that  he  is  at  Paris,  and 
corresponds  with  you)  that  I  shall  be  happy  in  being  favoured  with  an 
epistolary  intercourse  with  him :  and  in  confidence  of  your  introduction,  I 
shall  probably  write  to  him  before  I  have  your  answer/ 

The  little  leisure  I  have  lately  had,  has  been  taken  up  in  writing  and 
publishing  an  answer  to  Wharton's  pamphlet,  which  was  held  up  as  unan- 
swereable  by  our  adversaries,  whom  the  elegance  of  his  language,  and 
their  ignorance  in  Religious  controversy  equally  contributed  to  deceive^ 
I  have  desired  Mr.  Talbot  to  transmit  you  a  copy  by  the  first  opportunity. 
I  doubt,  I  have  not  made  my  court  to  a  certain  party  at  Rome  by  my  note 
on  the  destruction  of  the  Society.  Be  pleased  to  charge  with  us  all  postage 
and  other  expences  on  our  acct.  A  credit  shall  be  placed  in  England  for 
discharging  them. 

With  perfect  esteem, 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  Dr  Sir, 

etc.  etc. 

Mr.  Thorpe. '^^ 

The  ease  with  which  the  French  intrigue  had  progressed  be- 
came clearer  to  Father  Carroll  through  his  correspondence  with 
Father  Plowden.  On  September  21,  1784,  Father  Plowden 
wrote  a  complete  expose  of  the  whole  project,  and  his  letter 
contained  the  following  important  message : 

Although  I  know  you  to  be  incapable  of  mistaking  the  right  line  of 
conduct  upon  this  occasion,  yet  I  think  it  the  part  of  a  friend  to  send  you 
whatever  information  I  can  obtain.  My  meaning  is  not  to  advise  or 
instruct  you,  but  only  to  enlarge  your  prospect.  I  must  repeat  that  there 
are  certainly  some  oblique  views,  most  probably  directed  to  the  property 
of  the  American  mission,  and  to  the  obtaining  superiority  over  the  mis- 
sionaries. The  note  delivered  to  the  nuncio  proves  their  wishes  to  exclude 
every  Jesuit  from  trust  or  honor,  and  equally  betrays  the  policy  of  the 
French  ministry,  who,  by  bringing  forward  a  Frenchman,  or  perhaps  an 


10  Ibid.,  Case  9A-F1.  Copies  of  Letter  and  Relation  (in  Marechal's  hand- 
writing?) are  in  the  Baltimore  Cathedral  Archives,  Letter-Books,  vol.  i,  no.  2;  vol.  ii, 
nos.  I  and  2. 


Prefect-Apostolic  213 

Irish-Frenchman,  would  use  religion  as  an  instrument  to  increase  their 
own  influence  in  America.  Our  friend  Thorpe's  memorial,  delivered  to 
the  Pope,  along  with  your  petition,  by  Cardinal  Borromeo,  convinced  the 
propaganda  that  the  introduction  of  an  alien  would  overthrow  the  mission. 
1  wish  you  may  quickly  be  turned  into  an  ordinary  from  a  bishop  in  par- 
tibus,  and  am  persuaded  the  pope  could  not  refuse  you  the  powers,  &c., 
if  your  election  by  your  own  clergy  were  abetted  by  your  provincial  assem- 
bly. We  wish  you  to  be  as  free  as  the  bishop  of  Quebec,  or  the  new  arch- 
bishop of  Mohilow.  I  wish  to  know  in  what  light  the  leading  men  in  the 
states  consider  your  appointment.  If  they  are  disposd  to  tolerate  it,  surely 
they  would  be  more  willing  to  admit  a  bishop  only  dependent  on  the  Holy 
See,  than  one  who  must  be  subject  to  the  prefect  and  secretary  of  a  congre- 
gation. If  they  can  be  brought  to  relish  such  a  prelate,  it  is  but  one  step 
more:  you  want  not  talents  or  spirit  to  take  it,  and  all  difficulties  are  at 
once  removed.  The  business  has  been  hitherto  treated  at  Paris,  with 
uncommon  secrecy  by  the  nuncio, 

Mr.  Thayer,  who  lives  in  Navarre  college,  wrote  lately  thus,  to  our 
friend  Thorpe : 

"With  respect  to  the  views  of  Rome  upon  America,  all  that  I  can  tell 
you  is  that  there  is  a  treaty  on  foot  to  establish  a  vicar-apostolic  for  the 
thirteen  states,  which  treaty,  I  suppose,  is  near  conclusion.  I  know  not 
what  the  Americans  will  think  of  this  plan,  whether  they  would  fear  a 
too  great  dependence  on  Rome.  This  I  know,  that  any  English  priests 
whom  I  have  the  honor  to  know  here,  think  that  apostolic  vicars  are  the 
ruin  of  Catholicity  in  England,  and  that  bishops  properly  established 
would  be  the  fit  instruments  of  building  a  solid  edifice,  both  there  and  in 
America."  Make  your  own  comments,  my  dear  friend,  on  this  extract, 
substitute  a  less  violent  word  to  ruin,  and  we  shall  easily  agree  with  the 
writer.  He  is  noticed  by  the  archbishop  of  Paris  and  other  dignified 
clergymen  of  the  greatest  merit,  and  much  commended  by  the  superior 
of  Navarre  college,  in  whose  house  he  lives  gratis.  He  appears  to  be 
sincere,  and  zealous  for  the  promotion  of  religion  in  America,  and  we 
hope  he  will  not  be  misled,  &c. 

If  your  friends  here  were  better  informed  of  your  concerns,  they  might 
occasionally  yield  you  service.  Upon  the  first  rumor  that  a  vicar-apostolic 
was  to  be  appointed,  I  prevailed  upon  Mr.  Hoskins  to  write  to  Dr.  Franklin 
to  expose  to  him  the  degree  of  respect  and  consideration  due  to  the 
missionaries  now  in  America,  and  to  desire  that  no  proposals  might  be 
admitted  without  the  participation  and  consent  of  you  in  particular,  of 
the  other  missioners,  and  the  principal  Catholic  gentry  in  the  country. 
At  Mr.  Thorpe's  desire,  the  same  has  been  written  to  him  by  Alessrs. 
N.  Sewell  and  Mattingly,  with  other  information  relative  to  the  origin 
and  actual  state  of  the  American  missions.  Mr.  Thorpe  is  all  alive  in 
your  service;  and  wishes  that  his  endeavors  may  be  useful  to  the  common 
cause,  and  approved  by  you.  The  Romans  have  got  scent  of  j'our  pro- 
motion, and  according  to  their  custom  have  strangely  distorted  the  whole 
business,  even  your  name.    They  bring  in  the  French  king  to  figure  in  it. 


214  '^^^^  ^^^/^  ^^^^  Times  of  John  Carroll 

•And  talk  of  Congress  and  your  provincial  assemblies  as  if  they  were  so 
many  conseils  souverains  in  France.^^ 

This  letter  probably  reached  Father  Carroll  about  the  time  of 
the  Memorial  of  December,  1784.  To  this  situation  abroad  was 
added  the  danger  of  dissension  at  home.  The  "famous  trium- 
virate," as  Father  Molyneux  called  the  anti-episcopal  Committee, 
was  apparently  not  in  favour  of  Carroll.  No  doubt  other  factors 
of  which  we  are  nowadays  unaware  entered  into  his  final  decision 
to  accept  the  prefectship.  "Since  the  prefecture,"  writes  O'Gor- 
man,  "was  expected  to  pave  the  way  to  some  more  satisfactory 
and  permanent  arrangement,  and  since,  on  the  other  hand,  his 
refusal  might  result  in  the  imposition  of  a  foreigner  as  Prefect 
on  the  Catholics  in  America,  Carroll  yielded  to  the  arguments  of 
his  fellow-priests  and  decided  to  take  up  the  onerous  office."  ^^ 

Father  Carroll's  acceptance  of  the  prefectship  is  contained  in 
his  Letter  to  Cardinal  Antonelli,  dated  February  27,  1785.  The 
rough  draft  of  this  Letter  is  in  the  Baltimore  Cathedral  Archives; 
an  imperfect  copy  is  among  the  Shea  Transcripts  at  Georgetown 
University.  The  original,  given  here,  is  from  a  photostat  copy: 
from  the  Propaganda  Archives : 

Eminentissime  Donnne 

Litterae,  quas  ad  me  destinare  dignata  est  Ema  Vestra,  diebus  g^  et  i6a 
anni  praeteriti,  in  manus  meas  non  pervenerunt  ante  diem  26  Novembris. 
Varia  autem  documenta  litteras  comitabantur.  1°  Decretum  Sacrae  Con- 
gregationis  de  Propaganda  fide  qua  me  Superiorem  missionum  in  tredecim 
Confoederatae  Americae  provinciis  ad  suum  beneplacitum  declaravit.  2° 
Benignissima  suae  Sanctitatis  concessio  et  extensio  imiversalis  Jubilaei  ad 
omnes  Fideles  in  tredecim  Confoederatae  Americae  provinciis.  30  Altera 
ejusdem  concessio  qua  mihi  facultas  tribuitur  adminstrandi  Sacramentum 
Confirmationis  ad  normam  Instructionis,  quam  una  recepi.  4°  demum, 
facultates  a  S^mo  D.N.  mihi  concessae  et  Sociis  in  hac  Domini  vinea 
laborantibus  communicabiles. 

Quod  litteris,  quibus  haec  ad  me  transmisisti  documenta,  Eminentissime 
Cardinalis,  tantam  erga  me  benevolentiam,  tantum  rei  Catholicae  in 
remotis  hisce  orbis  partibus  adjuvandae  studium  significaveris,  gratias 
habeo  et  ago  maximas,  cujus  quidem  grati  animi  sensus  certiorem  te  prius 
fecissem,  nisi  longa  imprimis  a  domo  absentia,  postea  autem  intempestiva 
navigantibus  glacies  scribendi  occasionem  denegasset  Deinde  rogo  te, 
ac  humiUime  precor,  ut  Sanctitatis  suae  pedibus  me  sistere,  ac  devotissi- 


"    United  States  Catholic  Miscellany,  vol.  iii,  pp.  376-377- 

"    History  of  the  Catholic  Church  in  the  United  States,  p.  267.     New  York,  1907. 


Prefect-Apostolic  2i5 

mum    erga    Sedem    Apostolicam    obsequium    testificari    veils;    gratiasque 
referre,  quod  tam  gravi  munere  me  indignura  non  existimaverit. 

Hi  sunt  animi  sensus,  quibus  erga  Bm"m  Patrem,  teque  adeo,  Cardinalis 
Emmentissime,  affectus  fui,  ubi  propensam  utriusque  in  me  benevolentiam, 
et  sollicitam  pro  Sancta  nostra  Religione  in  his  regionibus  providentiam 
intelligerem,  Fuere  tamen  aliaque,  quae  tum  initio,  tum  deinceps,  cogi- 
tanti  mihi,  magnum  timorem,  magnam  etiam  moestitiam  incutiebant. 
Videbam  imprimis  illud  mihi  munus  committi,  cui  subeundo,  ut  sincere 
et  ex  intimo  sensu  profiteor,  imparem  me  omnino  esse  sentio,  nee  illis 
animi  aut  corporis  viribus  praeditum,  quibus  instructum  esse  oportet, 
quicumque  se  ad  illud  fideliter  administrandum  accinxerit.  Deinde  ut 
Eminae  T^e  votis  obsequerer  accuratam  de  rebus  nostris  relationem  desid- 
erantis,  aliqua  mihi  commemoranda  esse  non  ignorabam,  quae  minus  grata 
fortasse  essent  futura,  imo  quae  suspicionem  commovere  possent  minus 
propensae  in  Sedem  Apostolicam  observantiae.  Haec  tamen  omnia  veritati 
postponam,  et  sincerae  rerum  nostrarum  expositioni.  Scio  enim,  Em. 
Card.lis,  nihil  tuto  aut  efficaciter  circa  nos  agi  posse,  nisi  quae  sit  nostra 
conditio,  plane  intelligatur. 

Imprimis  igitur,  ex  tredecim  provinciis,  quae  olim  Regi  Magnae  Brit- 
taniae  parebant,  duae  tantum  fuere,  Pensilvania  et  Marilandia,  in  quibus 
permissum  erat  Catholicis  tuto  degere.  In  his  etiam  lege  cautum  erat,  ne 
officio  civili,  militari,  aut  alio  quovis  frui  possent.  Excusso  autem  jugo 
Brittanico,  novisque  conditis  legibus,  in  omnibus  provinciis,  Catholici  sine 
molestia  vivere  et  sacra  peragere  possunt.  In  plerisque  tamen  locis  ad 
Reipublicae  munera  capessenda  non  admittuntur,  nisi  qui  omnem  jurisdic- 
tionem  exteram,  sive  civilem,  sive  ecclesiasticam  abrenuntiaverint.  Ita  fit, 
ut  in  plerisque  his  provinciis,  seu  Statibus,  ut  nunc  vocant,  nostri  homines 
maneant  a  Republica  exclusi :  In  quatuor  tantum,  nempe  in  Pensilvania, 
Delawaria,  Marilandia,  et  Virginia,  eodem  ac  coeteri  cives  jure  utuntur. 
Haec  autem  beneficia,  sive  tolerantiae,  sive  communis,  quamdiu  simus 
habituri,  non  ausim  pronunciare.  Timent  e  nostris  multi,  in  Marilandia 
praecipue,  Acatholicis  in  animo  esse,  ut  omnino  a  gerendis  muneribus  ex- 
cludamur:  ego  autem  cui  satis  semper  fuit  mala  non  animo  praevenire,  sed, 
ubi  advenerint,  utrumque  tolerare,  spe  foveor  tantam  nobis  injuriam  baud 
esse  inferendam:  imo  vero  confido  tam  firma  Religionis  fundamenta  in 
his  Americanis  Statibus  jaci  posse,  ut  florentissima  Ecclesiae  portio,  cum 
magno  Sedis  Apostolicae  solatio,  hie  aliquando  sit  futura.  Hoc  autem  loco 
ilia  mihi  commemoranda  sunt,  de  quibus  dixi  superius  scitu  necessaria,  ut 
recte  res  nostrae  Ecclesiasticae  possint  administrari. 

Viguit  autem  in  his  regionibus  praecipue  secta  Anglicana;  rerum  sacra- 
rum  apud  illos  ministri  penedebant  omnes  a  Pseudo-Episcopo  Londinensi: 
ad  ilium  transfretabant,  quotquot  ordinari  secundum  sectae  suae  rationem 
cupiebant.  Peracto  autem  bello,  obtineri  non  potuit  a  sectae  illius  ministris, 
quamvis  essent  omnium  frequentissimi,  ut  ab  Episcopo  Anglo,  imo  ab  extero 
quovis  penderent.  Concessum  est  illis  potius,  ut  Episcopos  sibi  constituerent 
et  eligerent,  quod  jam  ab  ipsis  factum  est,  quamvis  nullum  adhuc  sue  ritu 
consecratum  habeant:    Religionis  suae  administrandae  sibi  formam  prae- 


2i6  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

scripserunt;  religionem  suam  dici  et  haberi  natlonahm  cupiunt,  eo  quod 
jam  nullum  alibi  superiorem  admittant:  denique  ita  machinantur  ut  ab 
illis  timor  ille  incutatur,  quo  nostrorum  nonnullus  pcrcuti  dicebam. 

Eminentissimus  Cardinalis  persuasum  sibi  habeat  nobis  gravissima  omnia 
tolerabiliora    fore,    quam    divinam    illam    Sedis   Apostolicae    auctoritatem 
abrenunciare :  nee  tantum  Sacerdotes,  qui  hie  sumus,  sed  etiam  populum 
Catholicum  in  fide  ita  videri  stabilem,  ut  nunquam  a  debita  Summo  Pontifici 
obedicntia  sit  dimovendus.    Idem  tamen  ille  populus  aliquam  a  B^o  Patre 
gratiam  sibi  concedi,  imo  deberi  existimat,  necessariam  sane  sive  ad  juris 
communis  quo  nunc  utitur  conservationem,  sive  ad  propulsandum  periculum, 
quod  timetur.     Ex  iis  quae  dixi,  et  ex  rerum  publicarum,  quae  hie  sunt, 
constitutione,  Eminae  Tuae  ignotum  esse  non  potest,  quam  invidiosa  illis 
sit  omnis  extera  jurisdictio.     Hoc  igitur  a  Catholicis  desideratur,  ut  nulla 
detur  ansa  Religionis  nostrae  adversariis  nos  criminandi,  quasi  plus  aequo 
a  regimine  externo  pendeamus;  et  ut  aliqua  ratio  ineatur  qua  in  posterum 
Superior  Ecclesiasticus  huic  regioni  destinari  possit,  ita  ut  Spiritualis  S^e 
Sedis  jurisdictio  omnino  servetur;  et  simul  tollatur  omnis  occasio  nobis 
objiciendi,  quasi  aliquid  admittamus  patriae  Independentiae  inimicum.^  Hoc 
ex  praecipuis  Catholicis  multi,  communi  scripto,  Sanctitati  suae  significare 
cogitabant,  ac  ii  maxime,  qui  vel   in  generali   Americae   Concilio    (Con- 
gressum  vocant)    sedem    obtinuere,    vel    in    Pensylvania    ac    Marilandia 
conciliis  legislativis  cum  auctoritate  intersunt;  a  quibus  tamen  obtinui,  ut 
in  praesens  ejusmodi  scriptum  differatur.     Quid  hac  in  re  statui  possit, 
Beatissimus  Pater  plenius  forsan  intelliget,  ubi  animum  advertet  ad  sextum 
articulum  unionis  perpetnae  inter  Status  foederatae  Americae;  quo  sanci- 
tur,  nemini  Itcitum  fore,  qui  munere  quovis  fungatur  sub  Unitis  Statibus, 
donum  aliquod,  officium  aut  titulum  cujiisvis  generis  accipere  a  Rege  aliquo, 
Principe  aut  domino  extero.    Quae  prohibitio,  etsi  ad  illos  tantum  pertinere 
videatur,  qui  ad  munera  Reipublicae  destinantur,  ab  adversariis  tamen  nos- 
tris  etiam  ad  officia  Ecclesiastica  fortasse  detorquebitur.     Cupimus  igitur, 
Emse  Cardinalis,  omni  modo  providere,  ut  fidei  integritas,  et  debita  erga 
Sedem  Apostolicam   observantia,  et  unio    semper    vigeat:    at    simul    ut 
Catholicis   Americanis   pro   Ecclesiastico    regimine    concedatur,    quidquid 
salva  Religione  concedi  potest.     Ita  minui   sectariorum  invidiam   plenam 
suspicionis,  ita  res  nostras  stabiliri  posse  confidimus. 

Significasti,  E^e  Card.lis,  Sanctitatis  suae  mentem  esse  et  consilium,  ut 
Vicarium  Apostolicum  Episcopali  charactere  et  titulo  insignitum  pro  his 
provinces  decernat.  Ut  paterna  haec  pro  nobis  sollicitudo  magna  nos  lae- 
titia  affecit,  ita  etiam  aliquem  initio  incussit  timorem.  Sciebamus  enim 
Acatholicis  Americanis  dim  persuaderi  nunquam  potuisse,  ut  vel  suae 
sectae  Episcopum  admitterent,  cum  id  tentaretur,  dum  Angliae  Regi  hae 
provinciae  subessent :  unde  etiam  timor  nascebatur,  ne  nobis  quidem  id  per- 
missum  iri.  At  jam,  ab  aliquot  mensibus,  conventione  facta,  Ministrorum 
Protestantium  Ecclesiae  Anglicanae,  seu  Episcopalis,  ut  nunc  vocant,  decre- 
verunt  se,  quod  ex  legum  auctoritate  pleno  suae  Religionis  exercitio 
gaudeant,  eo  ipso  jus  habere  ad  tales  rerum  Sacrarum  Ministros  sibi  con- 
stituendos,  quales  sectae  suae  ratio  et  disciplina  exigit,  Episcopos  scilicet, 


Prefect-Apostolic  217 

Presbyteros  et  Diaconos ;  cul  illorum  decreto  non  repugnaverunt,  qui  con- 
dendis  legibus,  apud  nos  sunt  designati.  Cum  igitur  nobis  eadcm  pro  Reli- 
gionis  exercitio  libertas  concedatur,  jus  quoque  idem,  quantum  ad  leges 
nostras  municipales  spectat,  competere  necesse  est. 

Re  autem  se  habente,  judicabit  Beatissimus  Pater,  tuque  adeo,  Emc 
Card^'s,  animo  perpendes,  an  tempus  constituendo  Episcopo  opportunum 
nunc  sit,  qualis  is  esse  debeat,  et  quomodo  designandus :  de  quibus  omnibus, 
non  tamquam  judicium  meum  interpositurus,  sed  pleniorem  relationem 
facturus  aliqua  commemorabo.  Imprimis  de  opportunitate  temporis  obser- 
vari  potest,  nullam  jam  animorum  fore  commotionem,  si  Episcopus 
designetur,  quod  Acatholici  Protestantes  sibi  aliquem  constituere  cogitent: 
deinde  ut  aliquam  suae  sectae  apud  vulgus  existimationem  ex  Episcopali 
dignitate  conciliare  sperant,  ita  etiam  non  solum  similem  nobis,  sed  etiam 
ingentia  commoda  obventura  confidimus,  cum  banc  Ecclesiam  eo  modo 
administrari  contigerit,  quo  Christus  Dominus  instituit.  Ex  altera  tamen 
parte  occurrit,  quod  cum  jam  Si""s  Pater  aliter  Sacramento  Confirmationis 
conferendo  providere  dignatus  sit,  non  prius  Episcopum  nobis  constituere 
necessitas  postulet,  quam  idonei  aliqui  reperiantur  ad  Sacros  Ordines  sus- 
cipiendos,  quod  paucis  annis  futurum  speramus,  ut  intelliget  Eminensus. 
Cardinalis  ex  iis,  quae  separatim  relatione  distincta  scribere  cogito.  Quod 
tempus  ubi  advenerit,  commodius  fortasse  pro  decenti  Episcopi  susten- 
tatione  providere,  quam  nunc  pro  rerum  nostrarum  tenuitate  poterimus. 

Deinde,  si  Episcopum  nobis  assignare  Sanctitati  suae  visum  fuerit, 
praestabitne  Vicarium  Apostolicum,  an  Ordinarium  cum  propria  Sede  con- 
stituere? Quis  rei  Catholicae  incremento,  quis  amovendae  Catholicorum 
invidiae,  terrorique  illi  de  extera  jurisdictione  magis  inserviret?  quern 
terrorem  auctiun  iri  certissime  scio,  si  Superiorem  Ecclesiasticum  ita 
designari  noverint,  ut  ad  arbitrium  Sacrae  Congregationis  de  propaganda 
fide,  aut  cujusvis  alterius  tribunalis  externi  ab  officio  possit  dimoveri:  nee 
fas  illi  sit  Sacerdotem  quemvis  ad  sacras  functiones  admittere,  quem  ilia 
Congregatio  non  approbaverit,  et  ad  nos  destinaverit. 

De  modo  autem  Episcopum  designandi  nihil  aliud  nunc  dicam,  quam  im- 
plorare  nos,  pro  Sedis  Apostolicae  judicio  dirigendo  divinam  sapientiam  et 
misericordiam ;  ut,  si  minime  concedendum  videatur  Sacerdotibus  in  hac 
Domini  vinea  tot  annos  laborantibus  ilium  suae  Sanctitati  proponere,  quem 
ipsi  magis  idoneum  existimaverint,  conveniatur  tamen  de  aliqua  Episcopum 
nominandi  via,  qua  Nostratium,  tam  Catholicorum,  quam  Sectariorum 
offensio  possit  averti. 

De  Duobus  juvenibus  ad  Urbanum  Collegium  mittendis  nihil  agere  licuit, 
donee  plenius  de  Emae  tuae  mente  intellexero.  Si  itineris  impensis  impares 
f  uerint,  video  quidem  a  Sacra  Congregatione  de  viatico  provisum  iri :  non 
tamen  habeo  compertum,  cui  demandatum  sit  illas  impensas  subministrari. 
Navium  enim  magistri  in  navem  vectores  recipere  non  solent,  nisi  naulum 
ante  navigationem  solvatur,  aut  certo  sciant,  a  quo  repetendum  sit.  Deinde, 
ut  quae  clixi  de  Episcopo  vel  Superiore  designando,  aliquam  forte  muta- 
tionem  suggerent  circa  modum  res  nostras  Ecclesiasticas  administrandi,  ita 
quoque  consilium  de  educandis  in  isto  Collegio  Juvenibus  poterit  mutari, 


2i8  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

quod  tamen  minime  futurum  confidimus.  Postremo,  convenerit,  ut  Juve- 
num  parentes  doceantur,  an  Juramentum  aliquod  et  cujusmodi  ab  eorum 
filiis  exigendiim  sit,  antequam  in  patriam  remittantur:  omnis  enim  cautela 
adhibenda  est,  ut,  quantum  fieri  potest,  videantur  Catholici,  tarn  populus 
quam  ministri,   in   rebus   tantum   omnino  necessariis  ab   extera   potestate 

pendere. 

Interim,  dum  responsum  expecto,  dabo  operam,  ut  Juvenes  duo  summa 
cura  seligantur,  quales  tuae  litterae,  Emin :  Card^s,  exigunt :  spero  insuper 
me  effecturum,  ut  itineris  impensae,  saltern  hinc  usque  in  Galliam  a  paren- 
tibus  solvantur:  sin  minus  id  obtinuero,  omnem  in  illis  impensis  modera- 
tionem  adhiberi  curabo.  Intelligo  autem  pro  unoquoque  juvene  navigationis 
et  alios  necessarios  sumptus,  donee  portum  attigerit,  summam  septuaginta 
vel  octoginta  aureoum  circiter  confecturos. 

Reliqua,  de  quibus  instrui  voluisti,  Eme  Card^'s,  pro  religiosa  tua  erga 
nos  sollicitudine,  opportunius  separato    scripto    extra    formam    litterarum 
exhiberi  posse  existimavi ;  illud  tamen  hie  iterum  atque  iterum  obsecro,  ut 
earn  in  facultatibus  mihi  concessis  restrictionem  tolli  omni  modo  cures,  qua 
aliorum  Sacerdotum  opera  uti  prohibeor,  prater  illos  quos  sacra  Congre- 
gatio  destinaverit  et  approbaverit.     Id  enim  nisi  concedatur,  brevi  spatio 
magna  Catholicorum  pars  omnino  Sacramentorum  expers  erit,  et  Religionis 
ministeriis  destituta.     Unica  enim,  quae  nobis  superest   spes   supplementi 
cujusdam  cito  recipiendi  pro  Sociis  extinctis,  aut  jam  ad  extremum  senium 
vergentibus,  posita  est  in  illis  Sacerdotibus,  qui  hie  nati,  ante  bellum  exor- 
tum  in  Europam  educationis  causa  profecti   sunt,   ibique   sacros  Ordines 
susceperunt.     Audio  horum  aliquos  in  patriam   reditum  cogitare :   quibus 
tamen,  si  advenerint,  in  otio  erit  manendum,  utcumque  moribus  et  doctrina 
comparatis  ad  banc  Domini  vineam    excolendam.      Itaque,    omni    quidem 
reverentia,   sed   simul   summa   fiducia,   et  ex  plena   persuaslone   id   e   re- 
Religionis  fore,  rogo,  Emin :  Cardinalis,  ut  tuum  apud  Sanctitatem  suam 
studium  interponas,  illique  significes,  Superiori  in  his  Foederatae  Americae 
Statibus  omnino  necesse  esse,  ut  quos  Sacerdotes  dignos  judicaverit,  hos  in 
laborum  Societatem  possit  ascire. 

Haec  habui,  Erne  Card.lis,  quae  libere  fideliterque  scriberem  de  rebus  ad 

Religionem   spectantibus,  quibus  veluti   supplementum  et  ad  tua  quaesita 

responsum  accedent,  quae  altero  scripto  commemorata  reperies.^  Mihi  jam 

sit  permissum  banc  gregis  Dominici  portionem,  pastoresque,  qui  in  illo  sunt, 

meo  ipsum  singulari  tuae  pietati,   paternaeq.   benevolentiae   commendare; 

precarique  ut  oculos  conjicias  in  immensas  illas  regiones,  quae  foederatae 

Americae  finibus  continentur:  in  diesque   magis    ac   magis    immigrantium 

accessionibus,  et  ex  naturali   foecunditate,   incolentium  numero  augentur. 

Ubique  libere  praedicari  poterit  vera  fides,  nee  quidquam  obstare  videtur, 

quo  minus  magni  ex  hac  libertate  fructus  decerpantur,  praeter  operariorum 

defectum,  mediaque  illis  providendi.    Ad  te  igitur,  qui  singulari  cura,  studio 

et  auctoritate  Religionis  propagationi  invigi^as,    recurrimus,    ut    quae    ad 

hunc  finem  meditamur,  pro  tua  sapientia  adjuvare  velis,  hancque  regionem 

veluti  tuae  providentiae  et  fidei  commissam  intueri.     Quod  ad  me  spectat, 

ego  summa  fiducia,  Eminentissime  Cardinalis,  in  hujus  Ecclesiae  negotiis 


Prefect-Apostolic  219 

tua  consilia,  tuam  auctoritatcm,  pietatem  tuam  implorabo,  prccaborque 
Deum  omnipotentem,  ut  pro  animarum  salute,  divinacque  fidei  extensione  te 
salvum  et  incolumem  diu  esse  velit,    Ita  vovct 

Eminentissime  Cardinalis 
Eminae  Tuae 

Servus  Obscquentisshmis 
Ex  Marilandid,  die  27^  ^     Joannes  Carroll. 

Februarii,  1785. 
Emincntisswio  Cardli  AntoneUo>^ 

('The  importance  of  this  Letter  can  hardly  be  exaggerated. 
It  is  the  first  document  of  its  kind  which  passed  between  the 
Church  in  the  United  States  and  the  Holy  See,  and  it  contains 
for  the  Church  historian  of  the  new  Republic  the  most  valuable 
synthesis  of  the  state  of  religion  in  this  country  which  we  possess 
for  the  Revolutionary  period.  After  apologizing  for  the  delay  in 
answering  Antonelli's  letter,  which  was  received  three  months 
before,  Carroll  thanked  the  Holy  See  for  the  confidence  placed 
in  him,  and  expressed  the  doubt  whether  he  possessed  the  mental 
and  physical  qualities  necessary  for  the  faithful  performance  of 
his  duties  as  prefect-apostolic.  In  replying  to  the  request  of  the 
Sacred  Congregation  for  an  accurate  statement  regarding  the 
condition  of  the  Church  in  the  new  Republic,  he  realized  that  he 
might  have  to  say  things  which  might  be  misinterpreted  at  Rome, 
but  he  thought  it  best  to  speak  out  frankly  because  otherwise  the 
reorganization  of  the  Church  here  would  not  be  begun  safely 
and  efficiently.  Maryland  and  Pennsylvania  alone  gave  an  ade- 
quate freedom  to  the  faithful ;  but  even  in  these  States  full  civic 
liberty  had  not  been  conferred  upon  the  Catholics.  However, 
since  the  achievement  of  independence.  Catholics  were  permitted 
to  assemble  for  divine  worship  in  every  place  in  the  Union. 

But  how  long  we  are  to  enjoy  the  benefits  of  this  toleration  or  equal 
rights,  I  would  not  dare  to  assert.  Many  of  our  people  especially  in  Mary- 
land fear,  that  we  shall  be  absolutely  excluded  from  holding  office ;  for  my 
own  part,  I  have  deemed  it  wiser  not  to  anticipate  evils,  but  to  bear  them 
when  they  come.  I  cherish  the  hope  that  so  great  a  wrong  will  not  be 
done  us;  nay  more,  I  trust  that  the  foundations  of  religion  will  be  so 
firmly  laid  in  the  United  States,  that  a  most  flourishing  part  of  the 
Church  will  in  time  be  developed  here,  to  the  great  consolation  of  the 
Holy  See.     The  Church  of  England  had  been  the  dominant  body  here, 

"    Baltimore   Cathedral  Archives,    Case   gA-Fa;    Propaganda   Archives,   Scritture 
riferite,  America  Centrale,  vol.  ii,  ff.   306-311. 


220  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

directed  by  ministers  dependent  on  the  pseudo-Bishop  of  London,  whither 
those  who  desired  to  enter  their  ministry  went  for  ordination,  but  after 
the  war,  they  were  not  allowed  to  depend  on  an  English  or  any  other  for- 
eign bishop.  They  were  free  to  appoint  and  elect  bishops  of  their  own,  as 
they  had  in  fact  done,  although  none  had  yet  been  consecrated  according 
to  their  rites.  They  have  adopted  a  form  of  government  for  their 
church  and  desire  it  be  called  and  to  be  national,  in  that  it  admitted  no 
foreign  Superior,  that  they  may  be  freed  from  such  fear  for  the  future  as 
many  Catholics  felt.  The  Most  Eminent  Cardinal  may  rest  assured  that 
the  greatest  evils  would  be  borne  by  us  rather  than  renounce  the  divine 
authority  of  the  Holy  See ;  that  not  only  we  priests  who  are  here,  but  the 
Catholic  people  seem  so  firm  in  the  faith  that  they  will  never  withdraw 
from  obedience  to  the  Sovereign  Pontiff.  The  Catholic  body,  however, 
think  that  some  favor  should  be  granted  to  them  by  the  Holy  Father, 
necessary  for  their  permanent  enjoyment  of  the  civil  rights  which  they 
now  enjoy,  and  to  avert  the  dangers  which  they  fear.  From  what  I  have 
said,  and  from  the  framework  of  public  affairs  here,  your  Eminence  must 
see  how  objectionable  all  foreign  jurisdiction  will  be  to  them.  The 
Catholics  therefore  desire  that  no  pretext  be  given  to  the  enemies  of  our 
religion  to  accuse  us  of  depending  imnecessarily  on  a  foreign  authority; 
and  that  some  plan  may  be  adopted  for  this  country,  in  such  a  way  as  to 
retain  absolutely  the  spiritual  jurisdiction  of  the  Holy  See,  and  at  the  same 
time  remove  all  ground  for  objecting  to  us,  as  though  we  held  anything 
hostile  to  the  national  independence.  Many  of  the  leading  Catholics 
thought  of  laying  this  before  his  Holiness  in  a  general  Memorial,  especially 
those  who  have  been  either  in  the  Continental  Congress  or  the  legislature 
of  Pennsylvania  and  Maryland;  but  I  induced  them  to  refrain  from  any 
such  step  at  least  for  the  present.  The  Holy  Father  will  perhaps  see  more 
clearly  what  is  to  be  done  in  this  matter,  if  he  considers  the  Sixth  of  the 
Articles  of  Perpetual  Confederation  between  the  States,  which  enacts  that 
no  one  who  holds  any  office  under  the  United  States,  shall  be  alloived  to 
receive  any  gift,  office  or  title  of  any  kind  whatsoever  from  any  king, 
prince  or  foreign  government,  and  though  this  prohibition  seems  to  extend 
only  to  those  who  are  appointed  to  offices  in  the  republic,  it  will  perhaps 
be  wrested  by  our  opponents  to  apply  also  to  ecclesiastical  offices.  We 
desire  therefore.  Most  Eminent  Cardinal,  to  provide  in  every  way,  that  the 
faith  in  its  integrity,  due  obedience  towards  the  Apostolic  See  and  perfect 
union  should  flourish,  and  at  the  same  time  that  whatever  can  with  safety 
to  religion  be  granted,  shall  be  conceded  to  American  Catholics  in  eccle- 
siastical government;  in  this  way  we  hope  that  the  distrust  of  Protestants 
now  full  of  suspicion  will  be  diminished,  and  that  thus  our  affairs  can  be 
solidly  established. 

You  have  indicated,  Most  Eminent  Cardinal,  that  it  was  the  intention 
and  design  of  His  Holiness  to  appoint  a  Vicar-Apostolic  for  these  States, 
invested  with  the  episcopal  character  and  title.  While  this  paternal  solici- 
tude for  us  has  filled  us  with  great  joy,  it  also  at  first  inspired  some  fear : 
for  we  knew^^that  heretofore  American  Protestants  never  could  be  induced 


Prefect-Apostolic  221 

to  allow  even  a  Bishop  of  their  own  sect,  when  the  attempt  was  made 
during  the  subjection  of  these  provinces  to  the  King  of  England:  hence 
a  fear  arose  that  we  would  not  be  permitted  to  have  one.  But  some  months 
since  in  a  convention  of  Protestant  ministers  of  the  Anglican  or  as  it  is 
here  called  the  Episcopal  Church,  they  decreed,  that  as  by  authority  of  law 
they  enjoyed  the  full  exercise  of  their  religion,  they  therefore  had  the  right 
of  appointing  for  themselves,  such  ministers  of  holy  things,  as  the  system 
of  and  discipline  of  their  sect  required;  namely  bishops,  priests,  and  dea- 
cons; this  decision  on  their  part  was  not  censured  by  the  Congress  ap- 
pointed to  frame  our  laws.  As  the  same  liberty  in  the  exercise  of  religion 
is  granted  to  us,  it  necessarily  follows  that  we  enjoy  the  same  right  in 
regard  to  adopting  laws  for  our  government. 

While  the  matter  stands  thus,  the  Holy  Father  will  decide  and  you. 
Most  Eminent  Cardinal,  will  consider  whether  the  time  is  now  opportune 
for  appointing  a  bishop,  what  his  qualifications  should  be,  and  how  he 
should  be  nominated.  On  all  these  points,  not  as  if  seeking  to  obtain  my 
own  judgment  but  to  make  this  relation  more  simple,  I  shall  note  a  few 
facts.  First,  as  regards  the  seasonableness  of  the  step,  it  may  be  noted, 
that  there  will  be  no  excitement  in  the  public  mind,  if  a  bishop  be  ap- 
pointed, as  Protestants  think  of  appointing  one  for  themselves:  nay,  they 
even  hope  to  acquire  some  importance  for  their  sect  among  the  people  from 
the  episcopal  dignity;  so  too  we  trust  that  we  shall  not  only  acquire 
the  same,  but  that  great  advantages  will  follow;  inasmuch  as  this  church 
will  then  be  governed  in  that  manner  which  Christ  our  Lord  instituted. 
On  the  other  hand,  however,  it  occurs  that  as  the  Most  Holy  Father 
has  already  deigned  to  provide  otherwise  for  conferring  the  sacrament  of 
confirmation,  there  is  no  actual  need  for  the  appointment  of  a  bishop, 
until  some  candidates  are  found  fitted  to  receive  holy  orders;  this  we 
hope  will  be  the  case  in  a  few  years,  as  you  will  understand.  Most 
Eminent  Cardinal,  from  a  special  relation  which  I  purpose  writing. 
When  that  time  comes,  we  shall  perhaps  be  better  able  to  make  a  suitable 
provision  for  a  bishop,  than  from  our  slender  resources  we  can  now  do. 

In  the  next  place,  if  it  shall  seem  best  to  his  Holiness  to  assign  a  bishop 
to  this  country,  will  it  be  best  to  appoint  a  Vicar-Apostolic  or  an  ordinary 
with  a  See  of  his  own?  Which  will  conduce  more  to  the  progress  of 
Catholicity,  which  will  contribute  most  to  remove  Protestant  jealousy  of 
foreign  jurisdiction?  I  know  with  certainty  that  this  fear  will  increase,  if 
they  know  that  an  ecclesiastical  superior  is  so  appointed  as  to  be  removable 
from  office  at  the  pleasure  of  the  Sacred  Congregation  de  Propaganda 
Fide,  or  any  other  tribunal  out  of  the  country,  or  that  he  has  no  power  to 
admit  any  priest  to  exercise  the  sacred  function,  unless  that  Congregation 
has  approved  and  sent  him  to  us. 

As  to  the  method  of  nominating  a  bishop,  I  will  say  no  more,  at 
present,  than  this,  that  we  are  imploring  God  in  his  wisdom  and  mercy 
to  guide  the  judgment  of  the  Holy  See,  that  if  it  does  not  seem  proper  to 
allow  the  priests  who  have  laboured  for  so  many  years  in  this  vineyard  of 
the  Lord  to  propose  to  the  Holy  See,  the  one  whom  they  deem  the  most 


222  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

fit,  that  some  method  will  be  adopted  by  which  a  bad  feeling  may  not  be 
excited  among  the  people  of  this  country,  Catholic  and  Protestant.^*    ' 

Father  Carroll  then  took  up  the  matter  of  sending  two  boys 
to  Rome,  to  occupy  the  American  scholarships  granted  by  Propa- 
ganda, and  pointed  out,  as  he  was  well  able  to  do  from  a  long 
personal  experience  in  Europe,  that  the  question  of  the  Student 
Oath  would  have  to  be  settled  in  a  way  that  would  be  acceptable 
to  the  American  mind  before  they  could  be  sent.  He  urged  the 
reconsideration  of  the  limitation  placed  upon  his  jurisdiction  in 
the  case  where  he  might  want  to  employ  priests  entering  the 
country.  Some  American  priests,  who  were  then  abroad,  would 
undoubtedly  return,  and  it  Avould  be  a  grave  detriment  to  religion 
if  the  Church  had  to  wait  for  Rome's  permission  for  the  exercise 
of  their  ministry.  After  recommending  the  American  Church 
most  earnestly  to  His  Eminence,  he  begged  him  to  cast  his  eyes 
on  the  immense  territory  contained  within  the  limits  of  the 
United  States,  and  to  realize  how  quickly,  through  immigration, 
the  population  of  the  land  would  grow.  He  appealed,  therefore, 
for  special  interest  and  consideration  for  the  American  Catholics 
and  assured  the  Cardinal-Prefect  that  all  were  loyal  and  devoted 
children  of  the  Church. 

In  several  of  the  official  letters  from  Propaganda  a  request 
was  made  for  certain  definite  information  regarding  the  state  of 
the  Church  in  the  new  Republic.  This  information  was  asked,  as 
we  have  seen,  through  the  Nuncio  at  Paris,  on  May  12,  1784,  in  a 
letter  addressed  by  Cardinal  Antonelli  to  the  Chevalier  de  la 
Luzerne,  French  Minister  Plenipotentiary,  at  New  York.  Car- 
dinal Antonelli's  letter  to  Father  Carroll,  June  9,  1784,  contained 
the  same  request.  This  information  Father  Carroll  obtained  by 
correspondence  with  his  fellow-priests  between  November,  1784, 
and  March  i,  1785.  He  embodied  this  information  in  his  Rela- 
tion of  the  State  of  Religion  in  the  United  States.  The  original 
is  here  printed  in  full  from  a  photostat  copy  from  the  Propaganda 
Archives.^  ^  As  the  first  Relation  of  its  kind  to  be  sent  to  Rome 
from  the  United  States,  it  is  among  the  most  treasured  first-hand 
sources  for  the  history  of  the  Church  in  our  country : 


**    The  translation  given  is  from  Shea,  op.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  pp.  251-256. 
"    Propaganda  Archives,   Scritture  riferite,  America  Centrale,  vol.  ii,  ff.   312-314. 
The  rough  draft  is  in  the  Baltimore  Cathedral  Archives,  Case  gA-Fi. 


Prefect-Apostolic  223 

Relatio    pro    Ento.    Cardinali    Antonello    de    statu    Religionis    in    Unitis 

Foederatae  Americae  provinciis. 
I*  De  numero  Catholicorum  in  Foederatae  Americae  Provinciis. 

Sunt  in  Marilandid  circitcr  15,800.     Ex  his  sunt  novem  mille  homines 
liberi  aetatis  adultae,  aut  supra  annum  duodecimum ;  pueri  minoris  aetatis 
fere  ter  mille,  totidemq.  omnis  aetatis  servi   (Nigros  vocant  a  colore)   ex 
Africa  oriundi.     In  Pcnsilvanid  sunt  ad  minimum  septcm  mille,  inter  quos 
paucissimi  Africani,  vivuntq  Catholici  collecti  magis  ac  sibi  invicem  con- 
tigui.     In  Virginia  sunt  non  amplius  ducenti,  quibus  quater  aut  quinquies 
per  annum  adest  Sacerdos:   Dicuntur  plurimi  alii,  tam  in  ilia,  quam  in 
coeteris  provinciis  sparsim  vivere,  omni  Religionis  ministerio  destituti.     In 
provincia  Novum  Eboracum  dicta,  audio  esse  mille  quingentos  ad  minimum, 
qui     nuper    communibus    sumptibus    ex    Hibernia    accersiverunt    virum 
Religiosum  Ordinis  Si.  Francisci;  diciturq  optimis  de  moribus  et  doctrina 
documentis  instructus  esse:  advenerat  paulo  prius,  quam  litteras  accepis- 
sem,  quibus  facultates  Sociis  communicabiles  ad  me  sunt  delatae.    Dubitavi 
aliquando,  an  jure  possem  hunc  pro  Sacramentorum  administratione  appro- 
bare.     Et  jam  statui,  appropinquante  maxime  festo  Paschali,  ipsum  pro 
Socio  habere,  facultatesq.  necessarias  impertiri,  quod  meum  consilium  ap- 
probatum  iri  confido.    Nihil  certi  dicere  licet  de  numero  Catholicorum,  qui 
sunt  in  locis  conterminis  fiuvio  dicto  Mississippi,  omnique  illi  regioni,  quae 
secundum  ilium  fluvium  ad  Oceanum  Atlanticum  pertingit,  et  ab  eodem 
usque  ad  limites  Carolinae,  Virginiae,  et  Pensilvaniae  extenditur.    Hie  trac- 
tus   continet,   ut   audio,   multos   Catholicos,   olim   Canadenses,   qui   lingua 
Gallica  utuntur,  quos  rerum  sacrarum  Ministris  destitutos  esse  valde  metuo. 
Transivit  ad  illos  nuper  Sacerdos  quidam  Germanus,  sed  ex  Gallia  ultimo 
prof  ectus,   qui   ex   ordine   Carmelitarum   se   esse   profitetur :   nullo  tamen 
sufficiente  testimonio  muniebatur,   missum   se   esse  a   legitimo   Superiore. 
Quid  agat,  et  quo  statu  ibi  sint  res  Catholicae,  edoctum  me  iri  propediem 
expecto.    Episcopi  Quebecensis  jurisdictio  in  aliquam  regionis  illius  partem 
olim  pertinuit:    an    nunc    autem,    cum    omnes    in    foederatae    Americae 
ditionem  cesserint,  potestatem  ullam  exercere  velit,  haud  equidem  scio. 
2"  Catholicorum  conditione,  pietate,  abusibus,  &c. 

In  Marilandia,  paucae  ex  praecipuis  et  ditioribus  familiis,  a  primis 
provinciae  fimdamentis,  fidem  Catholicam  a  progenitoribus  hue  invectam 
adhuc  profitentur :  major  autem  pars  sunt  agricolae,  et  in  Pensilvania  fere 
omnes,  exceptis  mercatoribus  et  opificibus,  qui  Philadelphiae  degunt.  Quod 
ad  pietatem  spectat,  sunt,  ut  plurimum,  in  Religionis  exercitiis  et  Sacra- 
mentorum f  requentatione  satis  assidui :  sed  sine  illo  f  ervore,  quem  solet 
excitare  continua  ad  sensa  pietatis  exhortatio :  vix  enim  singulis  mensibus, 
aut  etiam  bimestri  spatio  plurimae  Congregationes  rem  divinam,  et  con- 
cionem  sibi  fieri  audiunt :  ita  Sacerdotum  inopia,  multoq  magis,  locorum 
intervallo,  itinerisq  incommodis  opprimimur :  Haec  de  indigenis  dicta  sint : 
alia  enim  longe  est  ratio  Catholicorum,  qui  magno  numero  ex  variis  Europae 
nationibus  ad  nos  confluunt.  Cum  enim  ex  nostratibus  pauci  sint,  qui  non 
saepius  per  annum,  praecipue  autem  tempore  paschali  ad  Sacramenta 
Poenitentiae  et  Eucharistiae  accedant;    vix  reperitur  inter  priores  illos, 


224  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

qui  officium  hoc  Religionis  exerceat;  quorum  exemplum  in  urbibus  mer- 
catoriis  maxime  perniciosum  fore  timetur.  Abusus  inter  Catholicos  sunt 
illi  maxime,  qui  ex  necessaria  cum  Acatholicis  familiaritate,  et  exemplis 
inde  collectis  oriuntur ;  liberior  nempe  se  tractandi  ratio  inter  juniores 
personas  diversi  sexus,  quam  animi,  aut  forte  etiam  corporis  integritas 
patiatur ;  nimis  propensum  studium  ad  saltationes,  et  id  genus  alia ;  et  in- 
credibilis  aviditas  (in  puellis  praecipue)  legendi  fabulas  amatorias,  quae 
magno  numero  ad  nos  advchuntur.  Deinde  in  coeteris  imiversim  defectus 
diligentiae  in  educandis  ad  Religionem  liberis,  sed  praecipue  servis  Afri- 
canis,  totiusq,  illius  curae  ad  Sacerdotes  transmissio;  ex  quo  fit,  ut  cum 
sint  continuo  laboribus  exerciti;  raroq.  et  non  nisi  ad  breve  tempus  cum 
Sacerdote  esse  possint,  in  fide  rudes  et  in  moribus  turpissimi  plerique  esse 
soleant.  Incredible  est  quantum  animarum  pastoribus  molestiae  et  solici- 
tudinis  facessant. 
3*  De  numero  Presbyterorimi,  studiis,  et  modo  se  sustendandi. 

Sunt  in  Marilandid  Presbyteri  novemdecim:  In  Pensihanid  quinque.  Ex 
his  autem  duo  sunt  supra,  tres  alii  proximum  ad  septuagesimum  annum 
accedunt;  adeoq  omnino  impares  subeundis  laboribus,  sine  quibus  hac 
Domini  vinea  coli  non  potest.  Inter  reliquos  Presbyteros,  aliqui  admodum 
infirma  valetudine  utimtur;  et  unus  est  nuper  a  me  approbatus,  ad  paucos 
menses  tantum,  ut  experimentum  illius  faciam  in  extrema  operariorum 
necessitate.  Aliqua  enim  de  ipso  narrabantur,  quae  vehementer  me  deterre- 
bant  ab  illius  opera  adhibenda.  Ego  quidem  illi  quantum  possum,  invigi- 
labo;  et  si  quid  acciderit  gravitate  sacerdotali  minus  digmmi,  facultates 
concessas  revocabo,  quantumcunque  incommodum  multis  Catholicis  inde 
eventurum  sit.  Mihi  enim  persuasum  est  Catholicam  fidem  minus  detri- 
menti  passuram,  si  nulli  Sacerdotes  per  breve  tempus  fuerint,  quam  si, 
ubi  ita  vivimus  inter  alterius  Religionis  homines,  ad  sacra  ministeria 
asstununtur,  non  dicam  mali,  Sacerdotes,  sed  etiam  imprudentes  et  incauti. 
Reliqui  omnes  Sacerdotes  plenam  laboris  vitam  agunt,  quod  unusquisque 
congregationibus  longe  dissitis  obsequium  praestet,  adeoq  continuis,  gravis- 
simisque  equitationibus,  ad  aegrotos  praecipue,  continuo  fatigetur.  Pres- 
byteri sustentantur  ut  plurimum  ex  fundorum  proventibus;  alibi  vero  lib- 
eralitate  Catholicorum.  Nulla  hie  proprie  sunt  bona  Ecclesiastica.  Priva- 
torum  enim  nomine  possidentur  ea  bona,  ex  quibus  aluntur  Presbyteri;  et 
testamentis  transferuntur  ad  haeredes :  ita  faciendum  suggessit  dira  neces- 
sitas,  dum  legibus  Catholica  Religio  hie  arctaretur;  neque  adliuc  inventum 
est  huic  incommodo  remedium,  quamvis  a  nobis  anno  elapso  id  tentaretur. 

Ad  procurandos  in  Religionis  ministerio  successores,  quid  faciendum  sit, 
non  satis  intelligimus.  Est  jam  Philadelphiae  collegium,  agiturque  de  duo- 
bus  in  Marilandia  extruendis,  ad  quae  admitti  poterunt  Catholici  aeque 
ac  alii,  tarn  Praesides,  quam  Professores  et  alumni.  Fore  speramus,  ut  hos 
inter  aliqui  vitam  Ecclesiasticam  velint  amplecti.  Cogitamus  igitur  de 
seminario  instituendo,  in  quo  valeant  deinceps  ad  mores  et  doctrinam  statui 
illi  convenientes  efformari. 

Hac  facta  relatione,  liceat  nunc  aliqua  adjungere  quae  omnino  necessaria 
judico  ad  spiritualem  Catholicorum  administrationem.     Imprimis  ex  quoti- 


Prefect-Apostolic  225 

diano  commercip  cum  Acatholicis,  oritur  perpctuum  discrimen  incundi  cum 
illis  contractus  matrimonialis,  ad  quod  periculum  avertendum  usus  apud 
nos  invaluerat  dispensandi,  quantum  nobis  permittebatur,  inter  consan- 
guineos  Catholicos.  Ita  non  solum  conservari  Religioncm,  scd  augeri  ab 
experientia  didicimus.  Ut  igitur  Ssmus  Pater  facultates  mihi  benigne  con- 
cessit, Sociis  etiam  communicabiles,  dispensandi  in  3°  mixta  cum  2",  et 
inferioribus  consanguinitatis  et  affinitatis  gradibus ;  ita  humillime  tarn  meo, 
quam  Sociorum  nomine  precor,  ut  saltern  ad  Superiorem  extendere  velit 
facultates  dispensandi  in  2"  simplici,  tam  consanguinitatis  quam  affinitatis. 
Si  autem  illud  generaliter  concedi  nequit,  quod  propter  locorum  distantiam 
maxime  optandum  esset,  Pro  triginta  ad  minimum  vicibus  precor,  ut  ita 
dispensandi  mihi  detur  facultas.  Vehementer  etiam  a  Sociis  meis  desidera- 
tur,  ut  possit  hie  dispensari  in  prima  gradu  affinitatis  ortae  ex  copula 
illicita.  Hos  enim  impedimentum  saepe  subsistit  inter  Africanos  praecipue, 
ante  matrimonium  attentatum;  nee  tamen  nisi  longum  post  tempus,  mul- 
torumq.  annorum  cohabitationem  Sacerdos  impedimentum,  fortuito  plerumq, 
deprehendit. 

Video  praeterea  dispensationem  celebrandi  missam  post  meridiem,  ad 
unam  tantum  horam  extendi ;  cum  tamen  aliquando  conf essiones  expediri 
non  possint  ante  tres  haras,  quod  mihi  certe  saepe  contigit  a  prima  aurora 
illud  ministerium  auspicanti;  credebamq.  in  ejusmodi  casibus  legem  chari- 
tatis  validiorem  esse,  quam  ut  Sacramentorum  expertes  domum  remitteren- 
tur,  qui  magno  labore  et  incommodo,  viginti,  triginta  aut  amplius  mille 
passus  venerant,  et  saepe  in  his  mulieres  gravidae  et  partui  proximae. 

Si  quae  alia  occurrant,  de  quibus  intellexero  gratum  fore,  ut  ad  Emum 
Cardinalem  relatio  fiat,  plene  conscribam. 
Die  JO  Martii  1785.  Joannes  Carroll. 

Shea  has  given  us  the  following  translation  of  this  document, 
no  doubt  from  another  copy,  as  can  be  seen  by  the  minor  vari- 
ations ; 

I.     On  the  Number  of  Catholics  in  the  United  States. 

There  are  in  Maryland  about  15,800  Catholics;  of  these  there  are  about 
9,000  freemen,  adults  or  over  twelve  years  of  age ;  children  under  that  age, 
about  3,000;  and  about  that  number  of  slaves  of  all  ages  of  African 
origin,  called  negroes.  There  are  in  Pennsylvania  about  7,000,  very  few 
of  whom  are  negroes,  and  the  Catholics  are  less  scattered  and  live  nearer 
to  each  other.  There  are  not  more  than  200  in  Virginia  who  are  visited 
four  or  five  times  a  year  by  a  priest.  Many  other  Catholics  are  said  to 
be  scattered  in  that  and  other  states,  who  are  utterly  deprived  of  all 
religious  ministry.  In  the  State  of  New  York  I  hear  there  are  at  least 
1,500.  (Would  that  some  spiritual  succor  could  be  afforded  them!)  They 
have  recently,  at  their  own  expense,  sent  for  a  Franciscan  Father  from 
Ireland,  and  he  is  said  to  have  the  best  testimonials  as  to  his  learning 
and  life;    he  had  arrived  a  little  before  I  received  the  letters  in  which 


226  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

faculties  were  transmitted  to  me,  communicable  to  my  fellow-priests,  I 
was  for  a  time  in  doubt  whether  I  could  properly  approve  this  priest  for 
the  administration  of  the  sacraments.  I  have  now,  however,  decided, 
especially  as  the  feast  of  Easter  is  so  near,  to  consider  him  as  one  of  my 
fellow-priests,  and  to  grant  him  faculties,  and  I  trust  that  my  decision 
will  meet  your  approbation.  As  to  the  Catholics  who  are  in  the  territory 
bordering  on  the  river  called  Mississippi  and  in  all  that  region  which  fol- 
lowing that  river  extends  to  the  Atlantic  Ocean,  and  from  it  extends  to 
the  limits  of  Carolina,  Virginia,  and  Pennsylvania— this  tract  of  country 
contains,  I  hear,  many  Catholics,  formerly  Canadians,  who  speak  French, 
and  I  fear  that  they  are  destitute  of  priests.  Before  I  received  your 
Eminence's  letters  there  went  to  them  a  priest,  German  by  birth,  but  who 
came  last  from  France;  he  professes  to  belong  to  the  Carmelite  order; 
he  was  furnished  with  no  sufficient  testimonials  that  he  was  sent  by  his 
lawful  superior.  What  he  is  doing  and  what  is  the  condition  of  the 
Church  in  those  parts,  I  expect  soon  to  learn.  The  jurisdiction  of  the 
Bishop  of  Quebec  formerly  extended  to  some  part  of  that  region;  but 
I  do  not  know  whether  he  wishes  to  exercise  any  authority  there,  now 
that  all  these  parts  are  subjects  to  the  United  States. 
2.    On  the  Condition,  Piety,  and  Defects,  etc.,  of  Catholics: 

In  Maryland  a  few  of  the  leading  more  wealthy  families  still  profess 
the  Catholic  faith  introduced  at  the  very  foundation  of  the  province  by 
their  ancestors.     The  greater  part  of  them  are  planters  and  in  Pennsyl- 
vania almost  all  are  farmers,  except  the  merchants  and  mechanics  living 
in  Philadelphia.    As  for  piety,  they  are  for  the  most  part  sufficiently  assid- 
uous in  the  exercises  of  religion  and  in  frequenting  the  sacraments,  but 
they  lack  that  fervor,  which  frequent  appeals  to  the  sentiment  of  piety 
usually  produce,  as  many  congregations  hear  the  word  of  God  only  once  a 
month,  and  sometimes  only  once  in  two  months.    We  are  reduced  to  this 
by  want  of  priests,  by  the  distance  of  congregations  from  each  other  and  by 
difficulty  of  travelling.     This  refers  to  Catholics  born  here,  for  the  con- 
dition of  the  Catholics  who  in  great  numbers  are  flowing  in  here  from 
different  countries  of  Europe,  is  very  different.    For  while  there  are  few 
of  our  native  Catholics  who  do  not  approach  the  sacraments  of  Penance 
and  the  Holy  Eucharist,  at  least  once  a  year,  especially  in  Easter  time, 
you  can  scarcely  find  any  among  the  newcomers  who  discharge  this  duty 
to  religion,  and  there  is  reason  to  fear  that  the  example  will  be  very 
pernicious  especially  in  commercial  towns.     The  abuses  that  have  grown 
among  Catholics  are  chiefly  those,  which  result  from  unavoidable  inter- 
course with  non-Catholics,  and  the  examples  thence  derived:  namely  more 
free   intercourse  between   young  people  of   opposite   sexes   than   is  com- 
patible with  chastity  in  mind  and  body;   too  great  fondness  for  dances  and 
similar  amusements;    and  an  incredible  eagerness,  especially  in  girls,  for 
reading   love   stories   which   are  brought   over   in   great   quantities    from 
Europe.     Then  among  other  things,  a  general  lack  of  care  in  instructing 
their  children  and  especially  the  negro  slaves  in  their  religion,  as  these 
people  are  kept  constantly  at  work,  so  that  they  rarely  hear  any  instructions 


Prefect-Apostolic  227 

from  the  priest,  unless  they  can  spend  a  short  time  with  one;  and  most 
of  them  are  consequently  very  dull  in  faith  and  depraved  in  morals.  It 
can  scarcely  be  believed  how  much  trouble  and  care  they  give  the  pastors 
of  souls. 

3.  On  the  number  of  the  priests,  their  qualifications,  character  and  means 
of  support. 
There  are  nineteen  priests  in  Maryland  and  five  in  Pennsylvania.  Of 
these  two  are  more  than  seventy  years  old,  and  three  others  very  near  that 
age :  and  they  are  consequently  almost  entirely  unfit  to  undergo  the  hard- 
ships, without  which  this  Vineyard  of  the  Lord  cannot  be  cultivated.  Of 
the  remaining  priests,  some  are  in  very  bad  health,  and  there  is  one  re- 
cently approved  by  me  for  a  few  months  only,  that  in  the  extreme  want  of 
priests  I  may  give  him  a  trial ;  for  some  doings  were  reported  of  him 
which  made  me  averse  to  employing  him.  I  will  watch  him  carefully,  and 
if  anything  occurs  unworthy  of  priestly  gravity  I  will  recall  the  faculties 
granted,  whatever  inconvenience  this  may  bring  to  many  Catholics :  for  I 
am  convinced  that  the  Catholic  faith  will  suffer  less  harm,  if  for  a  short 
time  there  is  no  priest  at  a  place,  than  if  living  as  we  do  among  fellow- 
citizens  of  another  religion,  we  admit  to  the  discharge  of  the  sacred 
ministry,  I  do  not  say  bad  priests,  but  incautious  and  imprudent  priests. 
All  the  other  clergymen  lead  a  life  full  of  labour,  as  each  one  attends  con- 
gregations far  apart,  and  has  to  be  riding  constantly  and  with  great 
fatigue,  especially  to  sick  calls.  Priests  are  maintained  chiefly  from  the 
proceeds  of  the  estates;  elsewhere  by  the  liberality  of  the  Catholics. 
There  is  properly  no  ecclesiastical  property  here:  for  the  property  by 
which  the  priests  are  supported,  is  held  in  the  names  of  individuals  and 
transferred  by  will  to  devisees.  This  course  was  rendered  necessary  when 
the  Catholic  religion  was  cramped  here  by  laws,  and  no  remedy  has  yet 
been  found  for  this  difficulty,  although  we  made  an  earnest  effort  last 
year.  There  is  a  college  in  Philadelphia,  and  it  is  proposed  to  establish 
two  in  Maryland,  in  which  Catholics  can  be  admitted,  as  well  as  others, 
as  presidents,  professors  and  pupils.  We  hope  that  some  educated  there 
will  embrace  the  ecclesiastical  state.  We  think  accordingly  of  establishing 
a  Seminary,  in  which  they  can  be  trained  to  the  life  and  learning  suited 
to  that  state.i«  , 

^he  two  problems  which  clouded  his  immediate  horizon  were 
the  "cramping  clauses"  which  practically  robbed  him  of  all 
power,  as  can  be  seen  in  his  letter  to  Father  Thorpe,  of  Feb- 
ruary 17,  1785,  given  above,  and  the  question  of  a  bishopric  for 
the  United  States.^^    The  task  before  him  and  before  the  little 

"  op.  cit.,  pp.  257-261.  A  postscript  to  this  Relation,  asking  for  some  minor 
dispensations,  shows  how  tightly  his  hands  were  tied. 

"  An  interesting  side-light  on  the  problem  of  the  bishopric  is  given  in  a  letter 
from  the  French  Charge  d'affaires,  Barbe  de  Marbois,  dated  Philadelphia,  March  27, 
1785,  to  the  Prime  Minister,  the  Count  de  Vergennes.     Marbois  states  that  the  Holy 


228  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

band  of  workers  he  had  in  the  American  vineyard  was  immense, 
he  told  his  friend,  Father  Plowden,  in  a  letter  dated  June  29, 
1785,  and  his  inability  to  give  faculties  to  new  arrivals  in  the 
ministry  was  the  most  unfortunate  part  of   his  embarrassing 
situation.     The  presence  of  other  priests  in  the  country  who  car- 
ried on  their  ministrations  without  recognizing  him  as  Superior 
also  added  to  the  delicate  position  he  held.     Fortunately,  on  re- 
ceiving Carroll's  letter  of   February   17,   1785,  Father  Thorpe 
immediately  acted  by  having  the  doubt  settled  at  Rome ;  and  on 
July  2,  1785,  and  again  on  August  31,  1785,  he  informed  the 
prefect-apostolic   that   a   blunder    had    occurred    and    that    the 
"cramping  clauses"  against  which  *'you  had  with  great  reason 
remonstrated  should  be  struck  out  of  the  printed  faculties  and 
.  .  .  were  never  meant  to  be  where  you  found  them,  left  by  an 
oversight  in  the  Secretary's  office."  ^^    As  Carroll  learned,  the 
formula  of  his  appointment  was  based  on  that  of  a  Prefect- 
Apostolic  sent  from  Rome  with  missionaries  to  Africa,  and  they 
quite  naturally  contained  the  clause  that  he  was  not  to  give  fac- 
ulties to  any  priest  in  his  jurisdiction  unless  the  same  were  sent 
of  Propaganda.     On  July  23,  1785,  Cardinal  Antonelli  wrote 
to  Father  Carroll,  thanking  him  for  the  Letter  and  Relation  of 
February-March,  1785,  and  approving  his  stand;  and  sending 
him  a  new  formula  of  faculties,  which  allowed  Carroll  to  re- 
ceive priests  into  the  country  and  to  appoint  them  at  will." 
The  second  of  these  problems,  namely,  the  appointment  of  a  Su- 
perior with  episcopal  powers  as  well  as  jurisdiction,  was  not 


See  could  do  nothing  more  gracious  for  the  Catholics  in  the  United  States,  if  circum- 
stances would  permit,  than  to  promote  Father  Carroll  immediately  to  the  episcopal 
dignity.  "I  am  persuaded,"  he  writes,  "that  nothing  could  give  them  a  more  general 
satisfaction."  He  pointed  out  that  there  were  Catholics  in  the  National  Congress  at 
that  time,  and  that  several  influential  members  of  the  Maryland  Assembly  were  members 
of  the  Faith.  Naturally,  as  he  suggested,  care  must  be  taken  not  to  make  it  appear 
that  the  Bishop  depended  upon  a  foreign  power  in  those  matters  in  which  the  American 
government  desired  its  people  to  be  independent;  and  he  hinted  that  it  might  be  just 
as  well  if  the  Holy  See  lessened  its  assertive  power  over  the  spiritual  side  of  things. 
The  letter  concludes  with  a  statistical  table  of  the  Catholics  in  the  various  states.  New 
England,  600;  New  York  and  the  Jerseys,  1,700;  Pennsylvania  and  Delaware,  7.700; 
Maryland,  free,  13,000,  slaves,  8,000;  Southern  states,  about  a, 500;  the  Illinois  country, 
12,000.  Total,  44,500.  The  Italian  version  of  this  letter  is  in  Propaganda  Archives, 
Scritture  Riferite,  America  Centrale,  vol.  ii,  f.  316. 

"  Thorpe  to  Carroll,  Rome,  August  26,  1785,  Baltimore  Cathedral  Archives, 
Case  6-J8. 

»»    Hughes,  op.  cit.,  Documents,  vol.  1,  part  ii,  p.  635. 


Prefect-Apostolic  229 

settled  until  November  14,  1789,  when  Father  John  Carroll  was 
appointed  Bishop  of  Baltimore. 

There  was  more  than  the  perfunctory  phrases  of  the  man 
raised  to  a  unique  and  important  post  in  his  Letter  to  Antonelli. 
The  task  before  him  was  a  delicate  one;  the  field  of  his  labours 
was,  to  use  his  own  word,  immense  in  extent  and  in  possibili- 
ties. His  jurisdiction,  meagre  as  it  was  in  its  amplitude,  was 
the  only  bond  uniting  the  new  Republic  to  the  Holy  See.  He 
felt  himself  utterly  incapable  of  bringing  all  the  elements  of 
Catholic  life  in  the  United  States  into  strict  conformity  with 
canonical  rule.  The  number  of  his  priests  was  limited;  many 
of  them  were  old  men,  worn  out  with  the  fatigues  and  burdens 
of  the  harsh  life  the  missionaries  were  forced  to  lead.  The  dis- 
tances were  many  times  greater  in  those  days  than  now.  Means 
of  communication  were  slow  and  uncertain;  and  the  very  lib- 
erty which  the  new  Republic  had  proclaimed  to  all  the  earth  and 
the  inhabitants  thereof  opened  the  way  to  adventurers  ecclesias- 
tic as  it  did  to  adventurers  lay  or  civil.  It  was  indeed  a  task 
arduous  enough  to  terrify  even  one  who  did  not  possess  John 
Carroll's  courage  and  spirit  of  devotion.  The  five  years  of  his 
prefectship  saw  all  these  elements  for  good  and  for  evil  in  the 
Catholic  life  of  the  Republic  develop  with  a  rapidity  which  soon 
dispelled  any  lingering  doubts  in  the  minds  of  his  clergy  on  the 
necessity  of  a  more  compact  canonical  organization.  Within 
twenty  months  the  clergy  had  met  again  at  Whitemarsh  and  peti- 
tioned the  Holy  See  for  a  bishop.  The  administration  of  Church 
property  was  causing  quarrels  and  scandals  which  were  threat- 
ening the  unity  of  the  Church  in  the  United  States;  the  Revo- 
lution had  not  amalgamated  the  races  that  had  fought  side  by 
side  for  liberty,  and  the  spirit  of  nationalism  in  Church  affairs 
was  even  then  looming  up  as  a  potent  source  of  antagonism. 
Religious  toleration  was  not  a  law  of  the  land  in  1785,  and  did 
not  become  universally  so  until  long  after  the  Constitutional 
Convention  of  1787.  Dissension  in  the  Church  was  apparent 
at  the  very  time  when  the  closest  harmony  was  needed  to  start 
religious  freedom  on  its  noble  way  down  the  years  of  American 
life.  The  ranks  of  the  clergy  were  thinning  rapidly — death  and 
disease  were  decimating  the  little  band  of  workers,  and  if  the 
Church  was  to  live,  vocations  would  need  to  be  fostered,  priests 


230  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

would  have  to  be  invited  to  come  to  the  United  States  from  other 
lands,  and  only  one  endowed  with  all  the  power  of  the  episco- 
pate could  keep  that  strict  control  on  ecclesiastical  life  without 
which  there  could  be  no  surety  of  duration.  These  five  years 
of  Carroll's  prefectship  were  as  critical  in  their  own  way  to  the 
Church  as  was  the  uncertainty  which  ruled  the  political  life  of 
the  nation  between  the  Treaty  of  Paris  in  1783,  and  Washing- 
ton's election  to  the  Presidency  in  1789.  It  is  a  singular,  not 
to  say  providential,  coincidence  that  Washington  and  Carroll 
came  to  their  offices  at  the  same  time.  Washington  was  inaug- 
urated April  30,  1789;  Carroll  was  consecrated  August  15, 
1790,  and  our  political  organization  was  fully  fashioned  in  the 
very  year  that  our  church  organization  was  perfected.  It  was  a 
coincidence  emblematic  of  the  amity  and  concord  "which  have 
hitherto  existed  between  the  Church  and  the  republic — amity 
and  concord  which,  instead  of  being  obliterated,  are  emphasized 
by  the  clear-cut  distinction  made  in  our  fundamental  law  between 
the  two  spheres,  the  political  and  the  religious."  ^° 


^      O'GORMAN,     Op.    Cit.,    p.     373. 


CHAPTER  XV 

THE  CRITICAL  PERIOD  IN  AMERICAN  CATHOLIC  HISTORY 

(1784-89) 

The  critical  period  of  American  Catholic  history  is  syn- 
chronous with  the  five  years  of  John  Carroll's  Prefectship.  As 
Superior  of  the  Church  in  the  United  States,  his  jurisdiction 
differed  little  from  that  exercised  by  the  Jesuit  Superiors  from 
1634  to  1784,  with  two  exceptions:  his  power  to  confer  the  Sac- 
rament of  Confirmation,  to  bless  the  Holy  Oils,  to  dedicate 
churches,  etc.,  and  his  authority  to  confer  missionary  faculties 
upon  the  priests  who  should  come  to  the  American  missions. 
Without  a  more  ample  jurisdiction,  disorder  was  inevitable.  To 
the  "newcomers,"  as  the  clergy  who  entered  the  Missions  were 
known,  the  presbyterian  form  of  ecclesiastical  government  they 
found  in  the  United  States  was  but  the  shadow  of  the  substan- 
tial episcopal  rule  they  were  accustomed  to  in  Europe.  In  each 
centre,  where  the  Catholics  were  suf^ciently  numerous  to  sup-  '" 
port  a  parish  and  a  priest,  it  was  not  long  before  rebellion  against 
Carroll  occurred.  The  times  were  hard;  there  were  few  com- 
forts of  any  kind;  the  Catholics  were  not  numerous  and  were 
poor;  they  were  just  beginning  to  enjoy  freedom  after  two  and 
a  half  centuries  of  intolerance  and  of  persecution.  Freedom 
brought  a  number  of  evils  in  its  train;  independence  made  its 
spirit  felt  in  every  aspect  of  American  life — in  literature,  in 
social  customs,  in  politics,  and  even  in  religion.  And  to  this 
attitude  of  the  American  Catholic  mind  there  came  the  worst 
evil  of  all — unworthy  priests.  It  was  not  that  the  private  lives 
of  these  men  were  always  morally  reprehensible,  for  the  Catholic 
laity  could  be  trusted  to  repudiate  the  ministrations  of  the  hireling. 
But  the  truth  is  that  it  was  open  season  with  ecclesiastics,  many 
of  whom  left  their  dioceses  in  Europe  for  their  dioceses'  good; 
and  turbulent  men,  loving  more  the  adventure  of  the  times  and 

231 


232  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

yielding  to  a  desire  for  change,  found  their  way  here,  and  in 
spite  of  canon  law  and  of  church  authority,  set  up  their  stand- 
ard in  the  midst  of  flocks  whose  rejoicing  in  their  presence  for 
eagerness  to  hear  the  Word  of  God  and  to  receive  the  Sacraments 
clouded  their  judgment  on  the  calibre  of  the  shepherds  who  came, 
unasked  and,  in  so  many  cases,  unannounced.  John  Carroll  had 
the  difficult  task  of  winning  these  men  back  to  ecclesiastical 
discipline;  he  had  the  severer  task  of  controlling  those  among 
the  laity  who  were  led  astray  by  the  intruders.  The  story  is  not 
a  pleasant  one,  but  not  to  outline  its  main  features  is  not  to  know 
John  Carroll  at  his  best. 

This  and  the  two  succeeding  chapters  describe  the  five  years 
of  his  effort  to  reconstruct  the  Church  in  the  United  States. 

John  Carroll's  first  duty  was  to  learn  the  condition  of  his  vast 
prefecture-apostolic;  and  this  he  accomplished  in  1785-86,  vis- 
iting Philadelphia  and  New  York.     Boston  he  did  not  visit  until 
after  his  return  to  Baltimore  as  bishop   (Dec.  7,  1790).     His 
Visitation  of  1785-86  opened  his  eyes  to  the  grave  and  crucial 
problems    which    confronted    church    discipline    at    this    time. 
The  coincidence  of  Carroll's  election  to  the  See  of  Baltimore 
and  of  Washington's  election  to  the  Presidency  ends,   rather 
than   begins,   a   striking   parallel   between   the   history    of    the 
thirteen  original  States  and  the  history  of  the  Catholic  Church 
within    the    reconstruction    years    of     1783-1789.      Historical 
parallels  can  be  easily  overdrawn,  but  it  will  heighten  the  pic- 
ture of   the   Church's   condition   at   this   time   if   its  problems 
be  contrasted  with  that  of  the  country.     The  ten  years  of  inaction 
in  the  matter  of  church  organization  {i772>-^7^2>)  are  matched 
by  the  inability  of  the  several  States  to  set  up  anything  more 
compact  than  governments  of  their  own.     The  same  difficult  task 
of  binding  together  the  thirteen  States  faced  the  leaders  of  all 
parties,  political  and  religious,  not  only  of  the  Catholic  Faith, 
but  of  all  the  denominations  in  the  Republic.     It  is  true  that  the 
same  jealousies  were  not  present  in  the  ranks  of  the  Catholic 
clergy  and  laity  as  were  visible  among  the  citizens  of  the  north- 
ern, middle,  and  southern  States;  but  there  was  the  same  in- 
tangible, though  ever-present,  fear  of  a  strong  centralized  eccle- 
siastical jurisdiction  as  there  was  of  federalization  in  the  Re- 
public up  to  the  Constitutional  Convention  in  1787.    The  parallel 


Critical  Days  233 

becomes  more  emphatic  when  we  contrast  the  weakness  of  the 
Congress  of  the  Confederation  with  that  of  the  prefect-apos- 
tolic.    The  absence  of  a  superior  with  episcopal  power  to  en- 
force the  law  of  the  Church  was  to  have  the  same  paralyzing 
effect  on  Catholicism  as  the  absence  of  a  President  endowed  with 
power  to  enforce  the  laws  of  Congress  throughout  the  United 
States.     Congress  was  helpless  before  the  rebellion  of  a  single 
state;  the  prefectship  was  equally  an  empty  title  when,  as  we 
shall  see,  rebellion  appeared  within  the  ranks  of  the  clergy  and 
the  laity.     There  was  no  authority  in  the  hands  of  a  simple 
archpriest,  as  Carroll  was,  to  raise  money  for  the  education  of 
the  clergy,  just  as  any  attempt  at  creating  an  army  of  soldiers 
for  the  defence  of  the  country  was  then  beyond  the  powers  of 
Congress.     And  where  the  disunity  of  the  United  States  was 
most  felt,  namely,  in  the  matter  of  arranging  interstate  and  in- 
ternational commerce,  so  also  was  Carroll  to  be  constantly  per- 
plexed with  the  problem  of  exercising  direction  and  power  over 
the  appointment  of  priests  in  the  different  parts  of  his  vast 
prefecture,  and  with  the  still  more  anxious  problem  of  making 
the  spiritual  union  with  the  Holy  See  acceptable  not  only  to  his 
own  flock  but  to  those  who  looked  upon  that  flock  as  part  of  the 
citizenship  of  a  free  and  independent  nation.     The  provisional 
arrangement  under  the  Congress  of  the  Confederation  caused 
discontent  of  a  kind  quite  similar,  though  necessarily  upon  a  much 
larger  scale,  to  that  caused  by  the  temporary  arrangement  de- 
cided upon  by  the  Sacred  Congregation  of   Propaganda  Fide 
among  the  pioneers  of  Catholic  unity  in  the  land.     The  same 
strong   nationalistic   spirit   at   home   which   kept   demanding  a 
powerful  central  government  in  order  to  win  the  respect  of  for- 
eign powers  was  not  unexperienced  by  Carroll  and  by  other  far- 
sighted  churchmen,  such  as  Molyneux  and  Farmer,  who  lived 
within  a  stone's  throw  of  the  Congress  in  Philadelphia.     The 
same  resentment  expressed  by  those  who  saw  paternalism  in  the 
attitude  of  France  during  the  peace  negotiations  found  a  coun- 
terpart in  the  attitude  of  Carroll,  who  stated  quite  clearly  in  his 
correspondence  that  the  Church  in  the  United  States  must  be 
free  of  all  foreign  tutelage.     Neither  Carroll  nor  any  of  the 
others  wavered  for  a  moment  in  their  loyal  adherence  to  the  Holy 
See  as  the  centre  and  the  source  of  all  Catholic  government ;  but 


234  ^^^  ^^/^  ^"^  Times  of  John  Carroll 

that  there  was  wavering  over  their  subjection  to  a  foreign  offi- 
cial ministry,  such  as  Propaganda  was,  there  can  be  little  doubt, 
if  the  documents  at  our  disposal  are  to  be  trusted  in  their  en- 
tirety. Both  Church  and  State  passed  through  perilous  days 
during  the  "Critical  Period,"  as  John  Fiske  calls  those  six  years 
from  1783  to  1789;^  but  the  leaders  in  both  spheres  were  soon 
able  to  rally  around  them  the  strongest  men  of  the  day,  and  it 
is  significant  that  about  the  very  time  the  Catholic  clergy  was 
decided  to  petition  the  Holy  See  for  a  bishop,  the  delegates  of 
the  several  states  were  in  session  in  Philadelphia,  drafting  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States  which  was  to  give  unity  to  the 
republic,  stability  to  its  government,  and  an  acknowledged  leader 
in  George  Washington,  its  first  President. 

The  United  States,  as  decreed  by  the  Treaty  of  Peace  of  Paris, 
September  3,  1783,  meant  practically  the  entire  country  east  of 
the  Mississippi,  with  the  exception  of  East  and  West  Florida, 
which  had  been  ceded  to  Spain.^  These  geographical  limits  are 
identical  with  Carroll's  jurisdiction  (1784-1789)  as  Prefect- 
Apostolic  of  the  Church  in  the  United  States.  Fortunately,  as  a 
body  the  Catholic  Church  in  the  rebelling  colonies  had  become 
closely  identified  with  the  spirit  and  with  the  purpose  of  the 
Revolution,  especially  after  the  support  of  a  great  Catholic 
country  like  France  had  been  cast  into  the  balance  in  favour  of 
American  independence.  Carroll  had  no  Tory  or  Loyalist  problem 
to  solve  as  had  the  leaders  of  some  of  the  non-Catholic  religious 
bodies ;  and  this  fact,  added  to  the  small  number  of  his  people  and 
the  fewness  of  his  clergy,  would  have  rendered  his  work  of  un- 
ification somewhat  easy,  had  it  not  been  that  at  the  crucial  mo- 
ment, his  power  as  Superior  was  not  only  uncertain  in  its  extent 
but  embarrassingly  vague  in  its  meaning.  The  Catholic  laity  and 
clergy  had  grown  so  accustomed  to  secrecy,  to  aliases,  to  verbal 
subterfuges,  to  persecution  and  to  death,  during  the  post- 
Reformation  period,  wherever  the  English  flag  floated  in  signal 
of  Protestant  supremacy,  that  it  is  hardly  remarkable  to  find 
them  still  timorous  even  after  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution 


*  Fiske,  Critical  Period  of  American  History   {1783-1789).     Boston,   1888. 
'  McLaughlin,  The  Confederation  and  the  Constitution  {1783-1789),  pp.  8-9.  New 
Vork,  1905. 


Critical  Days  235 

(1787-1788)  with  its  religious  equality  clause/''  and  more  espec- 
ially after  the  Ordinance  of  1787  with  its  declaration  of  freedom 
of  worship.  The  presence,  however,  of  two  leading  Catholic 
Americans,  Thomas  Fitzsimons,  of  Philadelphia,  and  Daniel 
Carroll,  of  Maryland,  the  brother  of  the  prefect-apostolic,  at  the 
Constitutional  Convention  in  1787,  gave  courage  to  the  little 
groups  of  Catholics  in  the  several  States.* 

The  Catholic  Church  in  the  United  States  was  truly  a  pusillus 
grex,  when  Father  Carroll  accepted  the  onerous  task  of  prefect- 
apostolic,  on  February  27,  1785.  In  a  population  of  almost 
three  millions,  the  Catholics  numbered  between  twenty-five  and 
thirty  thousand  souls.  The  churches  and  "congregations,"  or 
"stations,"  were  scattered,  but  the  localities  where  groups  of 
Catholics  gathered  to  hear  Mass  and  to  receive  the  Sacraments 
were  known  to  all  the  priests  then  in  the  American  Mission. 

The  chief  problems  of  church  administration  during  the  five 
years  of  Carroll's  prefectship  were  all  apparent  at  the  time  of 
his  acceptance.  These  were:  i.  The  supply  of  the  clergy.  There 
had  been  but  few  accessions  during  the  Revolution,  and  the 
natural  increase  of  the  Catholic  population,  together  with  the 
growing  number  of  immigrants  from  Catholic  Ireland  and  from 
the  Catholic  parts  of  Germany  and  Austria,  demanded  more 
spiritual  shepherds  than  were  under  Carroll's  direction.  Many 
of  the  little  band  of  priests  were  already  old  in  the  service  and 
had  become  incapacitated  by  1785,  and  the  few  who  had  been 
chaplains  in  the  French  forces  and  who  remained  were  not  to  be 
counted  upon  in  the  difficult  task  of  creating  a  compact  Catholic 
organization  in  the  land.  2.  Catholic  education.  We  have  already 
reviewed  the  scanty  records  that  tell  the  story  of  Catholic  effort 


•  The  dates  of  adoption  are  as  follows:  Delaware  (December  6,  1787)1  Pennsylva- 
nia (December  12,  1787),  New  Jersey  (December  18,  1787).  Georgia  (January  2,  1788), 
Connecticut  (January  9,  1788),  Massachusetts  (February  6,  1788),  Maryland  (April 
28,  1788),  South  Carolina  (May  23,  1788),  New  Hampshire  (June  21,  1788),  Virginia 
Oune  25,  1788),  New  York  (June  26,  1788),  North  Carolina  (November  21,  1789). 
and  Rhode  Island  (May  29,  1790). 

*  Shea,  op.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  345.  Charles  Carroll  of  CarroUton  was  the  only  Catholic 
Signer  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence  (1776).  Thomas  FitzSimons  and  Daniel 
Carroll  were  the  only  two  C^atholic  Signers  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
(1787).  Charles  Carroll  of  CarroUton,  Daniel  Carroll,  Dominick  Lynch,  Thomas  Fitz- 
Simons, and  Bishop  Carroll  were  the  Signers  of  the  Catholic  Address  to  Washington 
(1789).  These  names  are  very  frequently  confused,  as,  for  example,  in  O'Gorman, 
op.  cit.,  p.  257. 


236  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

m  Colonial  days  to  erect  Catholic  schools  and  academies  for  the 
children.  The  need  of  a  Catholic  college  was  evident,  and  on  no 
one  point  will  Carroll  be  more  firm  during  these  early  years  of 
reconstruction  than  in  his  determination  to  erect  a  school  of 
higher  studies  in  the  United  States  for  Catholic  boys.  Many  will 
be  the  difficulties  to  overcome  before  Georgetown  College  is 
finally  started,  but  John  Carroll  will  become  its  founder  in  1789. 
3.  A  Seminary  for  the  education  of  priests.  This  will  prove  to  be 
the  hardest  task  of  all,  but  again  his  dominant  personality  will 
overcome  every  obstacle,  and  St.  Mary's  Seminary  will  be  begun 
simultaneously  with  Georgetown  College.  4.  Relations  of  clergy 
and  laity.  It  will  take  most  of  the  thirty  years  of  his  leadership 
in  the  Church  of  the  United  States  to  bring  harmony  between  the 
people  and  the  priests,  but  his  firm-handedness  will  never  slacken 
and  his  determination  to  keep  the  laws  of  the  Church  free  from 
compromises  that  have  been  the  bane  of  Catholic  life  in  other 
lands  will  be  steady  until  the  end.  5.  Jurisdiction.  Around  this 
topic  most  of  the  correspondence  of  these  early  years  centres.  It 
is  the  most  difficult  of  all  problems  Carroll  will  have  to  meet,  and 
he  will  find  it  necessary  to  win  over  both  priests  and  people  to 
the  necessity  of  a  stronger  juridic  power  in  Church  administrative 
affairs  than  that  possessed  by  a  mere  prefect-apostolic. 

His  Visitation  of  the  Church  in  the  new  Republic  in  the 
summer  and  the  late  autumn  of  1785,  resulted  in  accentuating 
his  realization  of  these  problems ;  and  although  little  that  is  au- 
thentic has  come  down  to  us  regarding  his  journey  to  all  the 
Catholic  centres  of  his  prefecture,  the  Visitation  of  1785  vindi- 
cated his  estimate  of  Catholicism  in  the  United  States,  an  estimate 
which  he  had  summarized  for  Propaganda  in  his  Letter  and  Re- 
lation to  Cardinal  Antonelli  in  February-March  of  that  same 
year.  We  have  a  glimpse  of  Carroll's  problems  in  a  letter  to 
Father  Charles  Plowden,  written  about  the  time  he  started  out 
on  the  Visitation,  June  29,  1785: 

The  prospect  before  us  is  immense,  but  the  want  of  cultivators  to  enter 
the  field  and  improve  it  is  a  dreadful  and  discouraging  circumstance.  I 
receive  applications  from  every  part  of  the  United  States,  North,  South, 
and  West,  for  clergymen,  and  considerable  property  is  offered  for  their 
maintenance;  but  it  is  impossible  and  cruel  to  abandon  the  congregations 
already  formed  to  go  in  quest  of  people  who  wish  to  be  established  into 


Critical  Days  237 

new  onGS.  I  have  written  in  a  pressing  manner  to  all  whom  I  conceive 
likely  to  come  to  our  assistance,  and  I  hope  you  will  urge  the  return 
hither  of  Charles  and  Francis  Neale,  Leonard  Brooke,  and  Thompson,  if 
his  health  will  allow.  .  .  .  Encourage  all  you  can  meet  with,  Europeans 
or  Americans,  to  come  among  us.  We  hope  soon  to  have  a  sum  of 
money  lodged  in  London,  to  pay  the  passage  of  six  at  least.  ...  I  find  it 
very  difficult  where  I  now  live  [Rock  Creek]  to  attend  to  the  duties  of  my 
present  station.  It  is  inconvenient  to  some  to  apply  to  me  here ;  and, 
however  painful  it  will  be  to  my  dear  Mother  and  myself,  I  apprehend 
that  it  will  be  necessary  for  me  to  remove  to  Baltimore,  as  a  more  cen- 
trical situation.*^ 

The  general  situation  of  the  Church  in  the  Republic  is  also 
discussed  in  Carroll's  letter  to  the  Nuncio  at  Paris,  Doria  Pam- 
phili.  The  Nuncio  wrote  to  Carroll  on  July  9,  1784,  to  congratu- 
late him  on  his  appointment  as  Superior.  This  letter  was  received 
by  the  prefect-apostolic  on  November  26,  1784,  and  on  the  same 
day,  the  official  documents  constituting  him  the  juridic  head  of 
the  Church  in  this  country  came  from  New  York,  sent  on  by 
M.  de  Marbois.  Carroll's  reply  touches  upon  the  situation  be- 
tween Church  and  State  at  the  time : 

Your  Excellency  will  understand  the  delicacy  of  my  position,  by  recall- 
ing the  jealousy  of  our  government  towards  all  jurisdiction  of  a  foreign 
kind,  a  jealousy  which  heretofore  has  led  to  the  exclusion  of  Catholics  from 
any  share  in  the  civil  administration  of  several  of  our  States.  Catholics 
are  indeed  tolerated  everywhere  to-day,  but  so  far,  it  is  only  in  Pennsyl- 
vania, Delaware,  Maryland,  and  Virginia,  that  they  enjoy  equal  advantages 
with  their  fellow-citizens.  The  Revolution  from  which  we  have  just 
emerged  has  procured  us  this  advantage,  but  the  circumspection  we  are 
obliged  to  use  is  extreme,  so  that  no  pretext  for  interfering  with  our 
rights  be  given  to  those  who  hate  us.  This  is  especially  necessary  now, 
because  the  prejudice  entertained  for  so  long  a  time  is  deep-rooted.  The 
opinion  above  all  which  many  have  formed  that  our  faith  exacted  a  sub- 
jection to  His  Holiness  incompatible  with  the  independence  of  a  sovereign 
state,  entirely  false  though  it  be,  gives  us  continual  worry.  To  dissipate 
this  prejudice  time  will  be  our  best  aid,  as  also  will  Divine  Providence, 
and  the  experience  of  our  fellow-citizens  in  our  devotion  to  our  country 
and  to  its  independence.  The  wisdom  of  the  Holy  See  will  not  fail  us  in 
this  difficult  matter.  Your  Excellency  can  rest  assured  that  the  Apostolic 
Chair  does  not  possess  in  the  world  children  more  devoted  to  its  doctrines 
and  more  penetrated  with  respect  for  all  its  decisions. 


•  Hughes,  op.  cit.,  Documents,  vol.  i,  part  ii,  pp.  638-639. 


238  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

Carroll  then  asks  the  Nuncio  to  use  his  "powerful  protection" 
in  favour  of  "a  feeble  portion  of  the  Church,  so  far  distant  from 
the  edifying  examples  which  animate  the  faith  and  piety  of 
Catholic  countries,  and  so  exposed  to  the  contagion  of  heretical 

doctrines."  ® 

But,  before  all  else  it  was  essential  to  the  welfare  of  the  nascent 
Church  in  the  Republic  not  only  that  the  Superior  should  possess 
power  and  jurisdiction  in  meet  proportion  to  the  extent  of  the 
problems  within  his  prefecture,  but  also  that  whatever  power 
should  be  conferred  by  the  Holy  See  be  given  in  such  a  way  that 
there   could   be   no   misunderstanding   its   exclusively    spiritual 
X  nature.     If  Father  John  Carroll  delayed  for  almost  a  half-year 
before  accepting  the  prefectship,  it  was  precisely  for  the  reason 
that  the  jurisdiction  he  received  from  Propaganda  seemed  to  fall 
short  of  the  one  and  to  assert  the  opposite  of  the  other.  When  he 
learned  from  his  Roman  correspondent,  Father  John  Thorpe,  who 
wrote  on  August  31,  1785,  that  a  mistake  had  been  made  in  the 
Brief  of  June  9,  1784;  and  when  later,  about  March  26,  1786, 
he  received  Antonelli's  letter  of  July  23,   1785,  granting  him 
ampler  faculties  and  a  wider  jurisdiction,  he  began  to  feel  easier 
in  mind.    But  the  interval  was  one  of  keen  embarrassment  to  a 
man  as  sensitive  as  Carroll  on  matters  of  jurisdiction,  and  there 
is  frequently  present  in  his  letters  a  restraint  he  felt  with  an 
official  corporation  which  had  once  blundered  in  so  important  a 
matter.     Carroll  cannot  be  considered  worthy  of  blame  for  his 
earlier  attitude  of  distrust  and  even  of  suspicion  of  Antonelli. 
The  Cardinal-Prefect  of  Propaganda,  Leonardo  Antonelli,  was  a 
man  of  the  highest  virtue  and  learning,  and  from  sources  that 
are  extant  it  can  be  shown  that  he  wished  the  Church  in  the 
United  States  every  possible  success,  even  though  it  was  manned 
by  ex- Jesuits.    The  difficulty  with  the  correspondence  of  this 
period  is  to  explain  Antonelli's  negotiations  with  the  notorious 
Talleyrand  over  the  Bordeaux  project  of  an  American  (i.e.,  pro- 
French)  Seminary.    Propaganda's  attitude  towards  the  members 
of  the  suppressed  Society  in  1773  could  hardly  win  the  confi- 

•  The  draft  of  this  letter,  written  in  rather  imperfect  French,  and  with  so  many 
corrections  and  erasures  that  it  is  difficult  to  decipher,  is  in  the  Baltimore  Cathedral 
Archives,  Case  9A-F1.  Shea  {op.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  261)  probably  lost  patience  over  it, 
since  he  merely  refers  to  its  contents.  I  failed  to  find  the  original  in  Paris  or  in 
Rome  (^Vatican  Archives,  Nunsiatura  di  Francia). 


Critical  Days  239 

dence  of  those  who  were  then  suffering  an  injustice  caused  by 
their  loyalty  to  the  Holy  See;  if  Carroll  knew  at  the  time,  and 
there  is  reason  to  believe  that  he  did,  the  details  of  Antonelli's 
intrigue  with  Doria  Pamphili,  the  Bishop  of  Autun,  and  Benjamin 
Franklin,  he  was  unquestionably  right  in  presuming  that  the 
Roman  officials  were  acting  independently/  Antonelli  is  em- 
phatic in  his  correspondence  with  Carroll  that  the  prefectship 
was  but  a  temporary  arrangement,  and  that  as  soon  as  the  Holy 
See  received  all  the  necessary  information  and  was  certain  of  his 
ability  and  capacity,  he  would  be  promoted  to  the  dignity  of 
vicar-apostolic,  with  episcopal  character.  This  is  confirmed  in 
Antonelli's  letter  to  the  Papal  Nuncio  at  Paris,  dated  June  30, 
1784;  and  in  Doria  PamphiH's  reply  (July  5,  1784)  we  learn 
that  the  matter  had  been  discussed  with  Franklin.  Franklin  had 
assured  the  Nuncio  that  he  preferred  to  see  Carroll  appointed 
a  bishop  at  once,  and  also  that  the  American  Congress  would  be 
pleased  to  see  the  Catholic  Church  in  the  United  States  properly 
organized  under  its  own  episcopal  authority.  'The  American 
Congress,"  so  runs  the  letter,  "will  be  most  pleased  with  such  a 
consummation,  and  will  not  oppose  Mr.  Carroll's  going  to  Canada 
for  his  consecration  by  the  Monseigneur,  the  Bishop  of  Quebec, 
the  nearest  place,  and  not  so  inconvenient  or  expensive  as  it 
would  be  to  come  to  France,  or  to  go  to  the  Island  of  San 
Domingo."  ^  Propaganda's  hestitation  in  Carroll's  promotion  to 
the  episcopal  dignity  was  caused  by  the  rather  practical  reason 
of  financial  support.  The  Sacred  Congregation  could  not  see  its 
way  clear  to  allowing  Carroll  a  subsidy,  and  so  the  officials 
desired  to  know  more  about  the  temporalities  of  the  American 
Missions  before  nominating  the  prefect-apostolic  to  the  higher 
post.  Again,  on  July  31,  1784,  the  Cardinal  Prefect  tells  the 
Nuncio  to  say  to  Mr.  Franklin  that  "in  what  depends  upon  us, 


'  For  example,  on  the  same  day  that  Antonelli  wrote  to  Carroll  announcing  to  him 
his  appointment  as  prefect-apostolic  (June  9,  1784),  he  wrote  also  to  the  Nuncio  at 
Paris  commending  him  for  his  zeal  and  announcing  that  "it  has  been  decided  to  treat 
.  .  .  directly  with  the  American  missioners,  and  for  the  present  with  Mr.  Carrol  [sic}, 
who  has  been  constituted  their  head,  except  in  what  concerns  the  young  men  who,  it  is 
hoped,  will  be  received  in  the  Seminary  of  Bordeaux,  for  which  Your  Excellency  may 
continue  to  negotiate  with  Monseigneur  d' Autun  [Talleyrand],  or  with  whoever  can 
help  to  the  desired  end."     (Cf.  Fish-Devitt  Transcripts,  p.  32.) 

■  Propaganda  Archives,  Scritture  riferite,  America  Centrale,  vol.  ii,  f.  272;  cf. 
Fish-Devitt  Transcripts,  p.  37. 


240  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

it  will  be  sought  to  invest  Mr.  Carroll  with  episcopal  character  as 
soon  as  he  has  informed  us  of  the  status  of  the  Catholic  religion 
in  those  provinces  and  of  the  system  to  be  adopted."  ® 

Direct  correspondence  between  Propaganda  and  the  Amer- 
ican Church  definitely  ended  the  intrigue  which,  it  seems,  must 
be  attributed  originally  to  Barbe  de  Marbois,  who  was  anxious 
to  have  a  French  ecclesiastic  appointed  bishop  over  the  American 
Catholics.  The  Bordeaux  scheme,  superficially  at  least,  has  the 
appearance  of  an  intrigue  to  allow  French  ecclesiastics  to  control 
the  American  Church,  and  can  only  be  fully  understood  when 
placed  in  relation  with  the  results  of  the  peace  negotiations  of 
the  former  year.  France,  to  tell  the  truth,  felt  that  the  Americans 
had  shown  little  gratitude  in  the  matter  of  the  peace  treaty ;  ^^ 
and  a  reaction  of  this  feeling  is  found  in  the  Nuncio's  words  to 
Antonelli,  on  August  23,  1784:  "It  is  not  certain,"  he  writes, 
**that,  as  time  goes  on,  the  American  Republic  will  continue  to  be 
grateful  for  the  signal  favours  and  services  of  France,  and  that 
revolutions  will  not  occur,  similar  to  that  of  Canada."  The 
Cardinal-Prefect,  therefore,  was  not  surprised  to  learn  that  the 
Bordeaux  project  did  not  move  forward  more  quickly.  In  fact, 
it  was  evident  to  the  Nuncio  that  the  Government  was  unwilling 
to  endow  the  scheme,  and  wished  merely  to  start  it  and  to  support 
it  for  a  year  or  so.  In  AntoneUi's  next  letter,  dated  September 
25,  1784,  the  Nuncio  is  asked  to  inform  Franklin  "of  our  dispo- 
sition for  the  investiture  of  Mr.  Carroll  with  the  episcopacy."  " 

The  fact  has  already  been  mentioned  that  Father  Carroll  be- 
came fully  aware  of  all  these  secret  negotiations  through  Plow- 
den's  letter  of  September  21,  1784.  He  himself  had  written  to 
Father  Plowden  on  September  18  of  that  year  in  answer  to 
Plowden's  letter  of  July  3,  1784,  and  it  is  clear  that  the  whole 
matter  had  become  distasteful  to  him.  He  was  determined,  if  his 
fellow-priests  would  consent,  to  refuse  even  the  prefectship.  He 
wanted  no  vicariate-apostolic,  and  that  because  it  involved  not 
only  a  foreign  title  but  dependence  upon  a  foreign  tribunal,  the 


•  Ibid.,  p.  39. 

"  McLaughlin,  op.  cit.,  pp.  21-22.  Cf.  Merlant-Coleman,  Soldiers  and  Sailors 
of  France  in  the  American  War  of  Independence  0776-1783),  p.  204.  New  York, 
1920. 

^Propaganda  Archives,  Lettere,  vol.  244,  f.  781;  cf.  Fish-Devitt  Transcripts, 
p.  42. 


Critical  Days  241 

Congregation  of  Propaganda  Fide.  It  was  absurd,  to  his  way  of 
viewing  it,  to  consider  the  United  States  a  Mission,  and  he  instinc- 
tively felt  the  slight  Antonelli  had  given  the  American  clergy  by 
carrying  on  negotiations  with  Franklin.  Carroll  interpreted  the 
whole  intrigue  as  done  in  an  anti-Jesuit  spirit,  and  he  says  quite 
appositely  that  had  Antonelli  communicated  with  him  on  the 
bishopric  question  the  answer  of  the  American  Congress  "would 
have  been  even  more  satisfactory  to  us  than  the  one  which  was 
sent."  His  brother's  triennium  in  Congress  had  just  expired, 
and  Mr.  Fitzsimons,  the  only  Catholic  member  besides,  had  just 
resigned.   "These  were  unfortunate  circumstances."  ^^ 

On  the  other  hand,  it  is  unfair  to  judge  Propaganda's  action 
harshly.  We  have  an  advantage  of  a  hundred  and  forty  years  of 
a  retrospect  from  which  to  make  such  a  judgment,  although  there 
is  a  natural  feeling  of  impatience  that  the  officials  in  Rome  did 
not  visualize  the  Church's  condition  here  more  accurately.  But 
with  few  exceptions  it  has  been  the  rule  of  Propaganda  to  begin 
ecclesiastical  jurisdiction  in  a  new  country  with  prefects- 
apostolic,  followed  by  vicars-apostolic,  and  then  bishops. 
Allowance  must  also  be  made  for  the  long  intervals  between 
letters,  and  for  the  fact  that  the  communications  with  Rome  were 
infrequent  and  unsatisfactory.  So  many  elements  enter  into  the 
situation  that  Antonelli  might  be  excused.  There  was  the  queru- 
lous method  of  Challoner  to  rid  himself  of  the  Colonies;  the 
intrigue  of  which  no  one  seems  to  be  the  author,  but  which  arose 
spontaneously  among  the  little  group  in  Paris  to  control  the 
American  Church;  there  was  the  fact  that  the  recognized  clergy 
in  America  were  all  ex- Jesuits,  and  smarting  under  the  injustice 
of  the  Suppression ;  the  fact  that  Carroll's  attitude  was  decidedly 
nationalistic  and  that  it  was  embarrassing  to  him  to  be  appointed 
over  his  fellow-clergy  without  their  consent,  in  fact  at  variance 
with  their  wish  expressed  to  the  Holy  See ;  the  difficulty  of  har- 
monizing what  apparently  was  a  foreign  and  quasi-temporal 
jurisdiction  over  a  group  of  American  citizens  who  had  just 
been  emancipated  from  all  foreign  entanglements ;  the  "cramping 
clause"  of  his  first  year  of  prefectship,  which  neutralized  his 


"    Carroll   to   Plowden,   Rock   Creek,   September    15,    1784,   Baltimore    Cathedral 
Archives,  Case  6-Js;  cf.  United  States  Catholic  Magasine,  vol.  iii,  pp.  377-378. 


242  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

power  for  direction,  when  that  direction  was  most  needed;  and 
lastly,  there  was  the  official  opinion  of  the  American  clergy  in 
1784  that  it  would  be  inopportune  to  appoint  a  bishop.  Carroll 
himself  had  succumbed  to  this  last  influence,  and  in  his  letter  to 
Antonelli  in  February,  1785,  had  stated  that  there  was  no  actual 
need  for  a  bishop,  until  some  candidates  were  found  fitted  to 
receive  Holy  Orders.  It  was  inevitable,  therefore,  that  the 
project  of  creating  the  United  States  into  a  vicariate-apostolic 
or  a  bishopric  would  be  deferred.  This,  perhaps,  was  the  more 
prudent  course  of  action  to  take;  but  if  Carroll  and  Propaganda 
were  both  waiting  to  ascertain  whether  conditions  in  the  Church 
here  necessitated  a  stronger  and  firmer  hand  of  authority  than 
the  archipresbyterate,  which  had  failed  so  miserably  in  England, 
they  were  not  long  in  learning  the  same.  Carroll's  Visitation  was 
to  reveal  the  forces  of  disunion  and  even  of  decay  at  work  within 
the  nascent  Church,  and  also  to  bring  to  maturity  the  episcopal 
administrative  system  the  country  should  have  had  as  early  as 
1685,  when  the  London  Vicariate  was  accepted  by  the  English 
Government. 

With  his  mother's  home  at  Rock  Creek  as  a  centre,  Father 
John  Carroll  began  his  Visitation  of  his  prefecture  in  the  sum- 
mer of  1785.  The  actual  date  of  the  first  stage  of  his  journey  is 
not  known,  though  it  is  probable  that  he  laid  the  cornerstone  of 
the  new  church  at  St.  Inigoes  on  July  13  of  that  year.  His  first 
visits  were  to  the  different  "stations,"  "congregations,"  "resi- 
dences," and  "houses"  in  Maryland.  Attending  to  the  spiritual 
needs  of  the  flock  in  the  State  were  nineteen  priests,  all 
of  whom  had  fixed  residences.  Father  Carroll  administered  the 
Sacrament  of  Confirmation  wherever  he  stopped.^^  There  was 
nothing  of  an  especial  nature  in  the  Church  in  Maryland  that 
needed  the  exercise  of  his  jurisdiction,  except  matrimonial  cases. 
After  Maryland  came  the  scattered  "congregations"  of  Virginia 
with  its  200  Catholics,  living  mostly  in  the  northern  counties  of 
that  State  along  the  Potomac.  Up  to  the  time  of  Carroll's  Visi- 
tation, they  had  been  visited  four  or  five  times  a  year  by  the 


"  Shea,  (op.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  273),  says  that  Carroll  procured  Holy  Chrism  for 
this  purpose,  but  it  is  not  certain  where  he  obtained  it;  probably  from  the  nearest 
diocese,  Santiago  de  Cuba,  where  Father  Campo  sent  for  the  necessary  Holy  Oils  for 
his  Minorcan  colony  in  Florida. 


Critical  Days  243 

priests  from  Maryland/*  Virginia  had  been  more  perturbed 
than  any  of  the  Southern  colonies  over  the  danger  of  Cathol- 
icism during  the  French  and  Indian  War,  but  the  annoying  Act 
of  1756  "for  Disarming  Papists"  and  forbidding  them  to  keep  a 
horse  "above  the  value  of  £5"  was  abrogated  in  1776  by  the 
adoption  of  the  famous  Bill  of  Rights,  drawn  up  by  George 
Mason,  to  which  Patrick  Henry  contributed  the  religious  equality 
clause.  To  no  less  a  personage  than  Cardinal  Robert  Bellarmine 
can  be  given  the  credit  for  the  theory  of  government  enshrined 
in  the  Bill,  as  well  as  in  its  subsequent  imitation,  the  Declaration 
of  Independence.^^ 

The  summer  of  1785  was  one  of  intense  heat,  and  in  August, 
Father  Carroll  returned  to  Rock  Creek  to  await  the  cooler  days 
of  early  autumn  before  starting  north.  There  remained  to  be 
visited — Pennsylvania  with  New  Jersey,  and  New  York.  New 
England  had  never  shown  a  spirit  of  hospitality  to  Catholics  or 
to  things  Catholic.  There  had  been  a  partial  Catholic  immigra- 
tion in  1755,  when  a  group  of  the  exiled  Acadians  attempted  to 
find  a  refuge  in  Massachusetts,  but  the  Faith  did  not  survive 
among  their  children,  placed  as  they  were  in  the  midst  of  a  popu- 
lation that  was  determined  to  destroy  their  solidarity  as  a  people. 
Private  prayers  were  not  illegal,  but  the  services  of  a  priest  were 
refused  these  "lost  Gabriels  of  the  Great  Expulsion."  The  French 
Alliance  was  of  considerable  commercial  value  to  the  New  Eng- 
enders, and  by  degrees  during  the  War  of  Independence,  the 
old  spirit  of  bigotry  lost  the  thin  edge  it  had  held  for  nearly  two 
hundred  years.  There  was  likewise  an  Irish  Catholic  immigration 
into  New  England,  which  began  about  1717"  and  continued  up 
to  the  Revolution;  but  there  is  no  record  of  any  attempt  at  a 
permanent  Church.  In  1779,  Father  Henry  de  la  Motte,  an  Au- 
gustinian  chaplain  of  the  French  fleet,  who  was  imprisoned  in 
New  York  for  saying  Mass,  was  exchanged,  and  came  to  Boston. 
He  was  sent  by  the  Colonial  Government  as  an  envoy  to  the 
Catholic  Indians  of  Maine.^^    In  1781,  Father  Lacy,  an  Irish 


"    Maori,   The  Catholic  Church  in   the   City  and  Diocese   of  Richmond,  p.   38. 
Richmond,    1906. 

"    Cf.  Gaillard  Hunt,  The  Virginia  Declaration  of  Rights  and  Cardinal  Bellar-    \ 
mine  in  the  Catholic  Historical  Review,  vol.  iii,  pp.  276-289. 

!•    Cf.  O'Brien,  Hidden  Phase,  etc.,  pp.  241-285. 

*7    Cf.  Researches,  vol.  xvi,  p.  iii. 


244  ^^^^  ^^/^  ^^^  Times  of  John  Carroll 

priest,  is  said  to  have  visited  Boston,  and  we  know  from  the  Abbe 
Robin's  Travels  that  the  witty  French  priest  visited  the  city, 
though  nothing  is  said  in  his  volurr^e  of  the  presence  of  Catholics 
in  Boston.  There  was,  therefore,  no  cause  for  Father  Carroll  to 
visit  this  part  of  the  Republic,  and  indeed,  the  first  authentic 
page  in  the  history  of  the  Church  in  New  England  was  not  written 
until  1788,  when  the  notorious  French  priest,  Claudius  Florent 
Bouchard  de  la  Poterie  was  authorized  by  Carroll  to  minister  to 
the  Catholics  of  Boston. 

In  Pennsylvania,  at  the  time  of  Carroll's  appointment,  there 
were  five  priests  with  definite  parishes  to  attend.  Philadelphia 
possessed  two  churches,  St,  Joseph's  and  St.  Mary's,  both  under 
the  same  pastors.  Fathers  Molyneux  and  Farmer.  At  Conewago, 
Father  James  Pellentz  had  erected  a  church,  and  in  Lancaster, 
Father  Luke  Geissler  was  ministering  to  the  scattered  Catholics 
in  that  vicinity.  Father  John  B.  de  Ritter  was  at  Goshenhoppen, 
with  a  large  territory  under  his  care.  St.  Joseph's  Church,  in 
Philadelphia,  the  oldest  church  in  the  English  colonies,  erected 
in  1733,  by  Father  Joseph  Greaton,  who  had  been  visiting  the 
city  regularly  from  the  year  1722,  was  the  centre  of  the  Pennsyl- 
vania missions.  The  agreement  between  the  heirs  of  Lord  Balti- 
more and  William  Penn  in  1732,  regarding  the  southern  boundary 
of  Pennsylvania,  had  removed  the  obstacle  to  the  erection  of  a 
place  of  worship  for  the  Catholics  of  Philadelphia,  and  the  fol- 
lowing year  saw  this  first  public  Catholic  chapel  in  the  Colonies 
opened  for  Divine  service.  The  number  of  Catholics  in  the  old 
national  Capital  at  this  time  is  not  known.  Kirlin  quotes  one 
source  as  computing  the  number  to  be  ten  or  twelve;  another 
source  estimates  the  "congregation"  as  about  forty  souls. 
Smyth's  Present  State  of  the  Catholic  Missions  conducted  by  the 
Ex-Je suits  in  North  America  states  that  at  the  opening  of  St. 
Joseph's  there  were  thirty-seven  Catholics — twenty-two  Irish  and 
fifteen  Germans.  On  March  21,  1741,  Father  Greaton  was  joined 
by  Father  Henry  Neale,  who  died  seven  years  later,  and  the 
following  year  (1749)  Father  Greaton  retired  to  Bohemia  Manor 
and  was  succeeded  in  Philadelphia  by  Father  Harding.  The 
census  of  1757,  compiled  by  Father  Harding,  gives  the  Catholic 
population  of  Pennsylvania  as  consisting  of  692  men  and  673 
women,  making  a  total  of  1,365  Catholics.    At  the  close  of  the 


Critical  Days  245 

French  and  Indian  War,  a  second  church,  that  of  St.  Mary's, 
was  opened  in  Philadelphia.  "The  Sunday  services,"  say  Kirlin, 
"with  the  exception  of  an  early  Mass  at  St.  Joseph's,  were  held 
in  St.  Mary's,  and  the  older  church  was  used  as  a  chapel  where 
the  week-day  Masses  were  said."  ^^  In  1758,  Father  Farmer  was 
appointed  assistant  to  Father  Harding,  and  after  the  latter's 
death,  September  i,  1772,  Father  Farmer  was  in  charge  until 
June,  1773,  when  Father  Robert  Molyneux  was  sent  as  his 
co-pastor.  Both  these  priests  were  in  Philadelphia  when 
Father  Carroll  visited  the  city  in  October,  1785,  though  Father 
Farmer  did  not  survive  very  long  after  Carroll's  visit,  dying 
August  17,  1786.  The  statistics  given  by  Carroll  in  his  Relation 
(March  i,  1785)  were  gathered  from  letters  sent  to  him  by 
these  two  pioneer  Catholic  clergymen,  both  of  whom  were  highly 
instrumental  in  persuading  Carroll  to  accept  the  prefectship.^^ 
The  parishes  outside  Philadelphia  were  fairly  numerous  at  this 
time.  From  Conewago,  where  Father  Wapeler  had  founded  the 
Church  of  the  Sacred  Heart,  shortly  after  his  arrival  in  that 
mission  (1741),  Father  Pellentz  reported  to  Carroll  that  there 
were  1,000  communicants  in  the  parish.  Father  Schneider,  who 
had  begun  the  mission  at  Goshenhoppen  in  1745,  passed  away 
on  July  10,  1764,  and  was  succeeded  by  Father  John  B.  de  Ritter, 
who  estimated  500  communicants  in  his  charge  at  the  time  of 
Carroll's  Visitation.  Father  Luke  Geissler,  then  pastor  of  the 
Catholics  around  Lancaster,  had  about  700  souls  in  his  care. 
Besides  Fathers  Molyneux  and  Farmer,  there  were  also  at  the 
time  in  Philadelphia,  Father  William  O'Brien,  O.P.,  Father 
Huet  de  la  Valiniere,  who  attended  the  French  Catholics,  and 
Father  Hassett,  who  officiated  for  the  Spanish  residents.^^  There 
was  also  at  this  time  at  Lancaster  the  Rev.  John  B.  Causse,  a 
Recollect  Father,  known  also  by  his  name  in  religion.  Father 
Fidentianus.  These  are  meagre  details  of  the  condition  of  the 
Church  in  Pennsylvania,  but  they  furnish  us  with  a  fair  example 
of  Father  Carroll's  knowledge  of  this  part  of  his  Prefecture. 


"    Kirlin,  Catholicity  in  Philadelphia,  p.  94-     Philadelphia,  1907. 

"  This  interesting  correspondence,  quoted  elsewhere  in  this  volume,  can  be  read 
in  the  United  States  Catholic  Magazine,  vol.  iv,  pp.  255-259;  it  will  be  found  in  the 
Baltimore  Cathedral  Archives,  Case  3-P  4-14,  and  Qi-io,  Case  5-K  and  L. 

20  Molyneux  to  Carroll,  March  28,  1785,  Baltimore  Cathedral  Archives,  Case 
5K-1;  cf.  Shea,  op.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  275*  note  4. 


246  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

The  prefect-apostolic  began  his  northern  Visitation  on  Sep- 
tember 22,  1785.  He  administered  Confirmation  in  Philadelphia 
in  the  early  part  of  October,  1785.^^  Whether  he  visited  the  other 
Catholic  congregations  is  not  known  with  certainty,  for  there  is 
nothing  in  the  correspondence  we  possess  to  show  that  he  ex- 
tended his  Visitation  beyond  the  two  cities  of  Philadelphia  and 
New  York.  From  Philadelphia,  his  journey  northwards  took  him 
through  New  Jersey.  The  early  history  of  the  Church  in  the 
Jerseys  is  obscure.  It  is  known  that  Father  Harding  paid  occa- 
sional visits  to.  that  province,  but  the  pioneer  missionary  of  the 
State  was  Father  Farmer.  The  Baptismal  Register  of  St.  Joseph's 
Church,  Philadelphia,  gives  us  the  names  of  all  the  "Stations*' 
in  Jersey  visited  by  this  valiant  soldier  of  the  Cross,  around 
whom  tradition  has  woven  some  of  the  best-loved  of  all  early 
American  Catholic  historical  legends.  Macopin,  about  fifteen 
miles  north  of  Paterson,  would  seem  to  be  the  centre  of  these 
New  Jersey  missions,  which  stretched  from  Ringwood  to  Salem. 
The  little  town  had  been  settled  by  a  colony  of  Germans  from  the 
Rhineland,  who  came  to  take  positions  in  the  iron  works  there.^^ 
It  is  quite  possible  from  what  we  know  of  the  stage  routes  of  that 
day  that  Father  Carroll  visited  some  of  these  "congregations," 
but  no  details  are  extant  of  his  Visitation  in  New  Jersey. 

It  was  in  New  York  City  that  Father  Carroll  met  with  the 
first  difficult  problem  of  his  five  years  as  prefect-apostolic.  The 
province  of  New  Amsterdam  and  later  of  New  York  had  had  a 
long  period  of  Catholic  history  before  the  coming  of  Carroll  in 
the  autumn  of  1785.  It  was  known  throughout  the  Catholic 
world  as  the  scene  of  some  of  the  most  heroic  episodes  in  the 
missionary  history  of  the  Jesuits,  and  Father  Jogues'  martyrdom 
gave  it  a  prominence  in  European  eyes  which  Pennsylvania  and 
Maryland  never  attained.  The  short  Catholic  governorship  of 
Thomas  Dongan  (1683- 1688)  witnessed  an  attempt  by  Father 
Thomas  Harvey,  S.J.,  to  establish  a  Latin  school  in  the  city, 


28 


"  Griffin  in  the  Researches  (vol.  xiii,  p.  173)  is  uncertain  whether  the  date 
is  October  second  or  ninth.  It  was  during  this  visit  that  Carroll  met  Wharton  at  the 
bouse  of  FitzSimons. 

*"  Cf.  United  States  Catholic  Magazine,  vol.  vi,  p.  434.  Father  Farmer's  List  of 
Baptisms,  registered  at  St.  Joseph's  Church,  Philadelphia,  will  be  found  in  the  Records, 
vol.  i,  pp.  246-350.     A  list  of  the  various  "stations"  will  be  found,  ibid.,  pp.  249-250. 

^  There  is  little  doubt  that  James  II,  the  Duke  of  York,  sought  to  make  his 
Province  a  refuge  for  the  oppressed  Catholics  of  England;   it  is  a  matter  worthy  of 


Critical  Days  247 

but  with  the  Orange  Revolution  under  Leisler,  Catholic  life  in 
the  city  came  to  an  end.  In  1696,  the  Mayor  of  the  city  gave 
a  list  of  nine  Catholics  to  Governor  Fletcher ;  the  passage  of  the 
Act  of  1700  meant  perpetual  imprisonment  for  any  Catholic 
priest  found  in  the  province.  No  man  dared  avow  himself  a 
Catholic,  and  the  general  effect  of  the  intolerant  spirit  was  to 
keep  Catholics  from  settling  in  the  future  metropolis.  The  Negro 
Plot  of  1 741,  with  the  hanging  of  John  Ury,  who  was  supposed 
to  be  a  Catholic  priest,  reawakened  a  "holy  horror  of  Popery," 
which  prevailed  down  to  the  Revolution.^*  "The  first  priests  who 
officiated  in  the  city  in  any  way  in  a  public  manner,  were  the 
chaplains  of  the  French  troops  who  had  been  sent  to  aid  the 
colonies  in  their  struggle.  I  find  a  manuscript  note  amongst  the 
late  Bishop  Brute's  papers,  in  which  he  speaks  of  hearing  'Mother 
Seton  say  that  it  was  a  great  object  of  curiosity  amongst  the 
New  Yorkers  to  attend  the  celebration  of  Mass  by  the  chaplains 
of  the  French  troops  at  the  time  of  the  war.'  "  ^^  New  York  was 
slow  to  change  its  attitude  of  open  hostility  to  the  Catholic  Faith, 
even  after  the  establishment  of  its  own  Legislature,  and  the  State 
Constitution  of  1777  excluded  Catholics  from  the  rights  of  citi- 
zenship. In  1784,  the  Act  of  1700  regarding  "Popish  Priests 
and  Jesuits"  was  repealed  by  the  New  York  Legislature,  but  it 
was  not  until  1806  that  the  Oath  of  Allegiance,  which  no  loyal 
Catholic  could  conscientiously  take,  was  abrogated."  After  the 
evacuation  of  the  city  by  the  British  troops  in  1783,  Father 
Farmer  assembled  the  Catholics  of  the  city  for  Divine  worship. 
Archbishop  Bayley  reports  a  tradition  that  Mass  was  celebrated 
in  1781-82  in  a  loft  over  a  carpenter's  shop  near  Barclay  Street, 
then  in  the  suburbs,  and  that  services  were  held  also  in  the  house 

record  in  the  history  of  religious  liberty  in  America  that  the  New  York  Assembly  of 
1683,  the  first  held  in  Dongan's  term,  adopted  a  Charter  of  Liberties  granting  freedom 
of  worship  to  all  Christians.  Cf.  Dongan's  Report  on  the  State  of  the  Province, 
in  O'Callaghan,  Documents  Relative  to  the  Colonial  History  of  the  State  of  New 
York,  vol.  iii.  p.  410.  Albany,  1887.  Only  a  few  Catholics  were  known  to  be  in  the 
Province  at  that  time. 

»*    Cf.  The  Trial  of  John  Ury,  in  the  Researches,  vol.  xvi,  pp.  2-58. 

»  This  is  evidently  an  error,  since  the  city  of  New  York  was  in  the  possession 
of  the  British  during  the  Revolution.  Probably,  Mother  Seton  refers  to  the  arrest 
of  Father  De  la  Motte  for  celebrating  Mass  in  the  city.  Cf.  Bayley,  History  of  the 
Catholic  Church  on  the  Island  of  New  York,  pp.  47-48.     New  York,  1870. 

*"  For  a  copy  of  these  Oaths  against  Transubstantiation  cf.  Devereux,  A  Memo- 
rial of  the  Penal  Times  in  New  York  in  the  United  States  Catholic  Miscellany,  vol.  vi, 
pp.  394-395' 


248  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

of  the  Spanish  Consul,  Don  Thomas  Stoughton.  The  home  of 
Don  Diego  de  Gardoqui,  the  Spanish  Minister,  seems  also  to  have 
been  the  rendezvous  of  the  Catholics  of  New  York  in  1785.  The 
actual  beginning  of  Catholic  church  organization  can  be  traced  to 
the  coming  in  October,  1784,  of  Father  Charles  Whelan,  an 
Irish  Capuchin,  who  had  served  as  chaplain  in  De  Grasse's  fleet, 
and  who  apparently  was  so  touched  by  the  destitute  spiritual  con- 
dition of  the  Catholics  of  New  York  City  that  he  decided  to  re- 
main among  them.  Shea  says  that  Father  Whelan  may  have 
acted  at  first  merely  as  private  chaplain  to  the  Portuguese  Cath- 
olic, Jose  Ruiz  Silva ;  and  this  seems  likely  because  he  began  his 
ministry  without  waiting  for  faculties  from  the  Prefect-Apos- 
tolic.    John  Talbot  Smith  writes: 

His  arrival  occurred  at  a  happy  moment  for  him  and  his  congregation. 
The  government  of  the  United  States  held  its  seat  in  New  York ;  the  for- 
eign ministers  resided  there.  At  the  meetings  of  Congress  Catholic  mem- 
bers came  to  live  in  town,  and  Catholic  merchants  from  France  and 
Spain  and  their  American  possessions  were  establishing  offices.  The  great 
social  lights  of  official  life  were  the  ministers  of  France  and  of  Spain. 
They  had  their  embassy  chapels  and  chaplains,  and  their  high  rank  and 
influence  gave  standing  to  the  Catholics.  Father  Whelan  did  not  seem 
to  meet  with  success  in  organizing  his  parish  after  his  arrival,  and  reported 
to  the  Superior  that  the  congregation  was  in  a  poor  way,  buried  in  diffi- 
culties and  displeased  with  the  pastor. 2 ^ 

Father  Carroll  was  informed  by  Father  Farmer  in  a  letter, 
dated  Philadelphia,  November  8,  1784,  of  Father  Whelan's 
arrival  in  New  York : 

A  Capuchin  friar  arrived  a  few  weeks  ago  in  New  York.  The  congre- 
gation has  received  him  for  a  time  and  allows  him,  consequently,  a  sus- 
tenance. I  warned  some  of  the  principal  members  of  not  trusting  them- 
selves to  him  without  your  approbation.  He  has  a  variety  of  very  good 
credentials,  which  I  have  inspected.28  I  found  no  fault  but  his  too  great 
presumption  to  act  as  if  he  had  legal  [i.  e.  juridic]  powers.  I  checked  him 
for  it.  He  had  no  other  but  the  lame  excuse  that  your  reverence  had  not 
yet  received  your  powers.  ...  If  in  your  discretion  your  reverence  thinks 


«  Smith,  The  Catholic  Church  in  New  York,  vol.  i,  pp.  27-28.  New  York,  1903. 
The  Italian  traveller,  Luigi  Castiglione,  mentions  hearing  Mass  in  a  camera  poco 
decente  in  his  Viaggio  negli  Stati  Uniti,  part  i,  p.  177- 

=»  Bayley  iop.  cit.,  p.  56  note)  states  that  he  was  informed  that  Father  Whclaa 
had  been  strongly  recommended  by  Lafayette  before  the  latter's  return  to  France. 


Critical  Days  249 

proper  to  give  Mr.  Whelan  faculties  for  a  time  .  .  .  ,  please  to  let  me 
know  it  as  soon  as  convenient. ^^ 

Father  Farmer  was  acting  in  this  regard  in  his  capacity  of 
vicar-general  to  the  prefect-apostolic,  a  post  which  he  had 
occupied  also  under  the  last  Jesuit  Superior,  Father  Lewis.  "It 
was  a  sign  of  coming  difficulties,"  says  Shea,  "that  Father  Whe- 
lan officiated  without  waiting  for  faculties."  '°  Father  Farmer 
advised  him  to  apply  at  once  to  the  Nuncio  in  Paris  for  faculties, 
since  it  was  not  certain  whether  the  prefect-apostolic  would 
have  the  power  to  do  so.  This  is  the  first  example  of  the  difficulty 
caused  by  the  "cramping  clause"  in  Carroll's  appointment.  On 
January  11,  1785,  Father  Farmer  wrote  to  Whelan  telling  him 
that  the  matter  of  his  faculties  would  be  attended  to  at  once. 
The  letter  is  as  follows: 

Your  favour  of  the  second  instant  came  to  hand  yesterday.  A  few 
weeks  ago  I  wrote  a  letter  to  Mr.  MacReady,  in  which  I  mentioned  what 
concerned  your  Reverence,  without  writing  a  particular  letter;  in  which 
I  must  acknowledge  my  fault.  I  am  also  afeard,  that  my  letter  did  not 
come  to  Mr.  MacReady's  hand.  After  I  last  [visited]  New  York  we 
had  no  small  difficulty  to  find  out  the  letters  from  Rome  to  Mr.  Carrol. 
For  those  I  received  at  New  York  were  no  more  than  a  power  to  give 
out  in  these  states  next  year  a  jubilee;  the  cause  of  which  is,  as  I 
suppose,  our  having  been  deprived  of  it  in  1776,  when  the  principal 
letters  from  Rome  and  Paris  were  at  last  found  out;  we  also  found 
that,  the  Rd.  J.  Carrol  was  appointed  by  the  Congr.  de  Propaganda.  .  .  . 
This  limitation  puts  us  to  no  small  inconveniences,  and  also  the  people. 
I  have  many  times  thought  of  y.  last  Christmass  and  of  your  congrega- 
tion, being  sorry,  faculties  necessary  could  not  be  given  you.  The  best 
advice  I  can  give  is  to  write  immediately  to  the  Nuncio  at  Paris  to  give 
or  procure  y.  the  approbation  of  the  propaganda;  which  being  obtained, 
there  shall  be  no  more  difficulty  on  that  side  of  y.  settlement  in  New 
York.  In  the  letters  from  Rome  it  was  signified  to  Mr.  Carrol,  to  let 
them  know  the  number  of  R.  Catholicks  in  this  country;  for  w.  reason 
Mr.  Carrol  desired  me  to  request  of  y.  w.  number  of  them  there  is  in 
N.  York.  He  would  undoubtedly  have  wrote  to  you;  but  relyed  on  my 
doing  it  for  him. 

May   it   please   the   Divine   goodness   to   protect   and   preserve   you.     I 
beg  to  be  remembered  in  your  h.  prayers  and  am  Rev.  dear  Sir 

Your  most  hble  servant 

Ferdinand  Farmer.^^ 


*    Baltimore  Cathedral  Archives,  Case  3-P4;  cf.  United  States  Catholic  Miscellany, 
Vol.  vi,  p.  103. 

»«    Op.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  265. 

"  Propaganda  Archives,  Scritture  rifcrite,  America  Centrale,  vol.  ii,  f.  300. 


250  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

Accordingly,  on  January  28,  1785,  Father  Whelan  sent  the 
following  communication  to  the  Papal  Nuncio,  Doria  Pamphili,  at 
Paris,  together  with  a  letter  of  recommendation  from  Hector 
St.  John  de  Crevecoeur,  then  Consul-General  of  France  in  New 
York  City: 

May  it  please  your  Eminence, 

As  it  pleased  Almighty  God,  of  his  infinite  goodness,  to  call  me,  (tho' 
an  unworthy  subject)  to  the  state  of  priest,  I  therefore  endeavoured 
always  by  his  divine  grace  to  perform  the  duties  of  my  state;  which 
so  far  pleased  my  superiors  that  they  judged  it  convenient,  to  elect  me 
Father  master  of  the  novices;  likewise  Vicar  of  the  Convent  of  Barsur- 
aube  in  Shampagne,  also  secretary  to  the  Provincial  of  the  Irish  Capucins 
residing  in  the  same  convent.  Which  places  I  always  retained  until  his 
most  Christian  Majesty  Louis  the  XVI  was  pleased  to  call  for  chaplains 
to  our  Community  for  the  sea-service,  in  obedience  to  my  superiors,  and 
with  the  inclosed  obedience  I  undertook  this  mission.  After  passing 
without  hurt  out  of  fourteen  engagements  at  sea,  was  at  length  taken 
prisoner  with  Mr.  Village,  Knight  of  Malta,  in  the  ship  called  the  Jason, 
and  was  brought  prisoner  to  Jamaica  together  with  about  seven  thousand 
French-men ;  fifteen  hundred  of  which  being  wounded,  after  having  ex- 
horted all  the  other  chaplains  being  six  in  number,  four  French  and  two 
Spaniards,  to  visit  at  least  their  respective  sick  and  woimded,  they  all 
made  answer  "they  were  no  longer  bound  to  attend  them  being  exempt 
of  that  duty  by  being  prisoners  of  war."  But  I  judging  it  contrary  to 
Christianity  to  abandon  so  many  distressed  persons,  great  numbers  of 
them  dying  daily,  by  the  flux  and  yellow  fever :  besides  their  wounds, 
I  undertook  the  whole  work  myself,  and  by  divine  assistance  let  none  die 
without  the  rites  of  the  Church,  tho  all  the  five  prisons  which  were  at 
that  time  in  Jamaica  were  changed  into  hospitals,  the  number  of  sick 
being  so  great  in  that  warm  climate,  in  a  word  I  administered  three 
thousand  five  hundred  and  sixty-two  French-men;  eight  hundred  Span- 
iards, and  thirty-five  Americans,  without  any  gratification  This  is  a  fact 
that  all  can  give  testimony  of  that  were  carried  in  with  Count  de  Grace, 
during  thirteen  months,  I  remained  in  that  island  without  any  other 
occasion  than  to  assist  the  dying  prisoners. 

But  passing  through  the  province  of  New  York  where  toleration  being 
granted  of  exercising  our  religion  publickly  without  restraint,  where  here- 
tofore a  priest  would  be  condemned  to  die  for  only  celebrating  Mass  or 
administering  any  of  the  Sacraments :  which  is  the  reason  I  find  so 
many  here  even  married  without  being  baptized  or  any  way  instructed  in 
their  religion.  The  Catholics  here  are  exceeding  poor  but  very  zealous 
as  the  major  part  of  them  are  Irish  being  not  able  to  build  a  chapel  nor 
even  to  pay  for  a  place  to  say  Mass  in;  had  not  a  Portuguese  gentle- 
man made  us  a  present  of  part  of  his  house  for  that  purpose.  I  hope 
Providence  will  provide  for  us  some  other  place  next  May  as  that  gentle- 


Critical  Days  251 

man  can  afford  it  to  us  only  until  that  time,  but  I  hope  God  will  do  what 
is  necessary  as  poverty  is  no  fault  witli  him,  neither  do  I  think  it  a 
fault  as  money  is  not  the  object  of  my  labours,  but  the  glory  of  God  and 
the  salvation  of  the  souls.  The  French  Consul  Mr  St  John  is  a  strenu- 
ous good  friend  to  religion  and  advances  our  cause  as  much  as  possible, 
jmd  introduced  me  to  the  Marquis  de  la  Fayette,  who  zealously  recom- 
mended me  to  the  Governour  and  Magistrates,  and  also  engaged  their 
protection  in  my  behalf. 

His  Excellency  Monsieur  de  Marbois  is  arrived  here  which  will  be  ad- 
ditional support  to  our  cause.  I  applied  to  Rev.  Mr.  Carrol  who  is  ap- 
pointed Prefect  Apostolick,  by  the  Court  of  Rome  in  those  parts  for 
faculties  necessary  for  my  mission  his  Vicar  the  Rev  Mr  Ferdinand 
Farmer,  examined  my  credentials  and  soon  after  sent  me  the  letter  herein 
inclosed:  which  is  the  cause  I  trouble  your  Eminence  hoping  you  will 
be  kind  enough  to  spare  me  the  pains  of  writing  to  Rome  as  work 
presses  and  Easter  is  coming  on  which  is  the  harvest  of  the  Lord  to 
assemble  the  stray-sheep  lost  from  the  flock  these  many  years  past.  I 
have  brought  over  to  our  Faith  (Deo  adiuvante)  a  great  many  of  every 
denomination  since  I  am  here.  I  was  surprized  to  find  how  easy  it  is  to 
convince  them  of  their  error  in  this  country.  I  would  have  wrote  to  you 
in  latin  had  I  not  been  persuaded  you  were  acquainted  with  all  the 
languages  of  Europe. 

Here  it  is  necessary  for  a  clergyman  to  understand  at  least  Irish, 
English,  French  and  Dutch  as  our  Congregation  is  composed  of  those 
nations,  likewise  Portuguese  and  Spaniards.  Submitting  these  matters 
to  the  wise  judgment  of  Your  Eminence,  your  compliance  and  answer 
will  enable  me  to  perform  the  duties  of  my  state  with  more  alacrity  and 
bind  him  under  the  strictest  obligations  who  has  the  honour  to  be  with 
the  most  profound  respect, 

Your  Eminence's  most  humble  and  most  obedient  servant 

Br.  Maurice  Whelan,  Cap. 

The  letter  of  recommendation  was  as  follows : 

Monseigneur, 

Votre  Excellence  ne  trouvera  pas  mauvais,  j'ose  m'en  flatter,  qu'un 
etranger  non  seulement  s'addresse  a  elle,  mais  mesme  se  soit  chargee  de 
luy  faire  passer  la  lettre  d'un  autre  personne  egalement  etrangere.  Le  Rev. 
Pere  Maurice  Whelan  arrive  ici  depuis  six  mois,  pour  y  recouvrer  sa 
sante  qu'il  avoit  perdue  a  la  Jamaique  oil  Mr.  le  Comte  de  Grassi  I'avoit 
envoye  pour  administrer  les  malades  de  la  flotte,  a  ete  cordiallement 
invite  d'y  rester  par  un  petit  troupeau  de  Romains  Catholiques  qui  s'y 
trouve.  Sa  conduite  edifiante,  ses  moeurs  pacifiques  et  doux  ont  beaucoup 
plu  aux  membres  de  ce  petit  troupeau,  ils  luy  ont  offert  un  salaire 
honnete. 

Dix  sept  sectes  possedent  en  ce  pays  autant  d'eglises  decentes  dans  cette 
ville,  le  culte  Rom.  Cath.  etoit  le  seul  qui  en  fuste  prescript  avant  cette 


\ 


252  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

revolution,  aujourdhui  les  membres  de  cette  persuasion  desideroient  aussy 
en  fonder  une.  Comme  Consul  de  France  et  comme  Frangois  j'ay  parle  au 
Gouverneur,  au  Maire  de  la  ville ;  on  est  tres  dispose  a  leur  conceder  un 
terrain,  ainsy  que  les  membres  des  autres  sectes  a  contribuer,  suivant 
I'usage  et  la  construction  de  ce  nouveau  temple.  Tel  est  Monseigneur 
I'etat  des  choses,  le  bon  prestre  Irlandois  m'a  prie  de  faire  passer  a  V.  E. 
]a  lettre  et  les  papiers.    Je  M'en  suis  charge,  quoique  avec  diffidence. 

Peutestre  j'ay  peche  par  quelques  formes,  mais  Votre  Eminence  voudra 
bien  me  pardonner,  en  consideration  du  grand  nombres  d'annees  que  j'ay 
passe  dans  ce  pays  ou  on  les  ignore.^^ 

Father  Whelan's  statistics,  computing  the  number  of  Catholics 
in  New  York  as  about  two  hundred,  found  their  place  in  Carroll's 
Relation  of  March  i,  1785,  and  Father  Whelan  himself  receives 
particular  mention  in  the  same  document : 

In  the  State  of  New  York,  I  hear  there  are  at  least  1500  [Catholics]. 
They  have  recently,  at  their  own  expense,  sent  for  a  Franciscan  priest 
from  Ireland,  and  he  is  said  to  have  the  best  testimonials  as  to  his 
learning  and  life;  he  arrived  a  little  while  before  I  received  the  letters 
in  which  faculties  were  transmitted  to  me,  communicable  to  my  fellow- 
priests.  I  was  for  a  time  in  doubt  whether  I  could  properly  approve 
this  priest  for  the  administration  of  the  Sacraments.  I  have  now,  how- 
ever, decided,  especially  as  the  feast  of  Easter  is  so  near,  to  consider  him 
as  one  of  my  fellow-priests,  and  to  grant  him  faculties,  and  I  trust 
that  my  decision  will  meet  your  approval.^^ 

About  this  time  Father  Farmer  sent  the  following  report 
(May  21,  1785)  on  the  New  York  situation  to  Father  Carroll: 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Whelan,  from  New  York  writeth  to  me,  that  he  counts 
about  two  hundred.  I  have  advised  him  to  write  to  the  nuncio  at  Paris 
for  a  propaganda  approbation,  which  letter  of  mine,  the  French  consul 
has  sent  to  the  nuncio.  But  I  have  learned  since,  from  a  friend  of  mine 
in  New  York,  that  some  of  our  people  are  scandalized  at  the  gentleman's 
taking  upon  him  to  hear  confessions,  as  I,  when  there,  had  told  them 
that  he  had  no  powers.  He  did  so,  when  I  was  there,  that  is,  he  heard 
the  confession  of  a  couple  he  was  to  marry.  I  gently  checked  him 
for  it,  for  fear  of  making  him  think  I  slighted  him  on  account  of  his 
order.  But  I  see  now,  I  should  not  have  spared  him;  for  an  absolution 
that  is  null  could  not  have  put  the  couple  in  a  state  of  grace.  I  intend, 
as  soon  as  I  get  leisure,  to  write  to  him,  and  to  endeavour  to  draw  him 


"    Ibid.,  I.  c,  vol.  ii,  f.  302-304. 

»»    Farmer  to  Carroll,  February  21,  1785,  Baltimore  Cathedral  Archives,  Case  3-P5t 
cited  by  Bayley,  op.  cit..  p.  57. 


Critical  Days  253 

out  of  his  ignorance  and  presumption.  Si  Domino  placuerit,  I  purpose 
on  my  return  from  the  iron  works  of  Jersey,  to  go  again  to  New  York, 
the  latter  end  of  April,  when  as  my  friend,  a  merchant  of  that  place, 
writeth,  the  Catholics  will  meet  and  receive  my  instructions.  I  intend 
to  set  out  from  Philadelphia  April  the  loth,  which  I  thought  necessary 
to  signify  to  your  reverence,  that  your  answer  containing  necessary 
instructions  for  me  may  arrive  in  good  time.^* 

Before  setting  out  for  New  York,  Father  Farmer  communi- 
cated again  with  the  prefect-apostolic   (March   13,    1785)  : 

About  three  weeks  ago,  I  wrote  a  letter  to  your  reverence  concerning 
Mr.  Whelan  in  New  York;  but  doubting  whether  the  post  delivered  it 
to  Mr.  Sewal,  to  whom  I  had  sent  it  inclosed;  I  found  it  necessary  to 
inform  your  reverence  shortly,  that  the  above  mentioned  gentleman  takes 
upon  him  to  hear  confessions.  I  lately  wrote  to  him  to  make  him 
sensible  of  the  illegality  of  such  proceedings,  and  their  utter  invalidity 
quoad  maferiam  nccessariam  confessionis. 

Moreover,  I  am  informed  that  he  says  two  masses  every  Sunday,  and 
I  suppose  also  holy  days.  And  he  did  the  same  on  All  Souls  while  I 
was  at  the  place,  as  far  as  I  remember.  I  intend,  towards  the  end  of 
April,  to  be  in  that  city;  be  pleased  to  send  me  necessary  instructions 
concerning  him,  and  also  a  letter  to  him  if  thought  proper.  When  I 
was  there  last  fall,  I  informed  several  friends  of  his  want  of  power  to 
hear  confessions;  I  also  wrote  the  2d  of  December  last,  a  letter  to  one 
of  my  acquaintances  there  with  information  that  no  clergyman  arriving 
in  that  city  could  exercise  such  functions  unless  under  the  direction  or 
appointment  of  the  apostolic  prefect.^^ 

Father  Farmer's  proposed  visit  occurred  before  the  end  of 
April,  1785,  and  on  his  return  he  wrote  to  the  prefect-apostolic 
a  detailed  account  of  the  state  of  the  Church  in  that  city : 

What  regards  Mr.  Whelan's  conduct,  I  attribute  it  to  an  ignorance  of 
the  canon  law,  through  which  he  persuaded  himself,  that  what  he  could 
do  in  Ireland,  he  also  could  do  here,  and  where  he  saw  the  necessity  of 
confessing,  he  imagined  to  have  jurisdiction,  though  I  believe  even  of 
that  term  he  was  ignorant  before  I  wrote  him  upon  that  subject  a  little 
before  your  grant  of  faculties  arrived.  His  answers  are  always  sub- 
missive, and  I  believe  his  behavior  too;  for  after  I  wrote  to  him  he 
had  no  faculty  to  say  two  masses,  he  ceased  directly.  I  suppose  what 
made  him  before  take  that  liberty  was  the  common  practice  of  Dublin 
and  elsewhere  in  Ireland,  where,  as  I  am  informed,  every  priest  says  two 

"    Baltimore  Cathedral  Archives,  Case  3-P6;  cf.  United  States  Catholic  Miscellany. 
vol.  vi,  p.  104. 

'"   Baltimore  Cathedral  Archives,  Case  3-P7;  cf.  ibid.,  p.  104. 


254  ^^'^  ^-^/^  ^"^  Times  of  John  Carroll 

masses  on  Sunday.  This  is  what  I  can  say  to  excuse  him,  yet  I  shall 
send  your  letter  to  him  that  he  may  have  some  opportunity  of  disculpating 
himself.  His  moral  conduct  is  not  scandalous.  But  a  number  of  his 
countrymen,  my  old  acquaintances,  and  others  do  not  like  him;  he  is 
not  very  prudent,  nor  eloquent  when  speaking  in  public,  nor  has  he  the 
gift  of  ingratiating  himself.  Whilst  in  New  York,  I  several  times 
exhorted  him  to  make  himself  beloved  of  the  people.  He  is  now  going 
about  begging  subscriptions  (for  building  a  chapel)  among  Protestants. 
He  is  fit  for  that  purpose,  and  gets  numbers  of  subscriptions.  But  in 
choosing  the  ground  for  it,  he  did  not  consult  the  abler  part  of  his  con- 
gregation, but  suffers  himself  to  be  swayed  by  a  Portuguese  gentleman, 
a  great  benefactor  of  his.  The  congregation  seems  to  me  to  be  yet  in 
a  poor  situation  and  under  many  difficulties.  He  had  since  getting  facul- 
ties only  twenty  odd  communicants,  and  I  had  eighteen,  three  of  whom 
were  Germans.  When  I  left  New  York  they  were  entirely  out  of  place 
for  keeping  church,  which  may  partly  be  ascribed  to  his  want  of  his 
taking  notice  of  his  countr>'men,  and  of  his  adhering  to  the  opinion  of 
the  Portuguese  gentleman.  The  above  reverend  gentleman  informed  me  that 
a  Canadian  gentleman,  an  agent  from  the  Illinois  to  congress,  having 
been  there  six  months,  made  him  a  proposal  of  the  revenues  of  a  parish 
or  parishes  in  those  parts  which  he  said  would  come  to  one  thousand 
pound  sterling  per  annum.  The  reverend  father  showed  me  even  a  pass 
thither  from  the  president  of  congress,  and  the  Canadian  gentleman  offered 
to  defray  all  his  expenses.  But  he  declined  going  at  present,  being  intent, 
as  he  told  me,  to  make  first  an  establishment  at  New  York.  Another 
reason  might  have  been,  what  he  heard  last  fall  of  me,  to  wit,  that  the 
Carmelite  friar,  his  old  friend  and  acquaintance,  was  gone  thither; 
another,  again,  that  he  having  brought  with  him  two  brothers  and  families 
to  New  York,  he  could  not  well  have  taken  them  with  him  so  far.  The 
Irish  having  written  to  Father  Jones,  to  Cork,  I  could  not  well  help 
to  inform  them,  that  he  must  first  have  his  approbation  from  the  propa- 
ganda. An  old  correspondent  of  mine,  in  Dublin,  writeth,  that  though 
he  hath  zeal,  his  education  is  but  little  polished.  Mr.  Whelan  thinks 
that  he  will  not  come  over,  as  he  is  better  off,  where  he  is,  than  he 
would  be  in  New  York.  I  am  sorry  I  gave  Mr.  Whelan  the  advice  to 
write  to  the  nuncio,  at  Paris;  for  he  even  sent  my  own  letter  to  him 
along  with  his  papers.  He  is  much  backed  and  swayed  by  the  French 
consul  in  New  York.  .  .  .  Scarce  was  I  arrived  there,  when  an  Irish 
merchant  paid  me  a  visit,  and  asked  me  if  Mr.  Whelan  was  settled  over 
them.  My  answer,  as  far  as  I  can  remember,  was,  he  had  only  power 
to  perform  parochial  duties ;  but  if  the  congregation  did  not  like  him, 
and  could  better  themselves,  they  were  not  obliged  to  keep  him.  Some 
days  after,  another,  seeing  Mr.  Whelan's  endeavours  to  settle  himself 
there,  as  it  were,  in  spite  of  them,  declared  to  me,  he  had  a  mind  to 
apply  to  the  legislature  for  a  law,  that  no  clergyman  should  be  forced 
upon  them :  which  he  thought  he  could  easily  obtain.  I  endeavoured  to 
reconcile  them,  by  telling  Mr.  Whelan  to  make  himself  agreeable  to  his 


Critical  Days  255 

countrymen,  and  by  telling  tliese,  to  be  contented  with  what  they  have 
at  present,  for  fear  of  worse.^" 

Meanwhile  (April  16,  1785),  Father  Carroll  had  given  facul- 
ties to  the  Irish  Capuchin,^''  and  Father  Whelan's  letter  to  the 
Nuncio  had  been  forwarded  to  Rome.  On  June  4,  1785,  Cardinal 
Antonelli  wrote  to  Father  Carroll,  granting  faculties  to  Father 
Whelan,  and  advising  the  Prefect  that  the  Relatio  of  the  state 
of  the  missions  in  America  had  not  yet  reached  Rome.  He  re- 
quests Carroll  to  send  this  information  as  soon  as  possible,  and 
also  to  state  his  own  opinion  regarding  the  proposed  creation  of 
a  vicariate  for  the  United  States. ^^  On  the  same  day,  the  Car- 
dinal-Prefect answered  de  Crevecoeur,  saying  that  the  Congrega- 
tion preferred  Father  Whelan  to  receive  his  faculties  from  Father 
Carroll,  who  had  been  empowered  with  this  jurisdiction  in  the 
United  States.  The  letter  to  Carroll  was  sent  enclosed  in  this 
one  to  de  Crevecoeur. ^^    Father  Whelan  had  gained  the  good  will 


**    Baltimore  Cathedral  Archives,  Case  3-P7,  cf.  ibid.,  p.   144. 

"    Letter  dated  February  21,   1785,  Baltimore   Cathedral  Archives,  Case  9A-F2; 
cf.  ibid.,  p.   104. 

^    Propaganda  Archives,  Lettere,  vol.  246,  f.  307: 

R.  D.  Carroll  Superior!  Missionum  in  Philadelphia,     4  Junii  1785. 

Ex  litteris  R.  Ferdinandi  Farmer,  vicarii  tui,  datis  die  II  Januarii  huius 
anni  ad  P.  Mauritiura  Whelan  Ordinis  Cappuccinorum,  intelleximus  nihil  aliud 
obstare  quorainus  eidem  facultates  administrandi  sacramenta  tribuas,  nisi 
defectum  approbationis  huius  S.  Congregationis  de  Propaganda  fide.  Per  has 
ergo  litteras  sciat  Dominatio  Tua,  plenarie  ab  eadem  Sacra  Congregatione 
remissum  esse  arbitrio  tuo,  imrao  etiam  commendatum,  ut  solitas  in  istis 
re^onibus  facultates  missionarii,  quoad  valueris,  et  quatenus  dignus  reperiatur, 
eidem  P.  Mauritio  Whelan  concedas,  ad  quern  eflFectum  approbationem  suam 
eadem  haec  S.  Congregatio  praemittit. 

Hie  vero  addimus,  desiderari  adhuc  a  nobis  responsum  tuum  ad  nostras  litte- 
ras, quas  anno  praeterito  scripsimus,  ut  de  omni  statu  istarum  missionum  plenara 
nobis  faceres  relationem,  simulque  iudicium  tuum  de  vicariatu  apostolico  isthic 
erigendo  patefaceres.  Cures  igitur,  ut  satisfacias  quantocius  poteris  his  votis 
nostris;  interea  vero  omnem  a  Deo  tibi  felicitatem  precamur. 

«>    Ibid.,  I.e.,  f.  346: 

D.   Saint  Jean  Consuli. — New  York,     4  Junii   1785. 

Redditae  mihi  fuerunt  ab  Eminmo.  Cardinali  Doria  litterae,  quas  Dominatio 
Tua  eidem  scripserat  sub  die  15  Januarii  proxime  elapsi,  ut  ab  hac  S.  Con- 
gregatione de  Propaganda  Fide  impetraret  facultates  missionarii  pro  R.  P. 
Mauritio  Whelan  Ordinis  Cappuccinorum.  Libenter  vero  commendationi  Domi- 
nationis  Tuae  adhaerendum  censuit  eadem  Sacra  Congregatio,  sed  quia  depu- 
tatus  ab  ipsa  missionum  Superior  in  istis  regionibus  adest  Dominus  Caroll 
cum  facultatibus  necessariis  et  opportunis,  idcirco  ad  hunc  remittenda  fuit 
petitio  Patris  Whelan  quod  etiara  sufEcere  ex  ipsius  litteris  demonstratur. 
Hie  igitur  adnexam  Domination!  Tuae  transmitto  epistolam  pro  ipso  superiore 
D.  Caroll,  ex  qua  desiderio,  et  commendationi  Tuae  satisfactum  iri  confidimug. 
Interim  vero  Deum  precor,  ut  Dominationem  Tuam  diu  sospitem,  atque  ia- 
columem  servet. 


256  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

of  de  Crevecoeur  who,  though  not  a  fervent  CathoHc,  seems  to 
have  been  accepted  as  the  leader  of  the  little  congregation.  In 
their  name,  on  June  10,  1785,  together  with  Jose  Ruiz  Silva, 
James  Stewart,  and  Henry  Duffin,  the  Roman  Catholic  "Trustees 
in  the  City  of  New  York"  were  incorporated,  and  during  the 
summer,  a  plot  of  ground  for  a  church  was  purchased  on  Barclay 
Street.  Progress  had  thus  been  made  before  Carroll's  arrival  in 
October-November,  1785,  and  the  cornerstone  was  laid  on  No- 
vember 4,  1785.  We  have  so  few  details  of  Carroll's  Visitation 
in  New  York  City  that,  as  Shea  says,  we  might  almost  doubt 
whether  he  actually  set  out  for  New  York,  were  it  not  that 
Father  Farmer  in  a  letter,  dated  March  30,  1786,  makes  mention 
of  the  Whelan- Nugent  difficulty  which  arose  "after  your  de- 
parture." ''^ 

The  remaining  portion  of  his  prefecture  was  that  large  and 
almost  unknown  territory  between  the  Alleghanies  and  the  Mis- 
sissippi River.  Father  Carroll  seems  to  have  made  no  attempt  to 
visit  the  Catholics  in  this  territory.  In  his  Letter  of  February  2y, 
1785,  he  makes  mention  of  the  fact  that  "there  went  to  them  a 
priest,  German  by  birth,  but  who  came  last  from  France,  who 
professes  to  belong  to  the  Carmelites,  and  who  is  furnished  with 
sufficient  testimonials  from  his  lawful  superior.  What  he  is  doing 
and  what  is  the  condition  of  the  Church  in  those  parts  I  expect 
soon  to  learn."  This  is  the  earliest  official  testimony  we  have  con- 
cerning Father  Paul  de  St.  Pierre,  the  courageous  German  mis- 
sionary of  the  Mississippi  Valley.  Father  Farmer  had  written 
to  Carroll  about  the  Carmelite  friar  on  July  19,  1783,  telling 
Father  Carroll  that  Father  Paul  de  St.  Pierre  had  arrived  in 
Virginia  with  the  French  troops  and  had  written  to  him,  asking 
to  be  located  permanently  in  the  American  mission.  Father 
Farmer  replied  that  it  would  be  best  for  Paul  de  St.  Pierre  to 
remain  with  the  "French  Consul  in  Virginia."  A  year  later,  we 
find  the  Carmelite  in  Philadelphia,  where  he  was  furnished  by 
Father  Farmer  with  a  letter  of  introduction  to  the  Prefect- 
Apostolic,  dated  October  9,  1784.^^   Father  de  St.  Pierre  went  to 

"  Baltimore  Cathedral  Archives,  Case  a-Pg;  cf.  United  States  Catholic  Magazine, 
vol.  vi,  p.  147;  Shea,  op.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  274,  note  2. 

**  Cf.  RoTHENSTEiNER,  Paul  de  St.  Pierre,  the  First  German-American  Priest  of 
the  West,  in  the  Catholic  Historical  Review  (vol.  v,  pp.  195-222),  has  given  us  a 
detailed  account  of  the  Carmelite's  life. 


Critical  Days  257 

the  Illinois  country  at  the  end  of  the  year  1789,  and  his  mis- 
sionary activities  from  that  time  until  his  death  in  1826  have 
given  him  an  enviahle  place  in  the  American  Catholic  history  of 
the  Valley.''- 

Father  Carroll  returned  to  Rock  Creek  in  December,  1785, 
and  the  results  of  his  Visitation,  incomplete  and  haphazard  as 
his  journey  seems  to  us  today  with  our  perfected  system  of 
church  administration,  were  definite  enough  on  several  points. 
There  were  more  Catholics  in  the  United  States  than  he  had 
believed  when  he  wrote  to  Antonelli,  in  February-March,  1785. 
The  necessity  of  priests  was  greater  than  the  Select  Body  of  the 
Clergy  realized.  Educational  needs  were  imperative.  Schools  for 
the  education  of  the  children,  academies  and  colleges  for  higher 
studies,  and  a  seminary  for  the  training  of  young  Americans  to 
the  priesthood,  were  all  badly  wanted  at  the  time.  There  was  the 
system  of  lay  trustee  management,  which  might  at  any  time,  as 
he  wisely  foresaw,  prove  a  danger  to  church  harmony. 

There  was  above  all  the  necessity  for  episcopal  authority  in 
the  land. 

The  territory  covered  in  the  Visitation  was  not  geographically 
a  large  one.  New  England  was  not  visited ;  the  situation  of  the 
Church  there  being  too  unimportant  to  warrant  the  long  journey 
from  New  York.  Nothing  remained  for  him  after  his  return  to 
Rock  Creek  but  to  regulate  as  best  he  could  through  the  vicars- 
general  of  the  districts  the  ordinary  routine  of  church  discipline 
and  to  await  the  trend  of  events.  That  the  chief  thought  in  his 
mind  was  the  necessity  of  a  more  compact  canonical  rule  in  the 
country  is  certain.  His  correspondence  with  Fathers  Plowden 
and  Thorpe  are  proof  of  this.  Father  Thorpe's  letters  from 
Rome  during  this  period  are  filled  with  the  question  of  the  ap- 
pointment of  Carroll  as  bishop  of  the  Church  in  the  United 
States.    In  his  letter  of  December  2,  1786,  Thorpe  says: 


■♦^  He  was  at  Pittsburgh  at  the  end  of  the  year  1784;  at  Louisville  in  February, 
1785,  and  from  there  wrote  to  Father  Carroll  that  he  intended  remaining  in  Kentucky. 
In  March,  1785,  he  went  to  the  Illinois  country,  his  name  being  found  in  the  Vincennes 
Register,  March  30,  1785.  Cf.  Shea,  op.  cit.,  vol,  ii,  p,  272.  There  are  two  letters 
to  Carroll  from  Paul  de  St.  Pierre,  dated  April,  1797,  in  the  Baltimore  Cathedral 
Archives,  Case  8B-C3-4,  in  which  the  valiant  and  interesting  missionary  says  that  he 
is  leaving  for  the  French  Dominions  across  the  Mississippi.  His  last  entry  in  the 
Baptismal  Register  of  St.  Genevieve  is  dated  February  27,   1797. 


258  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

...  I  have  often  expressed  my  desire  and  again  repeated  it  of  having 
an  ordinary  established  in  North  America;  because  I  apprehend  that 
difficulties  will  with  time  increase  in  that  business.  You  are  the  best 
judge  of  the  present  humour  of  the  States  in  that  respect,  but  according 
to  their  system  of  government  as  it  has  been  here  represented,  the  objec- 
tions against  the  character  of  a  bishop  are  more  than  against  the  char- 
acter of  a  priest.  The  difiference  in  the  jurisdiction  of  a  bishop  in  Ordi- 
nary and  of  an  Apostolic  Vic.  bishop  in  partibus,  is  of  such  a  nature 
as  to  be  inconsiderable  in  the  eyes  of  any  heterodox  government  and 
also  perhaps  invisible  to  it.  If  the  jurisdiction  with  which  you  are 
already  invested  be  not  obnoxious,  its  being  decorated  with  episcopal 
character  cannot  surely  cause  it  to  be  offensive  while  neither  the  insignia 
of  it  are  publickly  carried,  nor  publick  Tribunals  opposed,  as  I  suppose 
them  not  to  be  at  present. 

If  the  foreign  appointment  of  priests  might  necessarily  be  tolerated 
until  a  bishop  be  established  in  the  country,  the  foreign  appointment  of 
one  or  two  bishops  can  give  less  umbrage  to  the  most  jealous  spirit  of 
independence  than  a  continual  foreign  appointment  of  many  priests.  I 
did  not  apprehend  the  difficulties  against  fixing  a  Bishop  in  the  country, 
to  originate  from  any  contradiction  of  the  government,  because  I  suppose 
that  all  the  Catholic  subjects  by  having  bishops  of  their  own  would 
be  now  closely  consolidated  in  the  whole  body  of  the  Republick.  My 
concern  chiefly  arose  from  the  humour  of  Rome,  or  raiher  from  the 
spirit  of  the  Propaganda  Congregation  which  does  not  easily  acquiesce 
to  have  bishops  in  Ordinary  established  in  new  countries,  unless  it  be 
influenced  by  some  powerful  court.  Without  such  interest  and  also 
well  supported,  it  will  be  in  vain  to  attempt  the  obtaining  of  an  Ordi- 
nary for  North  America.  If  the  States  would  not  directly  employ  their 
authority  in  this  business  they  might  perhaps  sufifer  its  being  promoted 
by  the  French  Ministry,  and  if  circumstances  should  to  you,  who  reside 
in  the  country,  show  the  superseding  of  each  proposal  to  be  prudential, 
why  could  not  the  character  of  bishop  be  quietly  added  to  your  present 
jurisdiction;  it  would  undoubtedly  be  a  much  desired  consolation  to  all. 
What  I  once  said  of  your  coming  to  Rome,  was  only  in  supposition  of 
the  proposal  of  an  Ordinary  being  well  supported  and  with  security  of 
the  support  effectually  continuing  with  you  here:  otherwise  labour  and 
expense  would  be  lost.  The  character  of  Bishop  can  be  received  with 
much  less  inconvenience  and  I  much  wish  to  accept  of  it.  .  .  .*3 

Father  Carroll  had  also  the  advantage  of  Charles  Plowden's 
interpretation  of  the  attitude  of  Rome  towards  the  problem  of 
completing  hierarchical  jurisdiction  in  the  American  Republic. 
In  a  letter  from  London,  April  4,  1784,  Plowden  remarks  that 
the: 


"    Baltimore  Cathedral  Archives,  Case  8-H6,  printed  in  the  Researches,  vol.  xvii, 
PP-  S-7. 


Critical  Days  259 

missioners  in  North  America  constitute  the  Catholic  clergy  of  your 
country,  and  they  are  acknowledged,  protected  by  the  Government.  No 
concordat  by  the  Roman  Court  concerning  the  nomination  of  Bishop 
exists  there,  for  the  Catholic  Clergy  without  allowance  of  a  civil  power 
could  choose  a  Bishop  among  those  agreeable  of  the  ancient  canons.  I 
am  persuaded  that  the  Pope  would  not  dare  to  refuse  ordinary  powers 
to  such  a  Bishop-elect.  All  he  would  require  would  be  a  settling  of  a 
small  revenue  upon  him.  The  example  of  Mohilow  is  quite  in  point. 
The  Pope  agreed  to  his  nomination  in  spite  of  Spain,  Propaganda,  and 
the  whole  party.*-* 

These  words  are  an  echo  of  a  hint  thrown  out  in  a  former 
letter  (February  2,  1784)  to  the  effect  that  Carroll's  nomination 
as  prefect-apostolic  was  hastened  by  Antonelli  for  fear  the 
American  Clergy  would  exercise  their  "right"  and  elect  a  bishop 
"over  whom  they  [the  Propaganda]  would  have  no  control." 
Plowden  was  persuaded  that  "the  Pope  could  not  refuse  you  the 
power  if  you  were  elected  by  your  own  colleagues."  ^^  Later,  the 
same  year  (October  2,  1784),  Plowden  expressed  the  opinion 
of  his  friends  in  London  that  Carroll  was  to  be  elected  a  bishop 
at  once,  and  he  invited  him  to  come  to  England  to  be  conse- 
crated.*® When  he  learned  that  Carroll  was  averse  to  accepting 
a  vicariate-apostolic,  as  existing  in  England,  on  account  of  the 
dependency  on  Propaganda,  Plowden  wrote  on  February  28, 
1785: 

Do,  my  dear  friend,  suffer  yourself  to  be  invested  with  the  jurisdiction 
now  offered.  Be  consecrated  Bishop,  establish  the  rising  Church  of 
America,  fixing  a  regular  and  permanent  system  for  its  administration, 
regulate  at  least  the  beginnings  of  the  Seminary  for  the  Education  of 
the  Clergy  and  youth  of  America,  and  if  you  cannot  in  the  meantime 
obtain  the  erection  of  an  Episcopal  See,  at  least  you  may  then  choose  the 
proper  coadjutor,  who  will  be  readily  granted  at  Rome  to  so  distant  a 
country.  Though  your  age  should  not  require  it,  you  may  then  retire 
if  you  please  from  the  hurry  of  business.*^ 

Charles  Plowden  was  something  of  a  gossip  in  his  own  way, 
but  his  rumours  are  valuable  today  as  showing  us  the  various 
aspects  of  these  critical  years  in  American  Catholic  life.    Carroll 

**  Baltimore  Cathedral  Archives,  Case  6-Ji. 

*^  L.C.,  Case  6-Ji. 

*•  L.C.,   Case  6-Js. 

*^  L.C.,  Case  6-J6. 


26o  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

knew  from  Thorpe's  letter  that  AntonelH  had  been  very  much 
upset  over  a  diatribe  against  the  American  clergy  written  by 
Father  Smyth  and  how  difficult  it  was  for  Thorpe  to  dissuade  the 
old  cardinal  from  the  belief  that  the  American  ex-Jesuits  were 
contemplating  a  restoration  of  the  Society  in  spite  of  Rome. 
Thorpe  told  Plowden  in  1787  that  a  plot  was  on  foot  to  send  an 
Irish  Dominican  to  America  as  a  sort  of  legate  from  Propaganda. 
'*The  Irish  friars  of  Rome,"  he  writes,  "are  very  sure  to  obtain 
this  post,  and  the  Dominicans  are  in  favour  with  AntonelH  and 
Borgia."  *^  Father  Thorpe  is  anxious  for  Carroll  to  accept  any- 
thing in  order  to  prevent  this  intrusion  into  the  American  Church, 
and  Plowden  writes  (July  29.  1787),  "perhaps  his  best  reason  is 
that  several  Irish  friars  for  whom  Ireland  has  not  mitres  enough 
are  actually  trying  to  obtain  from  Propaganda  episcopal  authority 
and  dignity  in  North  America."  ^^  Among  those  he  suspects 
was  the  Prior  of  San  Clemente,  Dr.  Concanen.  But  Plowden 
wisely  adds  that  this  suspicion  on  Thorpe's  part  is  groundless, 
because  with  so  many  countries  eager  for  an  alliance  with  the 
new  Repu1)lic,  Propaganda  would  not  run  the  risk  of  offending 
the  American  Congress  by  siich  an  appointment.  'T  ought  to 
have  mentioned,"  he  says,  "that  Thayer,  who  is  now  in  Holy 
Orders  at  Paris,  is  represented  by  his  French  friends  as  the  man 
to  be  most  proper  of  all  others  to  be  sent  as  Bishop  into 
America."  ^^ 

The  two  obstacles  to  the  establishment  of  the  hierarchy — Anto- 
nelli's  fears  of  a  restoration  of  the  Society  and  the  fears  of  the 
ex-Jesuit  American  clergy  that  such  an  establishment  would 
injure  the  chances  of  a  restoration,  were  gradually  overcome, 
and  the  way  was  made  free  for  Carroll's  election.  Meanwhile, 
as  we  shall  see  in  the  next  chapter.  Father  John  Carroll  needed 
supreme  courage  during  these  critical  years  (1784- 1789)  for 
the  task  imposed  upon  him  by  the  Holy  See.  The  facilities  of 
communication  were  meagre,  and  correspondence  was  slow  and 
unsatisfactory.  Problems  requiring  the  guidance  of  superiors 
were  changed  beyond  recognition  when,  after  months  of  delay, 
the  official  direction   from  Rome  reached  the  prefect-apostolic 


*^  L.c,  Case  6-K2. 
*'  L.c,  Case  6-K3, 
w    L.c,   Case  6-K3. 


Critical  Days  261 

in  Baltimore.  The  Church  in  this  country  was  made  up  of  small 
groups,  disassociated  and  of  varying  characteristics.  Ecclesias- 
tical discipline,  so  vital  to  church  progress,  was  considerably 
handicapped  hy  the  presbyterian  form  of  government  provided  by 
Propaganda,  and  with  hardly  any  exception  the  newcomers  among 
the  missioners  chafed  and  rebelled  even  under  the  light  yoke  the 
prefectship  placed  upon  them.  The  Church  ran  the  same  risk 
as  the  Government — the  tragedy  of  self-determined  groups  un- 
willing to  combine  under  one  head.  What  was  paramount  was 
the  necessity  of  a  bishop,  and  it  is  in  this  light  that  these  critical 
years  and,  in  consequence,  Carroll's  noble  efforts  at  union  must 
be  viewed.  The  prefect-apostolic  was  much  cheered  by  Father 
Thorpe's  letter  of  December  2,  1786,  which  assured  him  that  the 
Holy  See  would  soon  bestow  upon  the  American  Church  the  more 
thorough  system  of  an  established  hierarchy.  It  was  for  this 
reason  that  Father  Thorpe  had  advised  Carroll  to  come  at  once 
to  Rome  to  lay  the  whole  question  in  person  before  the  Pope. 

Meanwhile,  as  was  inevitable  in  a  religious  society  so  rigidly 
organized  as  the  Catholic  Church,  the  absence  of  episcopal  power, 
dignity,  and  jurisdiction  gave  rise  to  disorders  in  practically  every 
group  of  the  faithful  in  the  new  Republic.  It  was  about  this 
time,  the  beginning  of  the  year  1787,  that  Father  Carroll  left  his 
mother's  home  in  Rock  Creek  and  came  to  Baltimore  to  reside  at 
St.  Peter's  Rectory.  There,  from  every  part  of  the  country, 
letters  came  to  him  by  courier  and  by  travelling  merchants,  as 
well  as  through  the  imperfect  postal  system,  telling  him  of  the 
growing  disorders  within  his  jurisdiction. 


CHAPTER  XVI 
RECONSTRUCTION   AND   CHURCH   DISCIPLINE 

(1785-1790) 

In  an  historical  sketch  of  the  difficulties  which  faced  Carroll 
on  the  morrow  of  his  Visitation,  in  the  handwriting  of  Arch- 
bishop Marechal,  we  are  told  that  "the  grand  misfortune  of  the 
Catholic  Church  in  the  United  States  is  that  there  is  no  fixed 
Plan  of  Discipline  for  the  administration  of  the  Temporal  be- 
longing to  each  Congregation."^  Practically  speaking,  all  the 
difficulties  of  these  critical  years  centre  around  the  problem  of 
the  lay  trustee  system,  and  in  practically  all  cases  at  the  heart  of 
the  evil  was  an  unruly  cleric. 

The  first  public  act  of  disobedience  to  Father  Carroll's  au- 
thority occurred  in  New  York  City  after  his  return  to  Rock 
Creek,  in  December,  1785.  Soon  after  Father  Whelan  had  been 
given  temporary  faculties  by  the  prefect-apostolic,  another  priest 
of  the  same  order,  and  a  fellow-countryman,  the  Rev.  Andrew 
Nugent,  arrived.  Owing  to  the  indefiniteness  in  the  matter 
of  his  jurisdiction,  Carroll  would  not  at  first  permit  Father 
Nugent  to  exercise  any  parochial  rights;  when  he  learnt,  how- 
ever, from  Father  Thorpe,  that  there  was  no  restriction  upon  his 
powers,  he  gave  Father  Nugent  permission  to  act  as  assistant 
pastor  of  the  New  York  congregation.^  Harmony  existed  but  a 
short  time ;  within  a  month  Father  Nugent  had  created  a  faction 
in  his  own  favour  among  the  trustees,  with  the  result  that  Father 
Whelan  was  requested  by  them  to  resign  and  to  leave  the  city. 
Father  Farmer  had  hinted  at  the  reason  to  Carroll,  in  his  letter 
of  November  8,  1784,  in  which  he  tells  the  Prefect  that  the 
Catholics  in  New  York  were  expecting  another  priest,  "who  is 
said  to  be  a  great  preacher   (which,  alas!  is  all  that  some  want 


*  Baltimore   Cathedral  Archives,    Case   II-Qj- 

*  Bayley,  op.  cit.,  pp.  58-59- 

262 


Reconstruction  263 

who  never  frequent  the  Holy  wSacraments).  He  is  a  confrere  to 
Mr.  Whelan."  ^  Father  Carroll's  opinion  of  Whelan  appears  to 
have  heen  a  favourable  one.  In  a  letter  to  Plowden,  December 
15,  1785,  he  speaks  of  him  as  a  zealous,  pious  and  humble  man: 
**He  is  not  indeed  so  learned  or  so  good  a  preacher  as  I  could 
wish,  which  mortifies  his  congregation,  as  at  New  York,  and  most 
other  places  in  America,  the  different  sectaries  have  scarce  any 
other  test  to  judge  of  a  clergyman  than  his  talents  for  preaching, 
and  our  Irish  congregations,  such  as  New  York,  follow  the  same 
rule."  *  Father  Nugent  satisfied  his  Irish  congregation  in  this 
regard,  but,  unfortunately,  his  talents  in  that  line,  as  has  so  often 
proved  to  be  the  case  in  clerical  history,  were  linked  with  a 
spirit  of  egoism  and  insubordination.  It  may  well  be,  though  no 
evidence  is  at  hand  to  prove  it,  that  Father  Whelan,  sensitive 
over  his  own  deficiency  in  preaching  ability,  had  written  to  his 
Capuchin  superiors  in  Ireland  suggesting  that  some  one  with 
such  powers  be  sent  to  New  York.  Before  the  middle  of  De- 
cember, 1785,  those  who  remained  loyal  to  Father  Whelan  were 
in  open  conflict  with  the  Nugent  faction.  On  December  18,  two 
adherents  of  Nugent,  with  his  connivance,  seized  the  collection 
taken  up  at  Mass ;  and  with  money  as  the  cause,  the  first  schism 
in  the  American  Church  became  a  reality. 

Father  Farmer,  as  vicar  of  the  prefect-apostolic,  had  allowed 
Father  Valiniere,  then  in  New  York,  to  attend  to  the  French  and 
Canadian  Catholics,  and  the  former  ''rebel"  sent  him  occasional 
information  on  the  Capuchins'  quarrel.  Father  Farmer  writes 
on  December  20,  1785,  to  Carroll,  saying  that  Father  Whelan 
had  disgusted  a  good  many  by  his  imprudence  and  self-interested- 
ness.  "I  am  afraid,"  he  adds,  "nothing  else  brought  those 
Fathers  [Whelan  and  Nugent]  over  here,  when  nobody  sent  for 
them :  and  otherwise  their  education  in  such  small  convents  was 
not  calculated  for  the  American  missions."  '^  With  this  letter 
was  enclosed  one  from  Whelan  to  Father  Carroll,  filled  with 
complaints  against  his  fellow  Capuchin.  The  antipathy  between 
the  two  priests  was  soon  known  to  the  public,  and  the  disagree- 


»  Baltimore  Cathedral  Archives,  Case  3-K1;  cf.  United  States  Catholic  Miscellany, 
vol.  vi,  p.  103. 

*  Ibid.,  p.    102. 

•  Ibid.,  p.   146. 


264  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

able  contest  threatened  to  disrupt  the  Httle  congregation  com- 
pletely. The  trustees  now  determined  to  ignore  Father  Whelan 
altogether,  and  thus  force  Father  Farmer  or  the  prefect  to  remove 
him.  They  even  threatened  to  have  recourse  to  legal  means  to  rid 
themselves  of  him.*^  From  Christmas,  1785,  they  refused  to  pay 
him  any  salary.  In  January,  Father  Carroll  sent  three  letters 
to  the  participants  in  the  schism.  To  Nugent  he  wrote  on  January 
17,  1786,  urging  him  to  make  peace  with  his  brother-priest.  The 
same  message  he  sent  to  Father  Whelan  on  January  i8th.  The 
following  week,  on  January  25th,  Carroll  wrote  a  strong  protest 
to  the  trustees  against  their  assumption  of  authority  in  the 
Church : 

R.  C.   [Rock  Creek]   near  Georgetoivn,  Jan.  25,  iy86. 
Gentlemen : 

I  was  honoured  yesterday  at  the  same  time  with  your  letters  of  Dec. 
22,  1785,  and  January  11,  1786.  You  did  me  justice  in  supposing  that 
the  former  was  delayed  on  its  way  or  had  miscarried ;  for  certainly  I 
should  not  have  failed  in  my  duty  of  immediately  answering  so  respect- 
able a  part  of  the  congregation.  You  will  however  readily  conceive  that 
this  is  not  an  easy  nor,  allow  me  to  say,  a  very  agreeable  office  in  the 
present  instance.  One  circumstance  indeed  gives  me  comfort :  you  pro- 
fess to  have  no  other  views  than  for  the  service  and  credit  of  religion; 
and  as  I  make  it  my  endeavour  to  be  influenced  solely  by  the  same  motive, 
I  trust  that  proposing  to  ourselves  the  same  end  we  shall  likewise  agree 
in  the  means  of  obtaining  it. 

The  first  advices  of  any  disturbances  among  you,  were  transmitted  to 
me  in  letters  from  Messrs.  Whelan  and  Nugent  which  I  answered  on  the 
17th  and  i8th  inst.  Both  these  gentlemen  represented  the  steps  taken 
as  extreme  and  improper.  I  spoke  to  them  therefore  in  the  same  manner 
in  my  answers,  and  the  more  freely  as  neither  of  them  mentioned  the 
name  of  one  single  person  concerned.  Having  now  received  a  communi- 
cation of  your  sentiments,  I  shall  likewise  deliver  mine  with  the  respect 
due  to  your  representations,  and  with  the  freedom  and  plainness  becoming 
the  responsible  and  burdensome  office,  of  which  I  feel  myself  every  day 
more  unworthy,  in  proportion  as  the  duties  and  the  weight  of  it  grow 
upon  me. 

But  I  must  first  state  to  you  the  previous  information  I  had  received : 
1st.  that  the  trustees  denied  having  agreed  to  the  articles,  of  which  I 
left  a  copy  with  Mr.  Whelan;  and  which  to  my  best  apprehension  had 
been  adopted  at  the  meeting  I  had  the  honour  of  having  with  those  gentle- 
men. 2d,  that  an  opinion  was  formed  and  propagated  of  the  congregation 
having  a  right  not  only  to  choose  such  a  parish  priest  as  is  agreeable  to 


Shea,  op.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  276. 


Reconstruction  265 

them,  but  discharging  him  at  pleasure,  and  that  after  such  election,  the 
bishop  or  other  ecclesiastical  superior  cannot  hinder  him  from  exercising 
the  usual  function.  3dly,  that  two  of  the  congregation  (by  whose  orders 
I  am  not  informed)  on  Sunday,  December  i8th,  after  Divine  Service 
and  in  the  face  of  all  present  in  the  chapel,  seized  in  a  tumultuary  manner 
and  kept  possession  of  the  collection  then  made.  The  first  part  of  this 
intelligence  shocked  me  very  much  both  because  it  reflected  on  my  veracity 
which  in  this  instance  I  will  steadily  assert  and  because  I  considered  the 
matters  then  agreed  on  as  right  in  point  of  justice  as  the  renewal  of 
confidence,  and  foundation  of  future  union.  The  next  point  of  intelli- 
gence was  still  more  important.  //  ever  the  principles  then  laid  down 
should  become  predominant,  the  unity  and  catholicity  of  our  Church 
would  be  at  an  end;  and  it  would  be  formed  into  distinct  and  independent 
societies,  nearly  in  the  same  manner  as  the  congregational  Presbyterians 
of  our  neighboring  New  England  States.  A  zealous  clergyman  per- 
forming his  duty  courageously  and  without  respect  of  persons  would 
be  always  liable  to  be  the  victim  of  his  earnest  endeavours  to  stop  the 
progress  of  vice  and  evil  example,  and  others  more  complying  with  the 
passions  of  some  principal  persons  of  the  congregation  would  be  sub- 
stituted in  his  room;  and  if  the  ecclesiastical  superior  has  no  control  in 
these  instances,  I  will  refer  to  your  own  judgment  what  the  consequence 
may  be.  The  great  source  of  misconception  in  this  matter  is  that  an 
idea  appears  to  be  taken  both  by  you  and  Mr.  Whelan  that  the  officiating 
clergyman  at  New  York  is  a  parish  priest,  whereas  there  is  yet  no  such 
office  in  the  United  States.  The  hierarchy  of  our  American  Church  not 
being  yet  constituted;  no  parishes  are  formed,  and  the  clergy  coming  to 
the  assistance  of  the  faithful,  are  but  voluntary  labourers  in  the  vineyard 
of  Christ,  not  vested  with  ordinary  jurisdiction  annexed  to  their  office, 
but  receiving  it  as  a  delegated  and  extra-hierarchical  commission.  Wherever 
parishes  are  established  no  doubt,  a  proper  regard  (and  such  as  is  suit- 
able [?]  to  our  governments)  will  be  had  to  rights  of  the  congregation 
in  the  mode  of  election  and  representation;  and  even  now  I  shall  ever 
pay  to  their  wishes  every  deference  consistent  with  the  general  welfare 
of  religion :  of  which  I  hope  to  give  you  proof  in  the  sequel  of  this  letter, 
for  I  could  not  but  fear,  that  a  step  so  violent,  at  such  a  time  and  place, 
and  probably  in  the  presence  of  other  religionists  would  breed  disunion 
among  yourselves  and  make  a  very  disadvantageous  impression,  to  the 
prejudice  of  our  Catholic  cause,  soon  after  the  first  introduction  of  public 
worship  into  your  city. 

I  now  return  to  the  contents  of  your  letters,  and  observe  that  after 
stating  some  censurable  instances  of  Mr.  Whelan's  conduct,  you  desire 
me  to  remove  him,  and  imply  a  desire  that  Mr.  Nugent,  as  being  very 
acceptable,  may  succeed  to  his  office.  I  can  assure  you.  Gentlemen,  that 
1  have  a  very  advantageous  opinion  of  Mr.  Nugent's  abilities,  and  he 
showed  me  very  good  testimonials  of  his  zeal  and  virtue.  I  repeatedly 
told  him  as  I  did  to  many  of  yourselves,  that  nothing  but  my  own  want 
of  sufficient  authority  prevented  me  from  giving  him  every  power  requi- 


266  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

site  for  the  exercise  of  his  ministry.     I  hoped  before  this  to  have  the 
restriction   of   my   authority   removed,  but   as   it   is   not,    it   remains   still 
out   of   my   power   to   employ   him   agreeably   to   your    and   my   desires. 
If  I  am  ever  able  to  do  it,  I  will  certainly  remember  my  assurances  to" 
him.    But  in  the  mean  time  what  can  I  do?     Can  I  revoke  Mr.  Whelan's 
faculties  and  leave  so  great  a  congregation  without  assistance?     Can   I 
deprive   him,    when   neither   his   morals,   his    orthodoxy,    or    his   assiduity 
have  been  impeached?  especially  while  I  am  uncertain  whether  his  removal 
be   desired  by   a   majority   of    the   congregation?      For    I   have   received 
assurance  very  much  to  the  contrary.     But  even  if   a  considerable  part 
are  still  attached  to  him,  would  the  great  object  of  unanimity  be  obtained 
by  his  removal?     Would  not  his  adherents  consider  Mr.  Nugent  as  com- 
ing in  upon  the  ruins  of  his  predecessor  and  consequently  would  they  not 
keep  alive  the  spirit  of  discord?     Upon  these  considerations  I  have  taken 
a  resolution,  which  will  I  hope  meet  your  wishes,  as  well  as  every  part 
of   the  congregation.     As  soon  as   I   am  at  liberty  to   grant  them,   Mr. 
Nugent  shall  have  powers   from  me  to   act  as  your   joint-chaplain;   for 
the  idea  of  parish-priest  is  not  admissible.     He  has  repeatedly  assured  me 
he  never  will  accept  of  an  appointment  to  the  exclusion  of  his  brother: 
in  his  letter  he  says,  a  sufficient  maintenance  of  both  may  be  maintained. 
In  the  mean  time  he  has   full  authority  to  announce  the  word  of   God, 
and  I  promise  myself   he  will  do  it  with  effect,  especially  by  including 
the   great   duty   of    charity   and   unanimity.     He   and    Mr.    Whelan   will 
concur  in  recommending  this  characteristic  virtue  of  Christianity,  by  their 
examples  as  well  as  advice.     Educated  in  the  same  school  of  religion,  and 
connected  by  special  ties  to  the  same  order,  they  will  assist  each  other 
in  the  work  of  the  ministry  and  every  part  of  the  congregation  will  have 
it  in  their  power  to  apply  to  him  of   the  two,  in  whom  they  have  the 
greatest   confidence.     I   must   not   omit   taking   notice   of    Mr.   Whelan's 
address  to  the  congregation  inclosed  in  your  last.     I   greatly  disapprove 
it,  and  shall  so  inform  him.    When  I  wrote  the  letter  to  which  he  refers, 
I   had   heard   nothing   from   New   York   concerning   your   uneasiness.      I 
lamented  that  my  hands  being  still  tied,  I  w^as  prevented  from  giving  full 
employment  to  Mr.  Nugent's  zeal ;  and  I  must  add,  for  Mr.  La  Valiniere's 
credit,  that  when  I  declined  granting  him  leave  to  administer  the  Sacra- 
ments to  the  Canadian  refugees,  it  w^as  for  the  same  reason,  because  I 
had  no  power  to  do  it.     Otherwise  I  have  such  a  conviction  of  his  many 
qualities,   that   I   should  gladly  have  indulged  the  wishes  of   those  good 
people  who  solicited  [this  power]   and  of  this  I  beg  to  inform  him. 

[At  the  close?]  of  your  last  letter  you  make  some  mention  of  event- 
ually having  recourse  to  legal  means  to  rid  yourselves  of  Mr.  Whelan. 
This  insinuation  makes  me  very  unhappy.  I  cannot  tell  what  assistance 
the  laws  might  give  you;  but  allow  me  to  say  that  you  can  take  no  step 
so  fatal  to  that  respectability,  in  which  as  a  religious  Society  you  wish 
to  stand,  or  more  prejudicial  to  the  Catholic  cause.  I  must  therefore 
entreat  you  to  decline  a  design  so  pernicious  to  all  your  prospects;  and 
protesting    against    measures    so    extreme,    I    explicitly    declare,    that    no 


Reconstruction  267 

clergyman,  be  he  who  he  may,  shall  receive  any  spiritual  powers  from  me 
who  shall  advise  or  countenance  so  unnecessary.  .  .  ."^ 

The  prefect  warned  the  trustees  that  there  were  no  valid 
reasons  for  withdrawing  faculties  from  Father  Whelan  and  that 
if  the  Capuchin  left  the  city,  they  would  be  without  a  pastor, 
since  Propaganda  had  not  yet  replied  officially  to  Carroll  regard- 
ing the  extent  of  his  jurisdiction ;  ^  moreover,  he  would  not  ap- 
point Nugent  in  Father  Whelan's  place.  As  to  their  threat  of 
having  recourse  to  the  law,  Father  Carroll  left  them  under  no 
misapprehension  of  his  action  in  case  they  should  take  a  step  so 
fatal  to  that  respectability  on  which  as  a  religious  society  they 
wished  to  stand  and  so  prejudicial  to  Catholic  interests.  An 
insight  into  the  temper  of  the  trustees  is  to  be  seen,  in  Father 
Farmer's  letter  of  January  29,  1786,  to  Carroll.  It  would  seem 
that  Dennis  McReady,  one  of  the  trustees,  had  constituted  him- 
self the  leader  of  the  Nugent  faction,  and  that  Father  Farmer 
had  corresponded  with  him  in  an  effort  to  bring  peace  to  the 
distracted  congregation.  The  contest  had  become  so  bitter  that 
the  trustees  who  sided  with  Nugent  threatened  to  close  the 
church.  Father  Farmer  warned  McReady  that  the  prefect  had 
not  the  power  to  constitute  Father  Nugent  pastor  of  the  parish, 
but  the  rebellious  priest  had  so  far  won  the  confidence  of  the 
administrators  of  the  church  that  Father  Whelan  saw  there 
was  nothing  left  for  him  to  do  but  to  leave  the  city.  He  wrote 
to  Father  Farmer  at  the  end  of  January  that  he  was  tired  of  the 
contest  and  that  he  was  anxious  to  leave  New  York,  if  the  prefect 
would  provide  another  place  for  him,  with  competent  mainte- 
nance.^ Without  waiting  for  an  answer,  Father  Whelan  departed 
from  the  city  on  February  12,  and  went  to  join  his  brother,  a 
physician,  who  had  a  farm  about  forty-five  miles  beyond  Albany. 
He  intended  to  stay  away  until  Easter.  Father  Farmer  then  gave 
temporary  parochial  powers  to  Father  La  Valiniere.    The  great- 


'  Baltimore  Cathedral  Archives,  Case  9-M4;  printed  in  the  Researches,  vol.  xvii, 
pp.  1-4;  cf.  Shea,  op.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  276. 

»  Hughes  (op.  cit.,  Documents,  vol.  i,  part  ii,  p.  636)  states  that  Carroll  received 
Antonelli's  letter  of  July  23,  1785,  granting  him  ampler  faculties  and  defining  the 
limits  of  his  powers,  in  December,  1785.  Carroll  says  in  his  letter  of  August  18,  1786, 
that  he  received  Antonelli's  letter  on  March  27,  1786. 

»  Baltimore  Cathedral  Archives,  Case  9-Ms;  cf.  United  States  Catholic  Magazine, 
vol.  vi,  p.  147' 


268  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

est  difficulty  in  giving  approval  to  Nugent,  Father  Farmer  says 
in  his  letter  of  March  6,  1786,  to  the  prefect,  *'is  the  arbitrary  and 
ungenerous  manner  with  which  they  forced  poor  Father  Whelan 
to  depart,  who,  though  he  was  not  very  learned,  yet  was  ready 
to  ask  and  take  advice,  which,  I  believe,  is  not  the  quality  of  the 
former  [Nugent]."  ^^  A  quarrel  such  as  this  may  seem  at  this 
distance  of  too  paltry  a  domestic  nature  to  find  a  place  in  the 
Life  of  Carroll;  but  there  was  an  important  juridic  principle  at 
stake,  and  to  have  allowed  the  trustees  the  slightest  ground  for 
the  belief  that  they  could  choose  for  themselves  whatever  pastor 
was  pleasing  to  them,  whether  or  not  approved  by  Carroll  or  by 
his  vicar,  Father  Farmer,  would  have  had  fatal  consequences  in 
the  American  Church.  The  trustee  evil  in  the  non-German  con- 
gregations, which  was  to  haunt  the  Church  in  the  United  States 
down  to  the  time  of  Archbishop  Hughes,  and  of  which  the  New 
York  schism  is  the  first  evidence,  has  sometimes  been  excused  or 
palliated  on  the  score  that  it  was  the  European  system  of  eccles- 
iastical administration.  This  explanation  sees  erroneously  a  simi- 
larity between  the  system  of  marguilliers,  so  common  in  French 
parishes,  and  the  trustees.  What  was  at  the  bottom  of  the  evil 
was  the  delay  on  the  part  of  the  officials  of  Propaganda  in  estab- 
lishing an  authority  which  all  priests  and  people  would  have 
been  ready  to  accept. 

Father  La  Valiniere  decided  also  to  resume  his  wanderings, 
and  so  the  situation,  from  the  ecclesiastical  standpoint  had  gone 
from  bad  to  worse.  Nugent's  exercise  of  parochial  rights  entailed 
ipso  facto  suspension,  and  in  the  loosely-constructed  system  of 
church  government  under  the  archipresbyterate  of  Carroll,  the 
trustees  might  easily  have  succeeded  in  their  design  of  setting  up 
an  independent  Church  if  a  break  had  not  occurred  between 
themselves  and  the  recalcitrants. 

Father  Farmer  reported  to  Carroll  on  April  13,  1786,  that  dis- 
sension had  arisen  on  the  matter  of  Nugent's  salary,  and  that  the 
trustees  had  given  him  the  alternative  of  accepting  the  amount 
they  offered,  or  of  leaving  the  city.  By  this  time  Nugent's  insub- 
ordination had  brought  him  within  the  danger  of  excom- 
munication.    Father  Carroll  probably  foresaw  this  eventuality, 


*"    Ibid.,  pp.   147-148. 


Reconslruclion  269 

for  on  March  J3,  1786,  he  gave  a  full  description  of  the  schism 
to  the  Cardinal-Prefect  of  Propaganda,  leaving  it  to  Antonelli's 
judgment  v^hether  Whelan  was  to  he  given  faculties  and  en- 
trusted with  the  congregation  in  New  York  City.  In  the  course 
of  this  he  says : 

I  had  already  done  so,  and  I  explained  my  reasons  for  doing  so,  in 
my  letter  of  February  27,  1785.  He  was  invited  by  the  Catholics  there 
to  stay  with  them,  and  I  hoped  for  great  fruits  from  his  zeal;  indeed 
he  spared  no  pains  to  make  such  fruits  possible.  About  the  end  of 
autumn,  however,  another  priest  of  his  order  and  race,  Father  Andrew 
Nugent,  came  to  New  York  from  Ireland,  and  little  by  little,  alienated 
the  hearts  of  the  Catholics  from  Father  Maurice.  The  latter  thought  it 
best  to  leave  the  city  and  to  labour  elsewhere  than  in  the  metropolis  of 
the  United  States.  Father  Nugent,  however,  although  a  better  man  for 
the  post  (quavwis  zndeatur  illi  stationi  opportunior) ,  did  not  have  the 
approbation  of  the  Sacred  Congregation,  Hence,  either  the  faithful 
would  be  bereft  of  all  spiritual  care,  or  I  would  be  compelled  to  run 
the  risk  of  exceeding  the  limits  of  my  authority.  In  these  circumstances, 
having  read  over  the  theologians  on  the  question,  I  finally  decided  that 
the  mind  of  the  Church  was  to  provide  for  the  care  of  souls  and  that 
my  authority  w^as  valueless,  if  I  could  not  act  in  such  a  danger.  Hence 
1  gave  faculties  to  Father  Nugent,  for  preaching  the  Word  of  God, 
administering  the  sacraments  of  baptism  and  matrimony,  and  the  rest, 
whenever  it  was  necessary.  I  acted  thus,  until  I  should  receive  an  answer 
from  Your  Eminence  to  the  questions  I  put  in  my  letter  [February  27, 
1785]  ;  and  as  if  the  faculties  granted  me  had  already  been  amplified.^^ 

Two  weeks  later  the  turning  point  in  Carroll's  administration 
came,  for  on  March  27,  1786,  he  received  Antonelli's  letter  of 
July  23,  1785,  granting  him  an  ampler  set  of  faculties  and  express- 
ing regret  that  any  misunderstanding  on  the  extent  of  his  juris- 
diction had  arisen.  This  important  document  has  never  been 
published  before,  and  it  is  here  given  in  full : 

July  23,  I/S5- 
To   the  Reverend  John  Carroll, 
Maryland, 
What   your   Lordship   well   set    forth   concerning   the   condition   of    the 
orthodox   religion    in   the   thirteen   United    States   of    America   in    letters 


"  Propaganda  Archives,  Scritture  rifcrite,  vol.  876,  no.  13.  It  is  to  be  noted, 
however,  that  this  letter  remained  unsent  until  the  following  August,  when  Carroll 
adds  a  page  or  two  (August  18,  1786),  advising  Antonelli  that  he  had  received  the 
important  letter  of  July  23,   1785,  on  March  27,    1786. 


270  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

dated  the  27th  of  February  and  ist  of  March  has  been  very  pleasing 
to  our  Holy  Father  and  this  Sacred  Congregation  for  the  Propagation 
of  the  Faith.  We  were  indeed  glad  to  learn  that  the  faithful  there, 
although  some  abuses  have  crept  in  among  them,  which  can  be  easily 
eradicated  by  the  care  of  pastors,  are  notwithstanding  this,  steadfast  and 
firm  in  the  faith,  and  that  the  foundations  of  religion  can  be  laid  so 
firmly  in  those  American  states  that  the  hope  arises  that  some  day  it 
will  be  a  most  flourishing  portion  of  the  vineyard  of  the  Lord.  That 
information  was  also  very  pleasing,  to  the  effect  that  Catholics  enjoy 
the  free  exercise  of  their  religion,  especially  in  Pennsylvania,  Delaware, 
Maryland,  and  Virginia,  where  they  enjoy  the  same  rights  as  other 
citizens.  Therefore  while  we  offer  the  highest  thanks  to  God,  the  Father 
of  Mercies,  we  do  not  neglect  to  express  our  great  good  will  towards 
your  Lordship,  who  has  applied  all  zeal  and  effort  to  the  spiritual  profit 
of  the  same  faithful ;  in  the  hope  that  under  your  guidance  things  Catholic 
will  increase  continually,  more  and  more.  The  Sacred  Congregation  also 
decided,  as  we  have  told  you  in  previous  letters,  to  appoint  meanwhile 
in  those  thirteen  United  States  of  America  a  vicar  apostolic  with  the 
title  and  character  of  bishop,  and  to  confer  this  dignity  first  upon  your 
Lordship.  But  if  you  think  that  it  is  expedient,  and  that  it  will  be 
more  in  accordance  with  the  constitution  of  that  Republic  for  the  mis- 
sionaries themselves,  at  least  at  first,  to  recommend  some  one  to  the 
Sacred  Congregation,  who  might  be  elevated  to  the  office  of  vicar  apos- 
tolic, the  Sacred  Congregation  will  not  cease  to  perform  what  you 
decide  to  be  the  more  suitable.  Of  course,  for  the  future,  in  order  that 
an  appointment  of  this  kind  may  result  favourably,  it  will  be  no  embar- 
rassment to  the  Sacred  Congregation  if  those  missionaries  recommend 
to  the  Sacred  Congregation  two  or  three  of  the  more  worthy  ones,  from 
whom  it  will  not  decline  to  select  him  who  shall  seem  to  excel  most  in 
virtue  and  worth.  In  the  meantime,  however,  Your  Lordship  will  con- 
tinue to  fill  the  office  of  superior,  for  since  you  yourself  have  shown 
that  we  ought  not  to  appoint  a  vicar  apostolic,  before  provision  is  made 
for  proper  ministers  of  the  sanctuary,  and  for  the  fitting  maintenance  of 
a  bishop,  and  since  it  has  been  made  known  from  another  source  that  it 
is  well  to  postpone  this  matter  a  little,  we  will  reserve  the  appointment 
of  a  vicar  apostolic  for  a  suitable  time  regarding  which  we  expect 
to  be  informed  by  you.  But  in  order  that,  while  you  are  superior,  every 
risk  of  displeasure  may  be  removed  from  the  fact  that  the  superior  of 
those  missions  can  appoint  no  workers  except  whom  this  Sacred  Congre- 
gation has  approved,  I  have  seen  to  it  that  a  new  copy  of  faculties  be 
enclosed  for  you,  in  which  this  usual  clause  has  been  removed,  and  the 
power  has  been  granted  you  of  selecting  workers,  whom  you  shall  judge 

suitable  in  the  Lord 

As  regards  the  sending  of  young  men  to  the  college  of  this  city,  the 
task  of  furnishing  the  money  necessary  for  their  voyage  has  been  assigned 
to  the  Apostolic  Nuncio  at  Paris.  It  is  my  wish  therefore  that  you  pre- 
pare  the   two  young   men   whom   you   promise,    of   preeminent   mind   and 


Reconstruction  271 

strong  constitution,  in  order  that  finally  they  may  become  beneficial 
workers  for  that  Catholic  flock,  and,  if  you  can  not  arrange  at  least 
for  their  coming  to  the  shores  of  France  at  their  own  expense,  funds  will 
be  supplied  by  the  same  Apostolic  Nuncio  out  of  the  treasury  of  the 
Sacred  Congregation.  Now,  you  will  learn  from  the  enclosed  copy  what 
the  form  of  the  oath  is  which  is  customarily  taken  by  our  students,  and 
you  will  see  that  the  most  important  part  of  the  oath  rests  on  this, 
that  every  student  return  to  his  own  country  to  attend  to  the  apostolic 
service,  and  that  they  inform  the  Sacred  Congregation  about  that  situa- 
tion. If,  however,  you  find  anything  which  in  the  present  state  of  things 
could  cause  displeasure,  we  are  not  unwilling  to  adjust  the  same  formula 
of  the  oath  for  the  benefit  of  the  students  of  those  regions,  according 
as  shall  seem  to  be  the  more  expedient.  On  this  matter,  it  shall  be  your 
duty  to  inform  us  in  due  time. 

Coming  now  to  the  faculties  which  you  requested,  our  Holy  Father 
has  graciously  granted  your  Lordship  the  faculty  of  dispensing  in  the 
case  of  Henry  Spalding  and  Mary  Spalding,  in  the  second  degree  of 
consanguinity,  and  also  in  the  impediment  of  spiritual  affinity,  and  of 
revalidating  their  marriage,  after  the  conditions  have  been  kept  which 
are  set  forth  in  the  adjoined  document.  Furthermore,  that  you  may  look 
out  for  other  needs  of  the  flock  committed  to  your  care,  His  Holiness 
has  granted  you  another  faculty,  of  dispensing  in  the  second  degree  of 
consanguinity  and  affinity  for  thirty  cases,  provided  it  in  no  way  concerns 
the  first  degree,  and  likewise  of  dispensing  from  the  unlawful  bond  for 
the  same  number  of  cases  in  the  first  degree  of  affinity,  whether  by  the 
direct  or  collateral  line,  in  such  a  way  as  you  will  observe  from  the 
enclosed  documents,  all  the  clauses  and  conditions  of  which  it  shall  be 
your  duty  to  keep  strictly.  Another  faculty  is  adjoined  to  these,  namely 
of  celebrating  Mass  for  three  hours  after  mid-day,  whenever  as  you 
have  explained  the  spiritual  need  of  that  people  required  it.  From  this 
you  will  well  understand  how  great  is  the  solicitude  of  His  Holiness 
and  of  this  Sacred  Congregation  for  the  increase  of  that  mission,  and, 
trusting  that  your  Lordship  will  abundantly  fulfil  our  expectation,  I 
pray  God  that  He  grant  you  all  prosperity  and  peace.12 


"    Propaganda  Archives,  Lettere,  vol.  246,  flE,  437-438.     Shea  mentions  this  letter 
(o/».  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  273),  and  Hughes,    {op  cit.,   Documents,,  vol.   i,  part  ii,  p.   635) 
gives  a  paragraph,  incorrectly  transcribed,  from  its  pages.     The  original  is  as  follows: 
D.  Joanni   Carroll. — Marilandiam. 
22  Julii  1785. 

Quae  de  statu  orthodoxae  religionis  in  tredecim  Confederatae  Americanae 
provinciis  Dominatio  Tua  luculenter  exposuit  per  literas  datas  de  27  Februarii, 
et  I  Martii  pr.  el.,  ea  Sanctissimo  Domino  Nostro,  et  Sacrae  huic  Congre- 
gationi  de  Propaganda  Fide  pergrata  acciderunt.  Lubenter  quidem  accepimus 
fideles  istos,  licet  aliqui  inter  eos  abusus  irrepserint,  qui  pastorum  sollicitudine 
facile  divelli  poterunt,  stabiles  tamen  esse,  atque  constantes  in  fide,  ac  tam 
firma  religionis  fundamenta  in  Americanis  istis  provinciis  jaci  posse,  ut 
spes  affulgeat  florentissimam  vineae  Domini  partem  aliquando  futuram.  Illud 
etiam  accessit  perjucundum,  scilicet  catholicos  ipsos  libero  frui  religionis 
exercitio,  potissimum  vero  in  Pensilvania,  Delawaria,  Marilandia  et  Virginia, 


272  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

The  status  of  the  New  York  congregation  was  not  changed 
by  this  letter,  and  Nugent  was  permitted  to  continue  as  tempo- 
rary pastor  of  the  parish;  but  the  schism  was  far  from  being 
ended.  From  May  until  August,  1786,  Father  Carroll  made  a 
second  Visitation  of  his  prefecture,  and  on  August  18,  1786,  he 
completed  his  letter  of  March  13,  telling  Antonelli  that  the  delay 
in  his  reply  was  due  to  the  fact  that  he  had  been  journeying  con- 
tinuously for  four  months  (quod  Emin.  Tuae  Uteris  tarn  tarde 
rescripscrim,  in  causa  fuit  continua  per  quatuor  incuses  itinerum 
et  occupationuni  molest ia).  He  administered  the  Sacrament  of 
Confirmation  wherever  he  went  and  the  number  of  the  faithful 
who  came  to  receive  the  Sacrament  had  much  encouraged  him. 
It  was  during  this  second  Visitation  that  Father  Carroll  realized 
the  number  of  Catholics  to  be  even  far  greater  than  he  had  men- 
tioned in  his  earlier  letters  (Hac  occasione  video  miilto  major  em 
esse   CathoUcorum  numerum,   qiiam   prioribus  litteris   memora- 


ubi  eodem,  ac  ceteri  cives,  jure  utuntur.  Quare  dum  Deo  Patri  Misericordiarum 
plurimas  agimus  gratias,  Dominationi  tuae  quae  omne  studium  atque  operam 
contulit  ad  spiritualem  eorumdem  fidelium  utilitatem,  pergratam  nostram  volun- 
tatem  testari  non  desumus,  fore  sperantes,  ut  res  catholica  sub  tuo  regimine 
magis  magisque  deinceps  capiat  incrementum.  Statuit  etiam  Sacra  Congre- 
gatio,  ut  in  praecedentibus  litteris  tibi  declaravimus,  vicarium  apostolicuni 
cum  titulo  et  charactere  episcopali  in  tredecim  istis  Confederatae  Americae 
provinciis  interim  praeficere,  eamque  dignitatem  Dominationi  Tuae  primum 
conferre.  Si  vero  magis  expedire  et  istius  reipublicae  constitutioni  acceptius 
fore  putaveris,  ut  missionarii  ipsi  aliquem  vel  prima  vice  S.  Congregationi 
commendent,  qui  ad  vicarii  apostolici  munus  provehatur,  Sacra  Congregatio 
id  praestare  non  desinet,  quod  opportunius  fore  judicaveris.  Certe  in 
posterum,  ut  accepta  evadat  huiusmodi  designatio,  nulla  erit  Sacrae  Congre- 
gationi difficultas,  ut  missionarii  isti  duos  vel  tres  ex  iis  digniores  Sacrae 
Congregationi  commendent,  ex  quibus  ilium  decernere  non  recusabit,  qui 
virtute  ac  meritis  magis  excellere  videbitur.  Interim  vero  Dominatio  Tua 
superioris  munus  exercere  perget,  nam  cum  ipse  declaraveris,  non  prius 
oportere  vicarium  apostolicuni  constituere,  quam  de  idoneis  sanctuarii  ministris, 
et  de  decent!  episcopi  sustentatione  provideatur,  et  aliunde  significatum  fuerti, 
id  esse  opportunum,  ut  negocium  istud  paulo  adhuc  protrahatur,  nos  vicarii 
apostolici  designationem  congruo  tempori  reservabimus,  de  quo  etiam  abs  Te 
certiores  fieri  expectamus.  Ut  autem  Te  superiore,  omne  avertatur  offensionis 
periculum  ex  eo,  quod  superior  istarum  missionum  nullos  possit  designare 
operarios,  nisi  quos  Sacra  haec  Congregatio  adprobarit,  novum  tibi  inserendum 
curavi  facultatum  exemplar,  in  quo  sublata  est  consueta  haec  clausula,  tibique 
potestas  facta  eligendi  operarios,  quos  idoneos  in  Domino  judicaveris. 

Quod  vero  attinet  ad  juvenes  ad  collegium  hoc  Urbanum  mittendos,  deman- 
datum  est  Nuntio  Apostolico  Parisiensi  munus  suppeditandae  pecuniae,  qua 
opus  erit  pro  illorum  itinere,  Expedias  igitur  cupio  juvenes  duos,  quos  polli- 
ceris,  praestantis  ingenii,  firmaeque  valetudinis,  ut  proficui  aliquando  evadant 
catholico  isti  gregi  operarii,  et  si  illud  assequi  non  poteris,  ut  viam  suis 
sumptibus  aggrediantur  saltem  ad  Galliae  littora,  supplebitur  per  eumdem  D. 
Nuntium   ex  aerario   Sacrae   Congregationis.      Quae  autem   sit   formula   jura- 


Reconstruction  273 

vermn)P  Shea  says  that  the  troii1)led  state  of  the  Church  in 
New  York  was  descrihed  Ijy  Carroll  hefore  the  deputies  of  the 
Second  General  Chapter  in  Novemher,  1786;  hut  there  is  no  men- 
tion of  the  matter  in  the  proceedings  as  published  by  Hughes.^ "^ 
There  is  no  doubt,  however,  that  the  scandalous  action  of  Nugent 
was  known  to  all  the  clergy,  and  that  it  had  an  effect  in  retarding 
the  growing  opposition  to  the  proposed  bishopric.  The  petition 
for  a  l)ishop  makes  mention  of  the  necessity  for  an  authority 
which  could  effectually  control  "any  men  of  indocile  mind" 
among  the  clergy,  who  might  be  ^'chafing  under  ecclesiastical 
discipline" ;  and  there  is  more  than  a  hint  in  the  reference  to  the 
fact  that  wherever  this  rebellious  spirit  was  in  evidence,  it  was 
caused  by  the  inability  of  some  to  understand  that  they  could  be 
bound  to  obey  the  authority  of  a  simple  priest. 

Before  the  opening  of  the  Second  General  Chapter  of  the 
Clergy  on  November  13,  1786,  a  scene  of  unusual  brilliance  in 
church  affairs  had  taken  place  in  New  York  City,  and  from  the 
records  which  are  extant,  there  were  many  aspects  of  the  dedi- 
cation of  St.  Peter's  Church,  on  November  4,  1786,  which  tended 


menti,  quod  a  nostris  alumnis  praestari  solet,  ex  inserto  exempio  noveris, 
atque  prospicies,  potissimam  juramenti  partem  in  eo  versari,  ut  in  suam 
quique  provinciam  alumni  revertantur  apostolico  ministerio  operam  daturi, 
et  S.  Congregationem  de  statu  suo  certiorem  faciant.  Si  quid  tamen  invenies, 
quod  in  praesentibus  rerum  circumstantiis  displicere  possit,  eamdem  juramenti 
formulam  pro  alumnis  istarum  regionum  accommodare  non  recusamus,  prout 
magis  expedire  videbitur,  de  quo  tuum  erit  nos  opportune  commonefacere. 

Veniens   nunc  ad  facultates  quas  postulasti,   Sanctissimus   Dominus   Noster 

Dominationi    Tuae    benigne    concessit    facultatem    dispensandi    cum    Henrico 

Spalding,    et    Maria    Spalding    in    secundo    consanguinitatis    gradu,    ac    super 

impedimento   compaternitatis;    eorumque   matrimonium,    servatis    conditionibus, 

quae    in    adnexo    documento    expressae    sunt,    revalidandi.      Insuper,    ut    aliis 

gregis  tibi   commissi   necessitatibus   prospicias,    Sanctitas   Sua   aliam  tibi   com- 

municavit    facultatem    dispensandi    in    secundo    consanguinitatis    et    affinitatis 

gradu,  dunimodo  nullo  modo  attingat  prinium,  pro  casibus  triginta,  ac  pariter 

dispensandi  pro  totidem  vicibus   in  primo  gradu   affinitatis  ex  copula   illicita, 

sive  per   lineam   rectam,    sive   per   collateralem,   prout    ex   insertis   documentis 

perspicies,  quorum  tuum  erit  omnes  clausulas  et  conditiones  accurate  servare. 

Alia  his  adnectitur  celebrandi   scilicet   per   tres   boras  post   meridiem,   quando 

quidem  id  exigere  spiritualem  istius  populi   necessitatem   exposuisti.      Ex  hoc 

probe  intelliges,   quanta   sit   Sanctitatis    Suae  et    Sacrae  huius   Congregationis 

soUicitudo   pro   istius    missionis    incremento,    ac   fore   confidens,    ut    Dominatio 

Tua  expectationi  nostrae  cumulate  respondeat,  Deum  precor,  ut  eidem  fausta 

ac  pacata  omnia  concedat. 

"    As  in  note   ii.     About  this  time    (January   2,    1786)    de  Marbois,   the   French 

Charge  d'affaires,  wrote  to  Vergennes  describing  the  state  of  the  Church  in  the  city, 

and  told  the  Prime  Minister  that  he  had  opposed  La  Valiniere's  purchase  of  a  disused 

Protestant  church  there   (Shea,   op.   cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.   283). 

"     0/>.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  326. 


274  T^^^  ^'/^  ^"^  Times  of  John  Carroll 

to  soften  the  harsh  impression  the  schism  had  created.  The 
chief  benefactor  to  the  first  CathoHc  Church  in  New  York  City 
was  King  Charles  III  of  Spain,  who  gave  one  thousand  dollars 
(pesos)  to  the  project.  The  Spanish  Minister  at  New  York, 
Diego  de  Gardoqui,  had  written  to  the  Prime  Minister,  Florida- 
blanca,  on  September  3,  1785,  supplementing  a  letter  from  the 
trustees  to  the  King,  and  the  King's  grant  is  acknowledged  in 
Gardoqui's  letter  of  June  18,  1786.  On  June  20,  1786,  the 
trustees  sent  the  following  letter  of  acknowledgment  and  of 
thanks  to  Gardoqui: 

The  attention  and  friendship  with  which  Your  Excellency  has  had  the 
kindness  to  manifest  the  interest  which  you  take  in  protecting  our  con- 
gregation since  your  arrival  in  this  State  imposes  on  us  the  deep  obliga- 
tion of  offering  to  Your  Excellency  our  most  sincere  and  cordial  thanks, 
and  reminding  you  once  more  how  hopeful  we  are  that  Your  Excellency 
continue  those  favours.  Your  Excellency  will  kindly  allow  us  to  beg  you 
to  inform  His  Catholic  Majesty  how  deeply  obliged  we  feel  to  him  and 
how  great  a  stimulus  it  will  be  to  our  faith,  since  His  Majesty  has  so 
graciously  seen  fit  to  grant  us  his  Royal  protection,  and  the  precious 
help  which  his  well-known  liberality  has  had  the  kindness  to  send  us, 
our  only  means  of  erecting  the  Church  of  St.  Peter  in  this  city,  in  which, 
when  finished,  we  will  take  the  liberty  of  erecting  a  tribune  in  the  most 
distinguished  place  and  of  reserving  it  for  His  Majesty's  use. 

The  infancy  of  our  congregation  is  indispensably  the  reason  why  its 
funds  are  so  reduced,  and  the  meagreness  of  our  means  the  cause  of 
our  being  obliged  to  have  recourse  to  the  liberality  of  the  powerful  and 
well  disposed  servants  of  His  Majesty,  in  order  to  complete  the  erection 
of  our  church,  to  which  purpose  we  have  devised  a  plan  (which  we  hope 
will  merit  the  approval  and  consent  of  Your  Excellency)  of  appointing  a 
priest  to  go  through  Vera  Cruz  and  Mexico  City  and  return  via  Havana. 
[In  order  to  take  up  collections  there.] 

Our  confidence  in  this  measure  is  very  great  for  we  judge  it  to  be 
the  only  means  of  enabling  us  to  continue  our  enterprise  of  promoting 
and  adding  respect  and  credit  to  our  faith  and  Republic. 

Therefore  we  beseech  Your  Excellency  to  deign  to  favour  this  enter- 
prise with  your  consent  and  protection,  because  with  them  we  are  sure 
of  success,  and  in  all  gratitude  we  will  pray  to  God  that  the  life  of  His 
Majesty  and  that  of  Your  Excellency  be  prolonged  for  many  years  to 
come.^^ 


"  4rchives  of  Sitnaticas,  Archivo  General,  Estado,  leg.  3886,  no.  17.  A  copy  of 
this  and  of  the  other  letters  given  in  the  text  is  in  the  Georgetown  College  Archives, 
Shea  Collection,  no.  38,  envelope  13.  The  letters  were  printed  in  the  Catholic  Historical 
Review,  vol.  i,  pp.  71-77.  Cf.  An  Early  Page  in  the  Catholic  History  of  New  York, 
in  the  Catholic  Historical  Review,  vol.  i,  pp.  68ss. 


Reconstruction  275 

Oil  October  26,  1786,  the  trustees  again  wrote  to  the  Spanish 
Minister,  telHng  him  that  the  Church  was  nearly  completed  and 
that  arrangements  had  been  made  to  celebrate  the  first  Mass  in 
the  church,  on  the  King's  feast  day,  the  Feast  of  St.  Charles 
Borromeo,  November  fourth.  Gardoqui's  letter  to  Floridablanca, 
dated  New  York,  November  7,  1786,  describes  the  ceremonies 
which  took  place.  Solemn  High  Mass  was  celebrated  by  Father 
Nugent,  assisted  by  the  chaplains  of  the  French  and  Spanish 
embassies,  and  Gardoqui  sat  in  a  special  tribune  within  the 
sanctuary.  A  banquet  followed  the  religious  ceremonies,  and 
appropriate  toasts  were  given  as  we  read  in  his  letter  of  Novem- 
ber 7,  1786: 

The  Roman  Catholic  Congregation  of  this  city,  wishing  to  give  to 
His  Catholic  Majesty  the  most  evident  proof  of  gratitude  for  the  great 
protection  and  generous  help  with  which  the  piety  of  His  Majesty  has 
seen  fit  to  honour  it,  for  the  erection  of  its  new  church,  has  resolved  to 
adorn  it  in  the  most  fitting  manner  and  also  that  the  first  Mass  be  cele- 
brated the  fourth  of  this  month,  which  is  the  "Saint's  Day"  of  His 
Majesty  and  of  the  Prince  of  Asturias. 

For  this  end  it  besought  the  Charge  d'affaires,  Don  Diego  de  Gardoqui, 
to  attend  this  ceremony  with  all  his  family,  and  although  the  church 
has  not  been  finished,  by  means  of  doubling  the  work  of  construction  the 
ceremony  was  performed,  and  the  first  Mass  was  said  by  the  parish  priest, 
Mr.  Nugent,  assisted  by  the  chaplains  of  the  House  of  Spain  and  France, 
at  which  w^as  present  the  said  Charge  d'affaires  with  all  his  family.  The 
Congregation  assigned  him  a  place  of  distinction,  which  we  are  assured 
will  be  reserved  for  the  Ministers  or  Representatives  of  His  Majesty  in 
this  city. 

Great  was  the  joy  of  the  faithful  on  this  occasion,  and  the  parish 
priest  made  good  use  of  it,  because  when  the  Mass  was  ended  he  gave 
a  very  Christian  exhortation,  reminding  them  of  their  obligation  of 
giving  thanks  to  the  Almighty  and  of  praying  for  the  health  and  happi- 
ness of  the  Catholic  King  and  the  Royal  Family.  When  the  ceremony 
was  over,  Sefior  Gardoqui  went  back  to  his  home  to  celebrate  that  mem- 
orable day  and  gave  a  splendid  banquet  in  honor  of  the  President,  the 
members  and  secretaries  of  the  Congress,  the  Governor  of  the  State,  the 
Ministers  of  Foreign  Affairs,  of  War,  of  Domestic  Affairs,  the  Ministers 
and  Foreign  Consuls,  and  other  persons  of  distinction. 

After  the  banquet  the  Charge  d'affaires  gave  the  following  toasts 
arranged  according  to  the  circumstances  and  customs  of  the  country: 

1.  To  the  King  of  Spain  and  the  Royal  Family. 

2.  To  the  Sovereigns  of  the  House  of  Bourbon. 

3.  To  the  United  States  of  America. 


276  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

4.  To  the  Secretaries  of  His  Catholic  Majesty. 

5.  To    General    Washington. 

6.  To  the  Viceroy,  Count  of  Galvez. 

7.  To  the  Count  of  Rochambeau. 

8.  To  a  lasting  and  close  friendship  between  His  Catholic  Majesty 
and  the  United  States  of  America. 

9.  To  the  army  now  honorably  returning  to  the  plow,  that  it  may 
enjoy  in  peace  and  abundance  the  fruits  of  the  earth. 

ID.  That  the  subjects  always  recognize  the  worth  of  their  good  Sov- 
ereigns and  love  them. 

11.  That  the  virtues  and  crown  of  His  Catholic  Majesty  be  continued 
to  all  his  descendants. 

12.  For  the  fidelity  of  good  government  in  all  nations. 

13.  For  the  prosperity,  health,  and  long  life  of  the  August  Catholic 
King  and  that  of   the   invited  guests. 

The  guests  showed  the  greatest  satisfaction  and  joy  and  all  ended 
with  the  best  cheer. 

Father  John  Carroll  whom  Gardoqui  styles  "Obispo  Catolico 
de  este  continente,"  had  been  invited  to  attend,  but  the  letter 
reached  him  too  late  to  make  the  journey.  Carroll's  reply,  dated 
November  14,  1786,  is  as  follows: 

Sir: 

The  munificence  of  His  Catholic  Majesty  and  the  noble  favours  which 
lie  has  seen  fit  to  grant  to  the  church  of  New  York,  united  wdth  my 
gratitude  and  natural  attachment,  cause  me  to  take  the  honor  of  offering 
to  Your  Excellency  (as  representative  of  that  great  Prince)  the  due 
tribute  of  my  gratefulness;  and  if  it  is  not  too  daring  a  presumption  I 
would  go  so  far  as  to  beg  Your  Excellency  to  convey  the  sincerest 
expression  of  gratitude  and  respectful  veneration  which  dominates  them; 
and,  to  tell  the  truth,  the  gift  of  His  Catholic  Majesty  not  only  will 
live  in  posterity  by  the  exercise  of  our  religion,  but  will  be  the  founda- 
tion for  other  establishments  of  the  same  nature. 

I  hope  from  the  constant  prayers  of  those  who  enjoy  the  benefit  of 
the  bounty  of  his  Majesty  that  this  great  act  will  merit  that  Heaven 
pour  down  its  benedictions  on  His  Catholic  Majesty,  his  posterity  and 
his  kingdom ;  and  if  to  these  sentiments  of  most  profound  gratitude 
towards  the  generous  kindness  of  His  Majesty  be  united  the  vivid  remem- 
brance of  the  person  through  whom  the  effect  of  the  same  has  been 
received,  then  I  humbly  beg  Your  Excellency  to  be  sure  that  I  shall 
never  forget  how  much  our  faith  owes  to  Your  Excellency's  active  and 
potent  recommendation. 

The  untoward  event  which  has  prevented  me  from  receiving  in  time 
the  invitation  with  w^iich  I  was  honoured  by  the  Congregation  for  St. 
Charles'  Day  was  deeply  regretted  by  me  because  it  deprived  me  of  the 


Reconstruction  277 

opportunity  of  expressing  to  Your  Excellency  the  great  respect  and 
esteem  with  which  I  have  the  honor  of  being  the  most  obedient  and 
humble  servant  of  Your  Excellency, 

J.  Cakroll 

Father  Carroll  feared  at  the  time  that  there  might  he  some 
"malevolent  people,  eager  to  misrepresent  every  action  of  an 
ex-Jestiit,"  and  he  would  not  he  surprised  ''to  hear  that  my  non- 
attendance  was  the  effect  of  disrespect  to  his  Catholic  majesty."  ^"^ 

The  death  of  Father  Farmer  on  August  17,  1786,  deprived 
the  prefect-apostolic  of  a  firm  vice-gerent  in  controlling  the 
New  York  situation,  and  when  the  last  phase  of  the  schism 
developed  in  the  following  year,  Father  Carroll  had  no  alternative  ' 
but  to  set  out  in  person  for  the  American  metropolis.  Carroll 
reported  to  Antonelli  on  July  2,  1787,  that  religious  afifairs  in 
New  York  were  prospering ,^^  and  Antonelli,  in  replying  on 
August  8,  1787,  to  Carroll's  letters  of  March  13- August  18,  1786, 
and  January  12,  1787,  expressed  his  consolation  on  hearing  that 
the  church  in  New  York  city  had  been  opened  for  services.  He 
gave  Carroll  the  faculty  of  blessing  the  new  church  with  solemn 
benediction,  and  even  of  sub-delegating  another  priest  to  do  so. 
The  faculty  of  consecrating  churches  was  given  rarely,  he  adds, 
to  priests,  but  when  the  time  came,  the  Holy  See  might  confer 
that  faculty  on  him.^^  The  quarrel  between  the  trustees  and 
Nugent  had  broken  out  anew  towards  the  end  of  the  summer 
of  1787,  and  in  October,  Father  Carroll  journeyed  to  New  York 
to  listen  to  the  charges  made  against  the  Irish  Capuchin.  Shea 
writes : 

The  trustees  learned  none  too  soon  that  their  action  in  regard  to  Rev. 
Charles  Whelan  had  deprived  the  congregation  of  a  worthy  priest  and 
left  it  to  the  mercy  of  a  wolf  in  sheep's  clothing.  They  now  besought 
the  Very  Rev.  Prefect  to  deliver  them  from  the  very  priest  whom  they 
had  forced  upon  him.  They  presented  such  serious  charges  against  the 
Rev.  Father  Andrew  Nugent,  that  Dr.  Carroll,  informed  from  Dublin 
of  his  previous  suspension  there,  withdrew  the  faculties  which  he  had 
cautiously  granted  him  only  during  his  own  pleasure.  He  appointed  as 
pastor  of  St.  Peter's  congregation,  New  York,  a  worthy  Dominican,  the 


"    Carroll  to  Plowden,  November  13,  1786,  Stonyhurst  Transcripts,  printed  in  the 
United  States  Catholic  Miscellany,  vol.  vi,  p.   183. 

"    Propaganda  Archives,  Scritture  riferite,  America  Centrale,  vol.  878,  no.3. 
"    Ibid.,  Lettere,  vol.  250,  f.  443. 


278  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

Rev.  William  O'Brien,  who  had  already  done  parochial  work  in  Phila- 
delphia and  New  Jersey,  and  was  highly  recommended  by  the  Archbishop 
of  Dublin,  in  whose  Diocese  he  had  labored  worthily  for  sixteen  years.i^ 

The  schismatics  now  assumed  a  threatening  attitude.  Father 
Nugent  refused  to  yield  to  Carroll's  authority,  and  an  unfor- 
tunate scene  occurred  in  St.  Peter's  Church  on  Sunday  morning, 
when  Father  Carroll  was  about  to  begin  Mass.  Nugent  began 
a  tirade  against  Carroll  to  the  people,  and  the  prefect  announced 
to  the  people  Nugent's  suspension,  cautioning  them  not  to  attend 
any  Mass  the  schismatic  might  dare  to  celebrate.  Father  Carroll 
then  withdrew,  followed  by  the  more  sensible  members  of  the 
congregation,  and  proceeded  to  Gardoqui's  house,  where  he  cele- 
brated Mass.  Father  Nugent  said  Mass  at  St.  Peter's  in  defiance 
of  the  prefect.  Dr.  Carroll  then  published  an  address  to  the 
Catholics  of  New  York  explaining  the  nature  of  his  spiritual 
authority  and  of  church  discipline.  Lay  intrusion  into  the 
sanctuary  he  called  a  fatal  dagger  plunged  into  the  heart  of 
religion,  and  disobedience  to  legitimate  authority  in  the  Church 
would  have  but  one  result  to  the  schismatics — excommunication 
and  spiritual  death : 

Dear  Christians,  and  most  beloved  Brethern  in  Jesus  Christ: 

Before  we  proceed  any  further  in  the  service  of  this  day,  I  esteem  it 
necessary,  for  causes  well  known  to  you  all,  to  address  you  with  all  the 
fervour  of  charity,  with  all  the  concern  for  your  eternal  happiness,  and 
all  the  interest  for  the  honour  of  our  holy  religion,  which  my  duty — 
superintendence  over  the  welfare  of  this  congregation— requires  from  me. 
If  the  ministers  of  Christ  must  always  feel  a  solicitude  for  the  interests 
of  their  heavenly  Master,  how  greatly  must  this  solicitude  increase  when 
his  holy  religion  is  in  danger  of  being  dishonored  by  dissensions,  by 
indocility,  or  the  mischievous  operation  of  any  other  passion;  and,  espe- 
cially, if  this  should  happen  on  its  first  introduction  into  a  country  where, 

"  Op.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  pp.  323-324.  The  letters  on  Father  Whelan's  later  life  are 
in  the  Baltimore  Cathedral  Archives,  Case  9;  some  of  them  have  been  printed  in  the 
Researches,  vol.  xxix,  pp.  267-268.  Father  Whelan  went  first  to  Crawford,  Orange 
Co.,  New  York;  he  then  returned  to  the  metropolis  for  Holy  Week;  in  1790,  he  was 
located  at  Johnstown,  N.  Y.  The  same  year,  he  was  sent  by  Carroll  to  Kentucky, 
but  shortly  afterwards  he  left  that  mission  without  the  permission  of  the  Prefect- 
Apostolic.  His  spirit  seems  to  have  been  broken  by  the  ingratitude  of  the  New  York 
Catholics.  In  1799,  he  was  stationed  in  Wilmington,  Del.  He  attended  the  Catholic* 
at  Ivy  Mills,  Pa.,  and  in  January,  1800,  we  find  him  at  Mill  Creek,  Del.  In  February, 
1803,  he  was  at  Coffee  Run,  Del.,  and  from  this  last  "station,"  he  went  to  Bohemia, 
where  he  died  on  March  21,  1806,  at  the  age  of  sixty-five.  Cf.  Records,  vol.  xvi, 
pp.  3633s. 


Reconstruction  279 

before,  it  was  only  seen  through  the  false  coloring  of  prejudice  and 
misrepresentation.  It  is  then,  dear  Christian  brethern.  under  the  impres- 
sion which  these  considerations  have  made  on  me,  that  I  appear  before 
you  this  day;  and  that  I  beseech  you  to  recall  to  your  remembrance  the 
principles  of  your  holy  faith,  and  the  maxims  of  church  government,  by 
an  adhesion  to  which  nations  have  been  brought  out  of  the  darkness  of 
paganism  into  the  light  of  the  Gospel ;— and  your  forefathers,  in  par- 
ticular, preserved  in  their  own  country,  and  to  the  present  day,  the  purity 
of  the  faith  delivered  down  to  them  from  the  first  apostles  of  Chris- 
tianity;— they  preserved  it  under  every  temporal  discouragement,  and 
against  the  influence  of  every  worldly  interest. 

And  how  did  they  obtain  this  great  effect?     Was  it  by  intruding  them- 
selves into  the  sanctuary?     Did  they,  did  you  before  you  crossed  over 
into  this  country,  assume  to  yourselves  the  rights  of  your  first  pastors? 
Did  you  name  those  clergymen  who  were  charged  with  the  immediate 
care  of  your   souls?     Did  you  invest  them  with  their  authority?     Did 
you  confer  on  them  those  powers,  without  which  their  ministry  must  be 
of   no   avail?     No,   dear   Christians;    neither   your    forefathers   nor   you 
assumed  to  yourselves  those  prerogatives:   you  never  plunged  that   fatal 
dagger  into  the  vitals  of  true  religion.     Too  deeply  was  it  impressed  on 
your  minds,  that  the  ministry  of  the  word,  and  the  administration  of  the 
sacraments,  cannot  be  given  in  charge  but  by  His  divine  authority  whose 
doctrine  is  to  be  preached,   and  who  has   enriched  his   sacraments   with 
the  treasures   of   grace   and   salvation.     You  cannot  but   remember   that, 
when  Jesus  was  on  the  point  of  ascending  up  into  heaven,  and  to  leave 
his  Church  under  the  visible  government  of  his  apostles  and  their  suc- 
cessors, he  communicated  to  them  that  spiritual  and  sublime  jurisdiction 
which    the   world    cannot    give,    and    which    extends    itself    not   over    the 
bodies  but  over  the  souls  of  men — a  jurisdiction  which  can  be  derived 
but  from  God;   which  cannot  be  acquired  merely  under  the  sanction  or 
by  the  sole  authority  of  any  human  laws.     To  fill  our  minds  with  a  due 
sense  of  the  sublimity  of  this  sacred  jurisdiction,  Christ,  before  he  be- 
queathed it  as  his  last   legacy  to  his   apostles,   addressed  to  them  these 
awful  and  solemn  words,  recorded  by  St.  Matthew,  chap.  28,  and  spoke 
to  them  saying.  All  power  is  given  to  me  in  heaven  and  in  earth.    Having 
thus  brought  to  their  recollection  the  heavenly  ministry  which  he  himself 
had  dispensed  on  earth;  that  he  had  received  it  not  from  man,  but  from 
his  Father  who  is  in  heaven;  and  that  power  was  given  to  him  to  trans- 
mit it  to  others  for  the  salvation  of  the  world — as  my  Father  sent  me 
so   do   I   send   you;   John,   chap.    22.     He   thus   continued   his   discourse: 
Go  ye   therefore  and   teach  all  nations,  baptising   them  in   the   name   of 
the  Father,  and  of  the  Son,  and  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  teaching    them   to 
observe  all  things,  whatsoever  I  have  commanded  you;  and  behold  I  am 
with  you  all  days,  even  to  the  consummation  of  the  zvorld.    The  apostles 
having  received  this  commission   from  their  heavenly   Master,   proceeded 
in  the  work  of  the  ministry ;  they  dispensed  the  sacraments,  they  announced 
the  good  tidings  of  salvation,  and  they  appointed  pastors  to  the  congre- 


2  8o  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

gations  which  were  gathered  together.  To  these  pastors  so  appointed 
others  succeeded,  and  so  down  to  the  present  day,  deriving  their  powers  of 
exercising  the  sacred  functions  of  religion  not  from  men,  but  from  the 
same  sacred  source  as  the  apostles  themselves.  That  the  Catholic  church 
possesses  a  spiritual  jurisdiction  so  transmitted,  through  every  age,  is 
her  distinguishing  and  glorious  prerogative;  and  if  it  were  possible  for 
her  to  lose  this  prerogative,  she  would  cease  to  hold  any  spiritual  authority. 

Sometimes  she  has  had  cause  to  deplore  the  indocility  of  some  of  her 
children,  who  have  attributed  powers  to  themselves  which  God  alone 
could  bestow;  and  whenever  these  undutiful  children  have  obstinately 
resisted  the  charitable  admonitions  of  their  first  pastors,  and  have  not 
soon  returned  to  an  acknowledgment  of  spiritual  subordination,  they 
rapidly  advanced  in  the  track  of  disobedience,  and  completed  the  course 
of  their  iniquity  by  bidding  defiance  to  the  church  herself. 

I  shall  not  here  mention  any  examples  to  establish  the  truth  of  what 
I  have  said:  they  are  known  to  you,  and  you  had  them  undoubtedly  in 
your  mind,  when,  on  a  very  late  occasion,  you  publicly  acknowledged  the 
just  right  and  power  of  him  who  now  speaks  to  you  to  constitute  and 
appoint  clergymen  to  the  care  of  souls,  within  the  extent  of  his  jurisdiction, 
and,  namely,  in  this  very  church.  In  making  this  acknowledgement,  you 
did  not  consider  my  imperfections  or  personal  unworthiness ;  but  you  con- 
sidered the  source  from  which  my  authority  is  derived;  and  you  knew 
that  it  could  be  traced  up  to  Christ  himself,  the  Author  and  Fountain  Head 
of  all  spiritual  jurisdiction.  With  this  firm  persuasion  on  your  minds, 
3-0U  admitted  the  lawfulness  of  my  delegation  and  my  right  to  appoint 
the  clergymen  to  have  charge  of  your  souls.  You  admitted  this  in  a 
manner  the  most  explicit,  and  with  a  zeal  for  which  my  thanks  are  not 
worthy  of  being  offered  you,  since  you  receive  those  of  religion  herself. 

In  the  exercise,  therefore,  of  a  power  so  well  established,  both  by 
our  present  discipline,  (which  is  protected  by  the  laws  of  this  state,) 
and  by  your  own  admission  and  acknowledgement,  I  proceed  to  give  you 
public  notice,  that,  having  heretofore  granted  to  the  Rev.  Andrew  Nugent, 
during  my  pleasure,  powers  for  preaching,  and  administering  the  sacra- 
ments of  baptism,  penance,  eucharist  to  sick  persons,  extreme  unction  and 
matrimony.  I  hereby  recall  those  powers :  and  my  duty  demanding  of 
me  at  the  same  time  to  provide  a  pastor  for  the  care  of  your  souls,  I 
have  invested  with  all  necessary  and  requisite  powers  for  that  purpose 
the  Rev.  Mr.  William  O'Brien,  of  whose  zeal,  virtue  and  talents  for 
the  work  of  the  ministry,  I  have  received  the  most  ample  testimony  and 
assurances,  and  whom  I  recommend  to  your  benevolence  and  regard.  This 
is  not  the  time  for  enlarging  on  the  motives  which  brought  me  to  my 
present  determination;  but  I  entreat  you  to  believe  that  it  was  formed 
without  passion  or  unfavourable  prejudices;  and  that,  if  I  had  not  con- 
ceived it  my  duty  to  act  in  the  manner  I  have  done,  my  authority 
should  never  have  been  exerted  to  the  purposes  of  which  you  were  just 
now  informed. 

And  now,  dear  Christians,  allow  me  to  entreat  you  to  join  with  united 


Reconstruction  281 

hearts  in  presenting  at  the  throne  of  grace  the  Sacred  Victim  who  is 
going  to  be  offered  on  this  altar :  and  earnestly  to  beseech  Almighty 
God,  the  bestower  of  every  good  gift,  to  behold  with  complacency  the 
living  body  and  blood  of  his  blessed  Son,  held  up  and  presented  by  us 
all  to  him,  as  a  propitiation  for  our  crimes ;  and  that  it  may  draw 
down  on  this  congregation  every  heavenly  blessing,  and,  above  all,  per- 
fect charity,  well  grounded  hope,  and  unshaken  and  active  faith ;  may 
these  virtues  rest  with  you  for  ever,  and  bring  you  to  eternal  life.2f> 

The  trustees  received  this  admonition  in  a  loyal  spirit  and  they 
placed  a  new  lock  on  the  door  of  the  church  to  prevent  the  » 
Nugent  schismatics  from  entering.  The  following  Sunday,  the 
rebels  broke  down  the  door  and  filled  the  church  with  the  crowd 
of  non-Catholics  who  had  gathered  to  witness  the  scene.  Father 
Carroll,  who  was  present  with  the  trustees,  attempted  to  speak, 
but  was  prevented,  and  a  second  time  went  to  the  Spanish 
Embassy,  where  Mass  was  said.  He  saw  now  that  the  schism 
had  gone  beyond  his  control,  and  he  left  New  York  for  Balti- 
more. Before  leaving  the  city,  he  wrote  to  Father  John  Thorpe, 
on  November  7,  1787,  giving  him  a  complete  account  of  the 
trouble.  He  felt  the  chagrin  of  the  whole  affair  very  deeply, 
because  Congress  was  then  in  session  in  New  York,  and  thus 
the  story  of  the  schism  might  easily  be  spread  over  the  whole 
country.  Nugent  had  threatened  to  carry  his  case  to  the  Holy 
See,  and  Carroll  asked  Father  Thorpe  to  bring  his  message  to 
Propaganda.  The  outstanding  factor  of  the  Nugent  case,  apart 
from  its  effect  on  discipline  was  the  slender  hope  Carroll  could 
entertain  in  the  future  that  the  "volunteer  clergymen  emigrants 
to  America"  would  be  men  of  virtue  and  piety ;  there  was  danger 
in  the  future  in  trusting  to  their  credentials,  no  matter  from  what 
ecclesiastical  authority  abroad.  Priests  were  needed  so  badly 
that  he  could  not  refuse  all  who  came,  and  the  sad  thing  was 
that  he  was  at  the  mercy  not  only  of  unworthy  ministers  of  the 
altar  who  left  their  dioceses  under  a  cloud  but  even  of  oppor- 
tunist bishops  across  the  Atlantic  who  foisted  on  the  infant 
Church  of  the  United  States  clergymen  who  were  causing  trouble 
or  giving  scandal  in  their  dioceses.^^ 


^  This  Charge  (Baltimore  Cathedral  Archives,  Case  9)  is  printed  in  the  United 
States  Catholic  Miscellany,  vol.  vi,  pp.   184-186. 

*^  Baltimore  Cathedral  Archives,  Case  9-M6.  Father  Thorpe's  rendition  of  the 
affair  is  in  the  Propaganda  Archives,  Scritture  riferite,  America  Centralc,  vol.  ii,  f.  353. 


282  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

The  trustees  now  took  the  case  to  court,  eventually  regaining 
possession  of  the  church,  and  with  Father  William  O'Brien  in 
charge  of  the  parish,  the  schism  came  to  an  end.  John  Talbot 
Smith  says:  'They  awed  the  pugnacious  Father  Nugent  into 
perfect  quiet,  for  he  is  not  heard  of  again  in  the  parish  history 
until  his  friends  got  up  a  subscription  to  send  him  back  to  Europe 
in  the  bark  Telemaque,  some  date  in  1790.""  The  Nugent 
Schism,  as  Carroll  expressed  it  in  one  of  his  letters  to  Antonelli, 
had  produced  a  good  effect :  it  had  given  the  necessary  stimulus 
to  the  clergy  to  apply  to  the  Holy  See  for  episcopal  government. 

Closely  allied  to  the  scandal  in  New  York  was  the  trouble 
which  arose  in  Boston  about  the  same  time.  In  the  autumn  of 
1788  the  little  group  of  Catholics  in  and  around  Boston  was 
overjoyed  at  the  arrival  of  a  French  secular  priest,  from  the 
Diocese  of  Angers,  the  Rev.  Claude  Florent  Bouchard  de  la 


22    John  Talbot  Smith,  The  Catholic  Church  in  New  York,  vol.  i,  p.  31-     Father 
Nugent,  however,  appears  after  Father  O'Brien's  appointment,  in  the  documents  in  our 
possession.     On  February  23,  1788,  Antonelli  wrote  to  Carroll   (Propaganda  Archives, 
Lettere.  vol.  252,  f.  732),  acknowledging  the  information  given  to  the  Roman  officials 
by  Father  Thorpe.     There  was   no  fear   in   Rome  that   Carroll   would  not  be  able  to 
control  the  situation  judiciously  and  prudently.— "Sed  cum  satis  nobis  de  tua  prudentia 
ac  dexteritate  persuasum  sit,  minime  dubitamus  quin  ea  quae  gessisti  jure  cauteque, 
feceris,    illudque    in    hujusmodi    negotio    consilium    capias,    quod    et    ad    coercendam 
hominis    imprudentiam    et    ad    consul endam    catholici    gregis    securitati    accommodatum 
videtur."      Carroll   tells   Plowden  on   March    1,    1788   that   he   now   suspects   Nugent'* 
testimonials  of  being  forged— "for  Nugent  has  been  detected  to  be  a  most  infamous 
fellow,  and  there  is  no  excess  of  which  he  does  not  seem  capable."     Again,  in  a  letter 
to  Antonelli,   dated   March    i8-April    19,    1788,   the   Prefect-Apostolic   gives  a   detailed 
account  of    Nugent's   escapades,   and   emphasizes   the   point   made   by   the   recalcitrant 
priest's  followers,  that  of  being  a  simple  priest,  acting  under  the  authority  of  a  foreign 
power    (asserere    non    dubitabant    jurisdictionem    meam,    tanquam    a    Sede    Apostolica 
profectam,    extraneam    esse   adeoque   legibus   contrariam).      Carroll   adds   that    Nugent 
has   asserted  he  will   acknowledge   no   authority   but  that   of    Christ   and   of   the   civil 
authorities   of   New  York.     The  necessity  of   episcopal   authority  in  America  becomes 
more  evident  every  day,  and  he  urges  Antonelli  to  consider  the  matter  seriously.     He 
knows  that   such  a   demand  may  throw   suspicion   on  himself   of   being   ambitious,   but 
the  danger  of  disrupting  the  bonds  of  ecclesiastical  life  is  so  pressing  that  silence  is 
impossible.      He  feels  the  situation  so  keenly   that  he  is  almost  constrained  to  resign 
the   burden    the    Sacred    Congregation    has    placed    upon    him    (Propaganda    Archives, 
Scritture  riferite,  America  Centrale,  vol.  ii,  f.   363).     I"  the  Clergy  Petition  for  the 
establishment  of  a  bishop   (March   12,    1788),  the  New  York  Schism  is  mentioned  as 
one  of   the  aggravating  causes  of   Church  disunity  in  America.      On   April    17,    1788, 
Carroll  sent  a  letter  to  the  trustees  of  St.  Peter's  commending  them  for  their  support 
of    Father    O'Brien,    who   was   then   setting   out    for    Mexico   to   collect    funds    for   the 
completion  of  the  Church    (Shea,   op.   cit.,   vol.   ii,   p.   332;   cf.   Researches,   vol.   xvii, 
pp.   7-8).     Occasional  references  are  made  to  the  Nugent  affair  in  the  correspondence 
between  Carroll  and  Antonelli  down  to  the  time  of  his  election  as  Bishop  of  Baltimore, 
and  it  is  evident  that  the  schism  had  strongly  influenced  the  Holy  See  in  establishing 
episcopal  government  in  the  United  States. 


Reconstruction  283 

Poterie,  who  had  been  a  chaplain  in  the  French  army  forces 
under  Rochambeau.-^  On  December  24,  1788,  Father  Carroll 
gave  him  faculties,  and  the  new  "Curate"  announced  his  appoint- 
ment in  a  flamboyant  ''Pastoral  Letter, — Given  at  Boston,  in 
North  America,  under  our  hand,  and  the  seal  of  our  arms,  the 
22nd  of  February,  Quinquagesima  Sunday,  anno  salutis  1789 — 
signed,  La  Poterie,  Vice-Prefect  and  Apostolick  Missionary, 
Curate  of  the  Holy  Cross  at  Boston."  This  astounding  docu- 
ment reveals  characteristics  which  were  not  common  to  the 
Boston  "Prothonotary"  alone.  The  initial  paragraphs  are  as 
follows : 

Claudius  Florent  Bouchard  de  la  Poterie,  Doctor  of  Divinity, 
Prothonotary  of  the  holy  Church  and  of  the  holy  See  of  Rome,  apos- 
tolic Vice-Prefect  and  Missionary,  Curate  of  the  CathoHck  Church  of 
the  Holy  Cross  at  Boston,  in  North  America — to  all  faithful  Christians 
entrusted  to  our  care  and  of  our  spiritual  jurisdiction,  salvation  and 
blessing  in  Jesus  Christ,  the  shepherd  and  bishop  of  our  souls. 

We  make  known  to  you,  our  dearly  beloved  brethren,  the  wonderful 
designs  of  Divine  Providence  towards  us,  which,  by  a  course  of  un- 
heard-of events,  has  brought  us  to  this  city,  here  to  open  the  first  publick 
exercise,  and  here  to  lay  the  foundation,  perhaps  even  here  to  erect  the 
edifice  of  our  holy  religion.  Since  the  American  Revolution,  this  Divine 
Providence  has  brought  about  a  revolution  still  more  extraordinary  in 
the  method  of  grace ;  and  being  designated  to  be  one  of  its  instruments 
in  the  hand  of  God,  with  what  sentiments  of  profound  gratitude  to  the 
Father  of  mercies  ought  we  not  to  be  penetrated?  But,  at  the  same 
time  we  look  with  awe  upon  the  immensity  of  the  duties  to  w'hich  our 
office  subjects  us.  The  entire  knowledge  of  their  extent,  and  of  our 
own  insufficiency,  the  more  powerfully  engages  us,  and  ought  to  incline 
you  also,  by  the  interest  you  have  in  the  success  of  the  ministry,  to  implore 
for  us  assistance  from  Him,  with  whom  we  can  do  all  things,  as  without 
him  we  can  do  nothing. 

My  Lord  Carol,  the  ecclesiastic  Superior  of  the  Roman  Hierarchy  in 
the  United  States  of  America,  did  on  the  24th  of  December  last,  com- 
municate to  me  very  ample  powers,  for  which  we  have  requested,  in 
quality  of  French  missionary,  to  be  registered  in  the  French  Consul's 
Chancery-Office  at  Boston,  to  spend  our  time  in  this  city,  here  to  exercise 
our  cares  and  vigilance,  and  to  give  you  all  the  spiritual  assistance  in  our 
power.  It  is  for  this  reason  we  esteem  ourselves,  in  the  truest  sense, 
the   servant  of   you  all,  since  we  are  indebted  to  you   for  our  appoint- 


2'  Griffin,  Catholics  in  the  American  Revolution,  vol.  iii,  pp.  589-299.  It  is  not 
certain  when  Poterie  came  to  Boston;  some  authorities  say  that  it  was  in  1784,  but 
that  seems  improbable,  for  the  Abbe  could  hardly  have  kept  silent  for  so  long  a  period. 


284  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

ment  to  carry  you  to  God,  by  our  exhortations,  by  our  counsels,  by  our 
examples,  by  our  life  itself,  if  it  is  necessary,  to  save  you  all.  We  do 
not  place  our  happiness  in  commanding  you  with  authority,  but  in  serving 
you  with  charity;  being  full  of  candour  and  mildness  towards  every  one, 
to  gain  your  hearts  to  the  grace  of  Jesus  Christ,  we  ought  to  be  to  all 
a  model  of  works,  having  always  before  our  eyes  the  account  we  are  to 
give  to  God  for  you.  We  beseech  you,  our  very  dear  brethren,  to  bring 
down  upon  us,  by  your  fervent  prayers,  the  spirit  of  wisdom  and  under- 
standing, the  spirit  of  meekness  and  resolution,  in  order  that  this  double 
spirit,  presiding  over  all  our  steps,  over  all  our  actions,  may  support 
us  against  our  weakness,  may  defend  us  against  all  kinds  of  danger, 
and  be  an  abundant  supply  to  our  own  impotency.^* 

Mass  was  said  for  the  first  time  on  November  2,  1788,  and 
a  brick  church  which  had  belonged  to  some  French  Huguenots 
was  purchased  and  opened  under  the  title  of  the  Church  of  the 
Holy  Cross.  The  congregation  was  composed  of  the  French 
and  Irish  Catholic  citizens  of  Boston,  in  number  about  one  hun- 
dred and  twenty.-^  Whatever  welcome  the  Abbe  received  was 
hardly  spontaneous.     Most  of  the  Catholics  seem  to  have  held 


^  From  a  copy  in  my  possession.  On  Poterie's  career,  cf.  Memoirs  du  P.  de 
Sales  Laterriere,  p.  165.  Quebec,  1873;  Gazette  de  Quebec,  October  22,  1789;  Carey, 
American  Museum,  vol.  v,  pp.  414SS.  In  a  broadside,  printed  sometime  after  February 
4,  1789,  in  reply  to  the  "false  and  scandalous  aspersions  thrown  upon  him,"  Poterie's 
list  of  his  "Credentials,"  the  originals  of  which  are  to  be  seen  in  the  Vestry  of  the 
Catholic  Church,  School  Street,  Boston,"  are  as  follows:  "I.  His  Patent  of  Sacer- 
dotal Ordination;  II.  Certificate  of  his  Studies,  and  Patents  of  the  University  of 
Angers;  III.  A  Certificate  of  his  Morals,  by  his  Bishop,  the  original  deposited  in 
Rome,  in  the  Secretary's  Office  of  the  Tribunal  of  his  Eminence  the  Cardinal  Vicar 
Prince  Colonna;  and  a  renewal  of  the  same  Certificate  confirmed  by  his  Successor, 
which  is  deposited  in  Paris,  in  the  office  of  the  Ecclesiastick  Notaries,  and  the  signa- 
tures certified  by  the  proper  Officer;  IV.  A  Letter  and  Diploma  of  His  Holiness,  in 
form  of  a  Brief,  directed  to  the  same;  and  of  his  Oath,  in  the  hands  of  the  Patriarch  of 
Jerusalem;  V.  A  Diploma  of  his  admission  to  the  number  of  Protonotaries  of  His 
Holiness,  by  virtue  of  the  same  Brief;  VI.  A  Patent  of  Count  Palatine,  which  His 
Holiness  grants  as  Sovereign  in  his  Dominions,  to  those  he  thinks  worthy  of  that 
dignity;  VII.  A  Patent  of  admission  and  reception  of  Member  of  two  learned  Academies 
in  Rome;  VIII.  Sundry  Powers,  Permits,  and  Privileges  Apostolick,  granted  to  the 
same  in  his  abode  at  Rome;  IX.  A  Commendatory  Pass  of  the  Municipal  Officers  of  his 
native  town:  Also,  another  Pass,  by  his  Majesty  in  Versailles,  at  the  time  of  his 
passage  to  the  West-Indies;  X.  A  Patent  and  Diploma  of  Knight  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre 
of  Jerusalem;  XI.  Ample  Powers  and  Spiritual  Jurisdiction  in  the  United  States  of 
America;  XII.  A  Great  number  of  Powers  and  satisfactory  Certificates  of  several 
Bishops  and  Arch-Bishops,  and  those  of  the  Arch-Bishops  of  Paris,  and  Palermo  in 
Sicily;  XIII.  Authentick  Declaration  of  the  realty  of  the  Relicts,  exposed  in  the 
Church  of  the  Holy  Cross." 

^  Father  Carroll  gave  faculties  to  Poterie,  on  December  24,  1788  (Baltimore 
Cathedral  Archives,  Case  9A-G3);  cf.  Historical  Sketch  of  the  First  Public  Mass  in 
Boston,  in  the  Researches,  vol.  vi,  pp.  19-20;  cf.  Researches,  vol.  iii,  pp.  12-15.  A 
full  account  of  the  ceremony  appeared  in  the  Independent  Chronicle  for  November 
6,   1788. 


Reconstruction  285 

aloof  from  him,  and  it  was  six  months  before  he  baptized  a  child. 
There  were  rumours  about  his  former  ecclesiastical  standing,  and 
Poterie  was  kept  busy  replying  to  these  "false  and  scandalous 
aspersions  thrown  upon  him."  His  broadsides  are  comical ;  one 
of  them  contains  a  list  of  "credentials"  among  them  being  patents 
of  his  election  as  a  count  of  the  Holy  Roman  Empire  and  of 
his  admission  into  two  learned  academies  in  Rome.  He  was 
evidently  an  early  believer  in  the  value  of  advertising.^'''  He 
came  to  Boston  unprovided  with  vestments  and  church  utensils, 
and  an  appeal  was  sent  through  the  French  Consul  to  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Paris,  with  a  request  for  sacred  vessels  and  vestments. 
The  Archbishop  of  Paris  generously  sent  the  necessary  objects, 
but  at  the  same  time  warned  the  French  Catholics  of  Boston  that 
Poterie  had  been  suspended  in  Paris,  owing  to  conduct  unbe- 
coming a  CathoHc  priest.  News  of  the  man's  extraordinary 
behaviour  reached  Carroll,  who  wrote  to  Plowden  on  May  8, 
1789:  *T  have  been  grossly  deceived  by  one  from  whom  I 
expected  much  and  who  opened  his  ministry  in  Boston.  He  is 
a  Frenchman,  calling  himself  La  Poterie  and  procured  indis- 
putable recommendations,  but  has  turned  out  a  sad  rascal."  ^^ 
In  a  subsequent  letter  to  Plowden,  dated  July  12,  1789,  he  again 
refers  to  his  deception  in  the  man.  Father  Carroll  asked  the 
Rev.  William  O'Brien  to  go  to  Boston  to  examine  into  the  state 
of  affairs  of  the  little  congregation,  with  the  result  that  on  May 
20,  1789,  Poterie  was  suspended,  and  a  committee  of  the  parish 
assumed  the  debts  he  had  contracted.  Poterie's  mind  no  doubt 
was  unbalanced.  After  his  departure  from  Boston  on  July 
8,  1789,  he  went  to  Quebec,  but  returned  in  December  of  that 
year.  There  is  a  letter  from  Poterie  to  his  creditors  in  the 
Columbian  Centinel  of  Boston,  dated  December  16,  1789,  which 
states  that  he  will  endeavour  to  pay  all  the  debts  he  had  made. 
B.  A.  Campbell  says  that  he  lived  in  Boston  as  a  private  indi- 
vidual until  January  19,  1790,  when  he  left  for  the  West  Indies. 
Before  he  left,  however,  he  published  a  violent  attack  upon 
Father  Carroll  and  the  priests  of  the  Church  in  the  United  States 


^  Cf.  Belknap  Papers  in  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society  Collectionj, 
Series  v,  vol.  ii,  pp.  1 10-125;  Leahy,  Archdiocese  of  Boston,  in  the  History  of  the 
Catholic   Church  in  the  New  England  States,   vol.   i,   pp.    i8ss.      Boston,    1899. 

'^    Stonyhurst  Transcripts;  cf.  United  States  Catholic  Miscellany,  vol.  viii,  p.   102. 


286  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

under  the  title :  The  Resurrection  of  Laurent  Ricci;  or  a  True 
and  Exact  History  of  the  Jesuits.  This  vicious  work  was  dedi* 
cated :  To  the  new  Laurent  Ricci  in  America,  the  Rev.  Fr.  John 
Carroll,  Superior  of  the  Jesuits  in  the  United  States,  also  to  the 
friar-inquisitor,  William  O'Brien.^^  There  was  at  this  time  in 
Boston,  another  French  priest,  Rev.  Louis  Rousselet,  who  had 
also  led  an  unfortunate  life  before  coming  to  America,  to  whom 
Carroll  had  given  faculties.  It  is  a  sad  commentary  on  the 
ecclesiastical  methods  of  the  day  that  bothPoterie  and  Rousselet 
came  to  Father  Carroll  with  recommendations  and  credentials.^^ 
Again,  the  little  congregation  in  Boston  had  a  scandalous  situa- 
tion on  its  hands,  and  Father  Carroll  suspended  Rousselet,  who 
is  said  to  have  gone  to  the  Island  of  Guadeloupe  in  June,  1791, 
and  while  there  fell  a  victim  to  the  French  Revolutionists. 
Campbell  relates  that  while  in  prison  he  informed  the  other 
prisoners  that  he  was  a  suspended  priest,  but  that  in  their  case, 
with  the  guillotine  awaiting  them  on  the  morrow,  church  law 
gave  him  the  right  to  prepare  them  for  death.  He  heard  the 
confessions  of  many  and  gave  them  absolution;  his  only  regret 
being  that  he  had  to  go  into  eternity  "without  having  the  efficacious 
graces  of  the  Sacraments  applied  to  my  poor  soul."  ^^ 

Carroll's  letters  to  Plowden  show  how  difficult  his  position 
had  become  at  this  time.  In  a  letter,  dated  July  12,  1789,  he 
says: 

Some  time  ago  I  was  much  pleased  with  the  letters  (which  were 
written  in  the  language  of  an  apostle)  of  a  French  priest,  who  had 
wandered  to  Boston.  I  received  several  letters  of  strong  recommendation, 
testimonials,  &c.,  all  which  joined  to  his  own  sentiments  of  submission, 
induced  me  to  grant  him  faculties  for  a  short  term.  He  proceeded  with 
great  rapidity  to  open  divine  service,  introduced  music,  celebrated  all  the 
ceremonies  of  a  cathedral,  &c.,  and  he  proceeded  to  make  some  publica- 
tions which  soon  convinced  me  of  his  imprudence.  He  soon  after  dis- 
covered himself  to  be  an  infamous  character,  his  faculties  are  revoked, 
and  he  now  proceeds  to  every  abuse  against  me,  as  a  Jesuit,  aiming  at 


28  Published  at  Philadelphia  in  1789.  Father  Lorenzo  Ricci  was  the  last  General  of 
the  Society  of  Jesus  (1758-1775)  before  the  Supression.  Cf.  Finotti,  Bibliographia 
Catholica  Americana,  pp.  224-225.     Boston,    1872. 

*  Baltimore  Cathedral  Archives,  Case  9A-G4;  cf.  Researches,  vol.  vi,  pp.  16-20, 
134-135;  vol.  xxiii,  p.  130. 

^  An  interesting  letter  from  Rousselet  to  Bishop  Hubert,  of  Quebec  (January  2, 
1790)  requesting  information  on  Poterie's  character  is  in  the  Archiepiscopal  Archives  of 
Quebec,  £:tats-Unis,  Miscellaneous.     Cf.  Records,  vol.  xviii,  p.  46. 


Reconstruction  287 

nothing  in  mj'  manoeuvrings,  but  to  re-establish  the  order  here,  under 
the  title  of  American  clergy.  It  is  singular  enough  that  some  of  our 
own  friends  are  blaming  me  for  being  too  irresolute  or  indifferent,  for 
not  adopting  their  most  intemperate  counsels  with  respect  to  restoring 
the  Society,  whilst  on  the  other  hand  Smyth,  the  Abbe,  and  others,  are 
accusing  me  of  sacrificing  to  this  intention  the  good  of  religion.  The 
Abbe  has  been  at  Rome,  and  pretends  an  acquaintance  with  Cardinal 
York,  and  other  consequential  characters  there;  he  is  exceeding  insinuat- 
ing, and  as  great  a  hypocrite  in  his  letters  as  I  ever  knew.  If  he  be 
only  slightly  known,  he  may  impose,  but  I  am  sure  that  he  has  resided 
no  where  long,  without  betraying  his  infamy.  I  think  he  has  lately 
discovered  such  knavery,  that  I  should  not  wonder  at  his  using  the  most 
iniquitous  means  of  pursuing  his  resentment.  Before  his  faculties  were 
recalled,  I  directed  him  not  to  use,  as  he  had  done,  public  prayers  for 
the  king  of  France  in  the  Sunday  service,  as  is  done  for  our  own  ruling 
powers,  because  a  government  jealous  of  its  independence  might  con- 
strue it  into  an  undue  attachment  of  American  Roman  Catholics  for  a 
foreign  prince.  He  at  first  acquiesced  in  the  propriety  of  my  direction, 
but  he  now  says  I  forbade  prayers  for  the  king  of  France  because  the 
French  expelled  the  Jesuits;  and  I  think  him  capable  of  writing  such 
falsehood  to  Europe,  even  to  his  ministry.  His  name  is  La  Poterie. 
Luckily  the  French  corps  diplomatique  here  are  well  acquainted  with  his 
character.  Mr.  Thayer  will  have  much  to  do  to  repair  the  scandals 
committed  by  this  man."  3i 

On  April  14,  1789,  a  few  weeks  after  Poterie's  suspension, 
Father  Carroll  sent  a  statement  of  the  case  to  Cardinal  Antonelli, 
telling  him  how  eagerly  he  was  awaiting  the  arrival  of  Father 
John  Thayer,  the  convert  Congregationalist  minister  (who  had 
been  ordained  in  Paris,  in  1787),  in  order  to  place  the  church 
in  Boston  under  his  charge.  He  mentions  the  presence  of 
Rousselet  in  Boston,  but  already  his  suspicions  were  aroused 
regarding  the  character  of  Poterie's  successor.^^  Carroll's  letters 
to  Thorpe  reveal  the  delinquencies  of  the  first  two  pastors  of  the 
Boston  congregation,  and  it  is  well  that  the  prefect  sent  this 
information  to  Rome,  for  he  had  not  yet  heard  the  last  of 
Poterie's  defection.  On  January  6,  1790,  Poterie  wrote  from 
Boston  to  Cardinal  Antonelli  to  the  effect  that  within  a  short 
time  the  five  northern  States  would  secede  from  the  others,  where 
the  ex-Jesuits  were  in  charge,  and  hence  the  only  superior  he 

3*  Stony  hurst  Transcripts;  this  letter  is  printed  in  the  United  States  Catholic 
Miscellany,  vol.  viii,  pp.  102-103;  cf.  Hughes,  op.  cit..  Documents,  vol.  i,  part  ii, 
p.  688. 

'■^'^    Propaganda  Archives,  Scritture  originali,  vol.  883,  no.  3. 


288  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

would  be  able  to  recognize  would  be  the  Cardinal-Prefect.^^  He 
assails  the  ex-Jesuits  as  guilty  of  intrigue  with  the  Empress  of 
all  the  Russias  in  their  endeavour  to  resurrect  their  Society.  It 
was  very  necessary,  therefore,  that  ecclesiastically,  the  United 
States  be  divided.  "How  can  a  single  man,"  he  writes,  "who 
never  goes  outside  Maryland  keep  control  of  the  80,000  Catholic 
souls  scattered  far  and  wide  in  this  vast  country."  He  had  met 
a  great  number  of  Catholics  who  never  heard  of  John  Carroll. 

•  He  celebrated  Holy  Mass  on  August  15,  1789,  in  Rhode  Island 
and  then  journeyed  through  Connecticut  and  New  Hampshire. 
The  Jesuits,  he  says,  are  so  hated  and  derided  in  the  country 

'  that  the  very  mention  of  the  restoration  of  the  Society  is  enough 
to  provoke  serious  difficulty  in  the  New  World.  "This  turbulent 
and  ambitious  group,"  he  continues,  "has  established  a  college 
and  novitiate  at  Georgetown,  in  Maryland,  where  the  novelty 
of  their  instructions  and  their  doctrines  is  a  serious  menace  to 
the  nascent  Church  of  Jesus  Christ  in  this  part  of  the  world." 
There  is  one  way  to  prevent  "ces  orages  les  plus  terribles  et  les 
plus  inevitables,"  and  that  is  for  the  Cardinal-Prefect  to  appoint 
Poterie  prefect  or  vicar-apostolic.  Poterie  then  calls  Anto- 
nelli's  attention  to  the  brochure  of  Smyth.  He  places  charges 
of  irregular  conduct  against  Carroll  in  Canada  and  elsewhere.  "A 
New  York  ce  meme  pere  a  commis  des  scandales  que  deux  cents 
ans  de  penitence  ne  sqauraient  faire  oublier."  In  Philadelphia, 
he  asserts  Carroll  was  the  direct  cause  of  a  schism  among  the 
Germans.  Poterie  then  asks  that  Antonelli  choose  some  one 
from  the  English,  Irish,  or  Scottish  Colleges  at  Rome  to  aid  him 
as  coadjutor  in  his  vast  work.  Again  he  asks  to  be  made  a 
vicar-apostolic  with  episcopal  powers,  and  urges  the  appointment 
of  other  vicars,  who  are  not  infected  with  "Jesuitisme."  The 
back  of  the  document  contains  the  terse  statement :  "Fu  risposto 
a  di  14  Agosto,  1790,  e  la  lettera  fu  mandata  all'istesso  Vescovo 
di  Baltimore."  ^*  Another  document  of  this  date  in  Italian, 
contains  the  same  general  statement,  and  emphasizes  the  fervour 


33  Poterie's  difficulties  led  him  as  early  as  October  6,  1788,  to  write  to  Bishop 
Hubert  asking  to  be  accepted  into  the  Diocese  of  Quebec;  on  January  29,  1789,  he 
wrote  requesting  Holy  Oils;  again  on  May  16,  1789.  he  sent  to  Hubert  a  printed  leaflet 
on  his  school  project  in  Boston  (Archiepiscopal  Archives  of  Quebec,  Etats-Unit, 
Miscellaneous). 

"*     Propaganda  Archives,  Scritture  rifcrite,  America  Centrale,  vol.  ii,  f.  376. 


Reconstruction  289 

of  Poterie  "che  aveva  sacrificato  i  suoi  beni  e  tutto  il  suo  zelo 
per  le  cerimonie  venerande  di  quella  santa  religione."  ^^  Propa- 
ganda should  realize,  the  statement  adds,  that  religion  in  the 
United  States  will  never  make  any  advance  under  the  direction 
of  the  ex-Jesuits.  It  is  this  fact  which  induced  Poterie  to 
publish  his  Resurrection  of  Laurent  Ricci}^ 

From  New  York  and  Boston  the  evil  of  insubordination  on 
the  part  of  clergy  and  people  spread  to  the  chief  centre  of  Cath- 
olic life  at  that  time,  Philadelphia.  The  Colonial  epoch  of  Cath- 
olicism in  Pennsylvania  may  be  considered  to  have  ended  with 
the  death  of  Father  Ferdinand  Farmer  on  August  17,  1786. 
Father  Farmer  was  one  of  the  most  gifted  men  in  the  American 
Mission;  in  1779,  he  was  appointed  a  trustee  of  the  University 
of  Pennsylvania.  With  the  coming  of  Father  Molyneux  to 
Philadelphia  in  1773,  the  Church  in  Philadelphia  began  its  long 
career  of  splendour.  Father  Molyneux  saw  the  assembling  of 
the  First  Continental  Congress,  for  he  lived  but  a  short  distance 
from  Carpenter's  Hall.  He  was  among  the  first  to  read  the 
Declaration  of  Independence  in  July,  1776,  and  though  we  have 
no  means  now  of  ascertaining  his  attitude  on  the  question  of 
independence,  his  silence  can  be  taken  as  indicative  of  his  feel- 
ings; for,  from  September  2^,  1777,  until  June  18,  1778,  when 
the  British  troops  under  Howe  were  in  possession  of  the  city, 
he  sedulously  kept  apart,  Englishman  though  he  was,  from  all 
the  brilliant  festivities  and  entertainments  which  stand  out  so 
pathetically  as  England's  last  and  futile  attempt  to  win  the  con- 
fidence of  her  colonists.  Father  Farmer,  also,  was  in  the  city 
much  of  the  time,  and  no  doubt  the  two  priests  found  spiritual 
work  in  abundance  among  the  Catholic  English,  Irish  and  Ger- 
man troops  of  Howe's  army.  The  participation  of  Congress 
in  the  services  at  St.  Mary's  especially  at  the  first  public  cele- 
bration of  Independence  Day,  in  the  little  church  on  July  4, 
1779,  must  have  made  a  profound  impression  on  the  two  priests. 
Father  Molyneux  reported  to  Carroll,  as  we  have  already  seen, 
that  the  city  contained  (1784)  about  one  thousand  Catholics, 
and  their  civil  status  was  no  doubt  better  in  Philadelphia  than 
elsewhere.     Father    Farmer's   name   heads   the   signers   of   the 


^^     Propaganda  Archives,  I.  c,  f.  378. 

^     From  a  copy  in  the  Congressional  Library,  Washington,  D,  C. 


290  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

address  given  to  Washington  in  Philadelphia,  on  December  13, 
1783,^^  and  his  funeral  on  August  18,  1786,  was  the  occasion  of 
a  notable  gathering  of  the  social  and  intellectual  leaders  of  the 
city.^*  All  the  Protestant  clergy  attended,  and  there  were 
present  also  the  members  of  the  American  Philosophical  Society, 
the  Trustees  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania,  and  many  non- 
Catholics,  who  had  learned  to  reverence  the  quiet,  dignified  and 
thoroughly  apostolic  priest.  Father  Molyneux  preached  the 
funeral  sermon  over  his  devoted  friend,  taking  as  his  text  the 
words  of  the  Psalm:  'The  just  shall  be  in  everlasting  remem- 
brance." Among  these,  he  said,  was  his  venerable  brother  and 
amiable  friend : 

Your  pious  and  zealous  pastor,  who  has  now  paid  the  debt  we  all  owe 
to  nature,  has  left  us,  to  go,  we  hope,  to  enjoy  the  reward  of  his  long 
and  faithful  labours :  he  is  gone  too  soon  for  us,  who  still  wanted  his 
fatherly  counsels  and  wholesome  instructions,  but  not  too  soon  for  himself, 
who  had  no  other  desire  on  earth  than  to  serve  his  heavenly  Master, 
under  whose  banners,  he  had  enlisted:  and  no  other  hope  in  leaving  it 
than  that  of  resting  in  His  embrace  for  all  eternity.  Thither  then,  we 
hope,  his  noble  and  immortal  soul,  delivered  from  the  dark  prison  of 
liesh,  has  taken  its  happy  flight  and  amid  consolation  of  finding  the  end 
of  all  his  views  and  wishes  unchangeably  accomplished. 

He  began  his  mission  at  Lancaster,  where  he  resided  six  years  in  all 
the  poverty  and  humility  of  an  apostle.  From  there  he  was  called  to 
Philadelphia,  where  he  has  lived  ever  since  in  the  same  humble  and 
active  style,  esteemed  by  all  ranks :  and  particularly  reverenced  and 
beloved  by  his  flock,  who  had  nearer  opportunities  of  knowing  his  singular 
worth  and  merit.  His  learning  and  other  commendable  qualifications  soon 
drew  the  public  notice.  Hence,  without  seeking  the  honour,  he  was  admitted, 
by  the  suffrages  of  learned  acquaintances,  a  member  of  the  Philosophical 
Society.  To  his  correspondence  with  Father  Myers,  late  astronomer  to 
the  elector  Palatine,  now  Duke  of  Bavaria,  that  society  is  indebted  for 
some  curious  pieces  of  that  mathematician  in  the  transit  of  Venus  dedi- 
cated to  the  Empress  of  Russia.  He  has  since  been  appointed  to  the 
Board  of  Trustees  of  the  University  of  this  city,  but  his  multiplied  im- 
mediate functions  of  another  nature  prevented  him  from  giving  that 
punctual  attendance  to  the  duties  of  these  appointments  and  from  being 
of  that  general  utility  for  which  inclination,  as  well  as  abilities,  would 
have  otherwise  rendered  him  well  qualified.  Such  has  been  the  man 
whose  remains  are  before  us ;  while,  therefore,  we  are  assembled  to  pay 
our  last  tribute  of  our  regard  and  affection  to  his  memory  and  drop  the 


"    Cf.  Researches,  vol.  xvii,  p.  46. 
2*    Ibid.,  vol.  xxvii,  p.  239. 


Reconstruction  291 

mourning  tear  on  his  funeral  tomb,  let  us  not  indulge  ourselves  in  un- 
reasonable grief  nor  be  sorrowful,  like  those  who  are  without  hope.  He 
is  gone  but  a  little  while  before  us  and  points,  by  edifying  examples 
and  faithful  instructions,  to  the  way  we  must  follow.  .  .  .  Many  will 
long  remember  with  what  unwearied  solicitude  he  acted  the  part  of  a  ten- 
der and  vigilant  shepherd,  sparing  no  pains  or  labour  to  seek  out  and 
reclaim  any  of  the  flock  under  his  charge  that  had  unhappily  strayed 
out  of  the  sweet  pastures  of  virtue  and  righteousness,  in  which  he  strove 
to  feed  and  preserve  them  from  every  infection  of  vice  and  danger  of 
perversion.  His  fatiguing  and  extensive  excursions  through  a  neigh- 
bouring State  and  various  parts  of  this,  in  search  of  little  flocks  scattered 
in  the  wilderness,  will  be  long  retained  in  their  minds  and  preserved  in 
their  breasts  as  grateful  monuments  of  his  unwearied  zeal  and  un- 
bounded charity,  and  as  perennial  proofs  of  the  faithful  performance  of 
the  duties  of  his  ministry. 

It  remains  with  us,  whom  he  has  left  behind,  carefully  to  follow  in  the 
steps  of  virtue  which  he  has  traced  out  for  us  by  his  bright  and  edifying 
example.  H  we  closely  adhere  to  these,  you  who  have  been  the  constant 
objects  of  his  pastoral  care  and  whom  he  has  always  cherished  as  his 
"joy  and  crown,  entreating  and  comforting  you  as  a  father  doth  his 
children,"  will  reap  the  fruits  of  his  past  labours  to  your  own  present 
consolation  and  further  happiness,  and  to  his  joy  and  glory  in  the  pres- 
ence of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  at  his  coming;  and  you  and  your  children 
after  you  will  be  blessed  in  his  successors  with  pious  and  zealous  pastors, 
who  continuing  in  the  steps  of  so  worthy  a  predecessor,  will,  it  is  to  be 
hoped,  by  labouring  with  a  like  zeal  and  fidelity  in  this  little  vineyard 
of  our  Lord,  bring  to  perfection  what  he  has  so  happily  begun." 

Sometime  before  1786,  Father  Farmer  had  written  to  the  Rev. 
Laurence  GraessI,  a  young  Bavarian  priest,  asking  him  to  come 
to  America  to  assist  in  the  work  of  ministering  to  the  German 
Cathohcs  of  Pennsylvania.  Father  GraessI,  who  was  then  in 
London,  set  out  immediately,  arriving  in  Philadelphia  in  October, 
1787. 

That  same  month,  there  came  unsolicited  to  Philadelphia  two 
other  German  priests,  brothers  and  members  of  the  Capuchin 
Order — John  Charles  and  Peter  Heilbron.  ^^  Without  waiting 
for  faculties  from  the  prefect-apostolic,  these  two  German 
priests  began  their  ministry.  Both  were  men  above  average 
intelligence,  and  they  soon  made  an  impression  on  the  German 


*•  A  certain  Paul  Millar,  of  Conewago,  sent  a  letter  to  a  friend  in  Germany, 
which  was  published  in  the  Maimer  Monatschrift,  in  1785,  in  which  he  appealed  for 
German  priests  for  the  Pennsylvania  missions.  The  two  Heilbron  brothers  accepted 
the  layman's  invitation  and  came  to  Philadelphia. 


292  The  Life  and  T lines  of  John  Carroll 

Catholics  of  Philadelphia  and  the  vicinity.  The  members  of  St. 
Mary's  parish  desired  that  one  of  the  brothers  be  appointed  as 
their  pastor,  but  Father  Carroll  had  already  appointed  Father 
Graessl.^'^  A  faction  arose,  and  Father  Graessl  seems  to  have 
left  the  city  for  a  time,  the  parish  being  conducted  by  Fathers 
Molyneux  and  Beeston,  the  latter  having  been  sent  by  Carroll  to 
assist  Molyneux,  who  was  then  in  ill-health.*^  In  March,  1788, 
Father  Graessl  returned  and  Father  Molyneux  retired  to  Bohemia, 
while  Father  Beeston  became  pastor  of  St.  Mary's.  The  feeling 
was  abroad  in  the  city  that  the  German  Catholics  ought  to  form 
a  congregation  of  their  own,  wherein  "the  language  and  customs 
of  the  Fatherland  would  obtain,  and  their  children  be  instructed 
in  the  tongue  of  their  people."  *^  Adam  Premir  was  elected 
chairman  of  a  German  Catholic  committee  for  this  purpose,  and 
on  February  21,  1788,  a  lot  at  Sixth  and  Spruce  Streets,  where 
Holy  Trinity  Church  now  stands,  was  bought.  The  place  at 
that  time  v/as  outside  the  city  limits.  Premir  announced  this 
purchase  to  Father  Carroll  on  February  23,  1788,  and  asked  his 
approval  for  the  proposed  church.*^  On  March  3,  1788,  Father 
Carroll  replied  that  the  plan,  as  far  as  it  was  conducive  to  the 
betterment  of  their  religious  life,  received  his  hearty  approbation. 
He  was  hesitant,  however,  because  he  was  uncertain  whether 
the  new  church  could  be  maintained,  and  also  because  there 
might  be  danger  of  causing  a  division  between  the  Catholics 
of  the  city.  Father  Farmer  had  opposed  the  separation  of  his 
countrymen  on  racial  lines,  and  no  doubt  the  new  church  was 
delayed  by  his  wise  and  prudent  management.  After  his  death, 
the  project  was  revived.  Father  Molyneux  had  warned  the 
prefect-apostolic  that  ''there  is  and  always  has  been  in  the  Ger- 
mans a  kind  of  jealousy  on  account  of  a  pretended  preference 
or  sympathy  in  the  Irish  in  the  management  of  pews,  etc." 
Carroll,  who  was  suspicious  that  the  separatists  were  resentful 


■**>  Carroll  to  Plowden,  March  1-13,  1788,  Stonyhurst  Transcripts;  cf.  Hughes, 
op.  cit.,  Documents,  vol.  i,  part  ii,  pp.  687-688. 

"    Hughes,  /.  c,  p.  616. 

*^    KiRLiN,  op.  cit.,  p.  123. 

*^  Griffin  has  used  the  most  important  documents  from  the  Baltimore  Cathedral 
Archives  on  this  episode  in  his  Church  of  the  Holy  Trinity,  Philadelphia,  in  the 
Records,  vol.  xxi,  p.  2-45.  Cf.  [Hertkorn],  A  Retrospect  of  Holy  Trinity  Parish: 
a  Souvenir  of  the  125th  Anniversary  of  the  Foundation  of  the  Church.  Philadelphia, 
1914. 


Reconstruction  293 

of  his  refusal  to  appoint  one  of  the  Heilbrons  to  the  pastorate, 
warned  Premir  that  his  decision  in  that  regard  was  final.  "Above 
all  things,"  he  added,  "be  mindful  of  charity  and  brotherly  love, 
avoid  contentions,  never  assuming  the  exercise  of  that  power, 
which  can  only  be  communicated  to  the  minister  of  Christ :  let  the 
election  of  the  pastor  of  your  new  church  be  so  settled  that  every 
danger  of  a  tumultuous  appointment  be  avoided  as  much  as 
possible.  In  any  country  this  would  be  hurtful  to  religion;  in 
this,  it  would  totally  destroy  it.  ...  As  you  undertake  to  raise 
your  church  at  your  own  charge  and  with  your  own  industry,  it  is 
possible  you  may  have  it  in  view  to  reserve  to  yourselves  the 
appointment  of  its  clergymen,  even  without  the  concurrence  of  the 
ecclesiastical  superior.  On  this  matter  I  request  to  hear  again 
from  you  as  I  conceive  it  may  involve  consequences  to  religion 
of  the  most  serious  nature."  ^*  Premir  and  the  committee  inter- 
preted this  letter  as  an  approval  of  their  project,  and  the  building 
of  the  church  commenced  at  once. 

Father  Beeston  opposed  the  division  of  his  parish  and  highly 
resented  Carroll's  letter  to  the  German  trustees.  No  copy  of 
Beeston's  letter  is  extant,  but  its  general  tenor  can  be  seen  in 
Father  Carroll's  answer : 

Baltimore,  March  22nd,  1788. 
Rcvd.  Dr.  Sir: — 

Since  Mr.  Bussy's  departure,  I  have  reconsidered  with  all  the  attention, 
which  I  could  command,  the  subject  of  your  letter,  and  all  the  events, 
which  have  passed,  relatively  to  the  German  Seceders  (if  they  may  be 
called  such)  as  far  as  I  have  been  concerned  in  these  transactions;  and 
I  must  still  think,  notwithstanding  your  complaint  against  me,  that  when 
a  number  of  people,  disclaiming  all  pretence  to  independence  of  spiritual 
jurisdiction,  request  my  approbation  to  build  a  church,  I  cannot  refuse 
a  qualified  approbation  of  a  work,  which  may  terminate  in  the  honour 
of  God.  That  this  idea  arose  from  their  disappointment  in  not  gaining 
Mr.  Heilbron,  I  believe ;  and  that  this  motive  may  be  uppermost  in  the 
minds  of  some  of  the  most  active  persons,  I  likewise  believe ;  but  I 
cannot  help  entertaining  a  hope  that  some  of  the  party  have  better  prin- 
ciples of  conduct ;  and,  whether  in  this  I  am  deceived  or  not,  I  can 
console  myself,  and  I  know,  that  you  will,  with  St.  Paul — Phil.  1.17 — 
Some  out  of  contention  preach  Christ,  not  sincerely:  supposing  that  they 
raise  affliction  to  us;  hut  zvhat  then?  so  that  every  zvay,  zvhether  by 
occasion,  or  by  truth,  Christ  be  preached;  in   this  also  we  rejoice,  yea. 


**    Baltimore  Cathedral  Archives,  Case  9-N1,  2,  3,  4, 


I 

294  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

and  li'Ul  rejoice.     Read  the  following  verses,  in  which  you  will  find  en- 
couragement, and  the  true  principles,  by  which  the   Society  always^  gov- 
erned herself,  and  finally  merited  superior  esteem  have  followed  her  in  her 
dissolution,  and  even  increased,  if  possible.     I  consider  farther,  that  it  is 
very  uncertain,  how  long  the  spirit  of  the  Society  will  be  kept  alive,  at 
least  in  this  country.     I  am  afraid,  not  much  longer,  than  they  live,  who 
have  been  trained  under  its  discipline ;    and  into  what  hands  will  our  reli- 
gious establishments  and  possessions  fall  hereafter,  if  our  proposed  school 
and  seminary  should   fail  of   success,  which  certainly  is  not  beyond  the 
bounds   of   probability?     The   expense   of   a   Liege  education   at   the   ad- 
vanced price  of  40  p.  ann.  for  young  Ecclesiastics,  renders  it  impracticable 
for   many   Americans   to   profit   by   that   excellent   institution;     and   even 
that   (without  a  restoration  of  the  Society)    is  liable  to  degeneracy.     In 
case  therefore  of   our   own   school    failing,   our   houses   and    foundations 
will  probably  fall  into  the  hands  of  such  missionary  adventurers,  as  we 
have  lately  seen.     Supposing  this  the  case  of  your  house  and  church  at 
Philadelphia,  will  it  not  be  a  comfort  to  good  Xtians  to  have   another 
church  there;    in  one  of   which   at   least  there  may  be   some  zeal,   some 
regard  for  public  edification ;    and  this  I  meant  to  insinuate  in  my  letter 
to  the   German  petitioners,   when   I   mentioned,   that   exertions   might   be 
the  greater  where  there  was  mutual  example,  etc.     Read  all  Ecclesiastical 
history;    and  you  will  find  the  best  Bishops,  a  St.  Ch.  Borromeo,  and  a 
St.  Francis  de  Sales,  etc.,  solicitous  to  multiply  Religious  establishments. 
1  know  very  well,  that  the  circumstances  were  somewhat  different,  and 
that,   generally   speaking,   those   undertakings   were   conducted   with   har- 
mony;   but  even  the  history  of  the  Society,  and  the  passage  of  St.  Paul 
above' recited,  furnish  contrary  examples.     In  opposition  to  these  consid- 
erations, you  may  observe— ist.  that  I  encourage  a  spirit  of   revolt  and 
defiance  of  pastoral  authority,  2nd.  that  I  foster  a  schism,  or  at  least,  an 
uncharitable  division  amongst  the  Congregation  of  Philadelphia. 

To  the  first,  I  answer,  that  I  have  letters  from  Mr.  Molyneux,  which 
I  supposed,  he  had  communicated  to  you,  wherein  he  describes  the  German 
petitioners  as  avowing  entire  deference  to  spiritual  jurisdiction,  and  as 
having  taken  occasion  indeed  from  my  rejection  of  their  application  for 
Heilbron,  not  to  originate,  but  to  renew  an  idea,  some  of  them  had  formerly 
entertained  of  building  themselves  a  Church.  He  requested  me  to  answer 
their  petition,  if  any  should  be  sent,  agreeably  to  his  own  communication 
with  them,  that  their  plan  appeared  to  be  founded  on  resentment;  that 
they  would  do  well  to  consult  Mr.  Pellentz ;  that  the  attempt  would 
probably  end  in  ruining  themselves  and  their  children.  He  added,  that 
Mr.  Farmer  used  sometimes  to  wish  they  had  a  Church  on  the  North  of 
the  town.  In  their  petition  to  me,  they  say,  the  ground  alone  in  that 
part  of  Philadelphia  would  have  made  a  difference  to  them  of  £2000. 
With  all  this  information,  I  never  conceived,  that  you  could  be  hurt  at 
my  giving  so  guarded  an  approbation,  as  is  contained  in  my  letter.  You 
should  have  been  more  explicit  and  expressly  marked  your  entire  dis- 
approbation, not  only  of  the  motives  of  the  attempt,  but  of  the  thing  itself. 


Reconstruction  295 

When  their  petition  came  to  hand,  I  consulted  my  good  companion,  and 
Mr.  Ashton,  who  happened  to  be  here ;  they  both  said,  they  did  not  see, 
how  I  could  refuse  people  leave  to  build  a  church,  provided  they  did 
not  arrogate  their  right  of  making  the  Pastor. 

If  hereby  I  gave  them  a  pretence  for  triumph  over  you,  it  was  cer- 
tainly from  not  being  informed  that  you  had  ever  manifested  any  public 
opposition.  Consider  my  situation :  I  knew  indeed  that  some  of  the  most 
respected  Germans  disliked  the  attempt;  but  that  a  majority  of  that 
body  opposed  it,  was  unknown  to  me,  till  I  heard  it  from  you.  Could 
I  avoid  supposing  that  advantage  would  be  taken  of  my  refusal  (if  I 
had  seen  cause  to  give  a  refusal)  to  spread  the  flames  of  discontent;  and 
to  raise  a  clamour  that  the  Jesuits  were  determined  that  no  churches 
should  be  erected,  but  by  their  agency  and  direction?  So  far  I  have 
spoken  in  opposition  to  your  charges.  I  now  add — ist.  that  if  you 
will  communicate  any  particular,  well  ascertained,  and  notorious  fact  of 
Oellers  or  others,  of  a  schismatical  nature  (i.  e.  tending  to  a  rupture  of 
communion  with  the  Cath.  Church)  or  of  evidently  pernicious  example, 
I  will  reconsider  the  sentiments  of  my  short  letter  by  Mr.  Bussy,  written 
in  great  hurry  and  confusion,  as  he  can  inform  you  of  circumstances. 
If  it  should  be  necessary  to  proceed  to  the  censures  of  the  Church,  every 
matter  must  be  conducted  with  regularity,  and  the  previous  monitions 
must  be  given.  2nd.  that  I  shall  write  to  the  Germans,  as  per  copy;  that 
their  conduct  in  the  affair  of  Incorporation  betrays  a  spirit  very  dissonant 
from  the  expressions  of  their  petition,  etc. ;  and  that  if  I  can  make  any 
certain  discovery  of  their  being  abetted  by  Messrs.  Heilbron,  I  shall  im- 
mediately take  some  vigorous  steps  with  them.  3rd.  that  if  you  are  quite 
assured  that  so  considerable  a  majority  as  you  represent  of  the  Germans, 
are  opposed  to  them,  you  ought  to  lose  no  time  in  getting  their  names 
to  some  instrument  of  writing  (memorial  or  petition)  expressive  of 
their  sentiments. ^^ 

The  conflict  which  arose  between  the  German  trustees  and  the 
pastor  of  St.  Mary's  Church  and  between  Holy  Trinity  Church 
and  Dr.  Carroll  was  to  last  almost  down  to  the  year  of  Bishop 
Egan's  election  to  the  See  of  Philadelphia  (1808).  Holy  Trinity 
is  the  first  national  or  racial  Church  in  the  history  of  Catholicism 
in  this  country,  and  during  Carroll's  episcopate  it  was  the  centre 
of  a  movement  which  has  often  disturbed  the  harmony  of  the 
Church  down  to  the  present  time. 

Out  beyond  the  Alleghanies,  in  the  old  Illinois  Country,  where 
Father  Gibault  remained  alone  to  care  for  the  French  garrisons, 
difficulties  of  another  sort  had  arisen.  Father  Gibault,  as  Vicar- 
General  of  the  Bishop  of  Quebec,  would  not  reliquish  his  author- 


*'    Baltimore  Cathedral  Archives,  Case  g-Ei. 


296  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

ity  without  the  consent  of  his  Ordinary.  Consequently,  when 
'^Father  Carroll  sent  Father  Pierre  Huet  de  la  Valiniere  to  that 
district  with  the  powers  of  a  vicar-general,  the  two  jurisdictions, 
those  of  Quebec  and  of  Baltimore,  came  into  conflict.  When 
Father  Carroll  realized  the  situation,  he  wrote  to  Bishop  Hubert, 
on  May  5,  1788,  asking  for  information  on  the  subject: 

My  Lord: 

I  find  myself  compelled  to  ask  Your  Lordship  for  some  light  upon  a 
rather  delicate  matter,  and  this  necessity  at  the  same  time  gives  me  an 
opportunity  to  assure  you  of  the  esteem  I  entertained  for  your  character 
and  episcopal  virtues. 

Encouraged  by  the  favorable  recommendations  with  which  M.  Huet 
de  la  Valiniere  was  supplied  by  his  ecclesiastical  superiors  in  Canada, 
I  gladly  accepted  his  offer  to  go  to  the  Illinois,  and  have  appointed 
him  my  vicar  general  there.  Since  he  left,  I  have  received  letters  written 
at  Post  Vincent  [Vincennes]  by  another  priest  named  Gibault,  who  tells 
me  that  for  nineteen  years  he  himself  has  been  the  vicar  general  in  that 
section  of  the  bishops  of  Canada.  It  is  about  this  matter,  my  Lord,  that 
I  wish  to  be  informed,  and  upon  which  I  presume  to  ask  you  to  throw 
some  light;  especially  since  reports  have  reached  me  concerning  M. 
Gibeau's   [Gibault's]   conduct  which  are  very  unfavourable  to  him. 

I  learnt  some  time  ago  that  your  Lordship  was  dissatisfied  with  me 
because  I  meddled  in  the  ecclesiastical  government  of  the  Illinois  coun- 
try. I  did  so  because  I  thought  it  was  included  in  my  jurisdiction,  and 
I  had  no  idea  that  your  Lordship  extended  your  pastoral  care  to  that 
region.  No  motive  of  ambition  actuated  me;  and  if  you  propose  to 
provide  for  the  spiritual  needs  there,  you  will  save  me  from  great  em- 
barrassment and  relieve  my  conscience  of  a  burden  which  weighs  very 
heavily  upon  it.  In  such  an  event,  my  only  anxiety  would  be  that  prob- 
ably the  United  States  will  not  allow  the  exercise  of  power,  even  of  a 
spiritual  nature,  to  a  subject  of  Great  Britain. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  most  respectful  devotion  your  Lordship's 
humble  and  obedient  servant. 

J.  Carroll, 
Ecclesiastical  Superior  of  the  United  States.^^ 

^      Michigan  was  still  under  the  British  flag  at  this  time  and  the 
^  two  ecclesiastical  superiors,  Carroll  and  Hubert,  settled  the  ques- 
tion of  jurisdiction  in  this  way :     Detroit  was  to  remain  directly 
under  Quebec,  and  all  official  acts  of  Father  Carroll  or  of  his 

■«  Archicpiscopal  Archives  of  Quebec,  ttats-Unis,  Miscellaneous;  printed  in  the 
Records,  vol.  xviii,  pp.  15S-156;  cf.  Illinois'  First  Citizen:  Pierre  Gibault,  by 
J.  J.  Thompson,  in  the  Illinois  Catholic  Historical  Rcviezv,  vol.  i,  pp.  79-94.  239-248, 
484-494. 


Reconstruction  297 

vicar-general  in  the  rest  of  the  old  Illinois  Country  would  be 
confirmed  by  Quebec,  until  Rome  had  sent  a  decision  in  the 
matter. 

Bishop  Hubert,  who  had  in  the  meantime  been  warned  by 
Gibault  of  the  presence  of  the  American  Vicar-General,  wrote 
to  Propaganda  asking  direction.  On  October  6,  1788,  he  replied 
to  Carroll  as  follows : 

Quebec,  October  6,  1788 

Mr.  J.  Carroll, 

Prefect  Apostolic,  at  Baltimore, 

Sir:  Your  letter  of  May  5  having  only  lately  been  handed  to  me,  I 
make  it  my  duty  to  reply  to  it  and  to  satisfy  you  about  the  subjects  of 
which  it  treats. 

His  Eminence  Cardinal  Antonelli,  having  learnt  that  Mr.  De  La  Valin- 
iere  and  the  Abbe  St.  Pierre  had  been  sent  to  the  Illinois  with  faculties 
from  you,  wrote  to  Mr.  de  Villars,  Vicar-General  at  Paris  of  the  Bishop 
of  Quebec,  to  ask  him  for  information  thereon,  saying  that  the  Sacred 
Congregation  of  Propaganda  was  utterly  in  the  dark  in  relation  to  this 
fact.  Upon  the  report  of  Mr.  De  Villars,  Bishop  D'Esglis,  my  deceased 
predecessor,  wrote  last  year  in  these  terms:  "By  the  treaty  of  peace  of 
1783,  the  country  situated  at  the  south  of  the  St.  Lawrence  river  from 
the  45th  degree  of  latitude  having  been  ceded  to  the  Anglo-Americans, 
and  the  Illinois  being  within  this  portion,  the  Bishop  of  Quebec  has  not 
sent  any  permanent  missionary  there  since  that  time;  it  is  even  presum- 
able that  the  Government  would  take  it  in  bad  part  if  he  did  so.  Hence 
things  were  left  as  they  were  until  the  new  order  of  things.  It  appears, 
indeed,  that  Mr.  de  la  Valiniere  and  Mr.  de  St.  Pierre  were  appointed  to 
the  Illinois  region  by  the  Prefect  Apostolic  of  New  England.  I  do  not 
know  the  extent  of  their  faculties  of  which  they  render  no  account  to  me ; 
and,  as  for  the  rest,  I  am  not  disposed  to  disturb  them  about  it,  etc." 

Such,  Sir,  were  the  sentiments  of  my  predecessor  on  the  subject  of  these 
missions.  It  is  true  that  they  are  incontestably  in  the  diocese  of  Quebec 
according  to  our  original  grant,  and  also  that  the  Seminary  of  Quebec 
for  that  reason  long  had  the  right  to  nominate  a  superior  among  the 
Tamarois,  a  prerogative  which  the  said  Seminary  resigned  only  in  favour 
of  the  Bishop  of  Quebec.  Be  that  as  it  may,  I  believe  it  is  prudent  for 
us  under  the  circumstances  to  accommodate  ourselves  to  the  new  order  of 
things,  although  I  be  not  at  liberty  to  assent  to  the  dismemberment  of 
this  part  of  my  diocese  without  the  consent  of  my  coadjutor  and  of  my 
clergy.  Divine  Providence  having  permitted  that  the  Illinois,  etc., 
should  have  fallen  into  the  power  of  the  United  States,  the  spiritual 
charge  of  which  is  confided  to  your  care,  I  urgently  beseech  you  to 
continue  in  the  meantime  to  provide  for  these  missions,  as  it  would  be 
difKcult    for    me   to   supply   them   myself    without    perhaps    giving    some 


298  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

ofifence  to  the  British  Government.  The  testimony  that  is  rendered  on  all 
sides  to  your  virtue  convinces  me  that  the  faithful  of  that  section  will 
rejoice  to  have  you  for  their  ecclesiastical  superior. 

True  it  is  that  Mr.  Gibault  was  nominated  twenty  years  ago  as  a 
vicar-general  for  the  Illinois  country.  But  since  that  time  the  episcopal 
see  of  Quebec  has  twice  changed  its  incumbent  without  his  faculties  hav- 
ing been  renewed.  Complaints  of  different  kinds,  especially  a  suspicion 
of  treason  towards  the  government,  caused  my  predecessors  to  entertain 
some  antipathy  towards  him,  so  much  so  that  I  propose  to  give  him  no 
employment  for  the  future.  .  .  . 

I  received  a  letter  from  him  this  year  in  which  he  asks  to  come  back 
to  the  Province  of  Quebec.  After  the  disadvantageous  opinion  that  the 
government  has  formed  of  him,  I  cannot  prudently  consent  to  his  return. 
Nevertheless,  if  you  judge  it  proper  to  continue  him  as  a  missionary,  I 
ratify  in  advance  all  that  you  may  be  pleased  to  ordain  therein  either  in 
regard  to  him  or  to  other  missionaries  now  or  in  the  future.  Observe, 
please,  that  Mr.  de  la  Valiniere  is  a  man  of  very  good  morals  but  that, 
as  we  have  experienced  in  Canada,  his  turbulent  spirit  is  capable  of 
causing  much  trouble  to  his  confreres.  As  for  Detroit,  I  shall  continue 
to  send  missionaries  there  as  heretofore. 

I  have  the  honor  to  subscribe  myself,  with  sincere  veneration;  in  union 
with  your  holy  Sacrifices,  Sir,  your  humble  and  obedient  servant, 

►J*  Jean  Fraxqois, 
Bishop  of  Quebec.^'' 

Leaving  all  these  "stirs"  in  the  American  Church  unsettled 
behind  him  in  the  summer  of  1790,  Carroll  was  on  his  way  across 
the  Atlantic  to  be  consecrated.  In  his  letter  *'in  mari"  of  July, 
1790,  he  mentioned  in  particular  the  disturbed  condition  of  the 
Church  in  Boston,  owing  to  a  faction  that  refused  to  accept  as 
pastor  Father  John  Thayer,  who  had  arrived  in  Boston,  in 
January,  1790.  From  London,  on  July  30,  1790,  he  again  ad- 
dressed Antonelli  relating  the  sad  condition  of  affairs  in 
Boston  caused  by  Poterie.  If  Poterie  had,  as  he  has  heard, 
written  to  Propaganda  against  him,  it  is  unfortunate,  because 
Carroll  left  behind  him  at  Baltimore,  all  the  documents  bearing 
on  the  case.  If  it  was  necessary,  on  his  return,  he  promised  to 
send  copies  of  these  letters  to  the  Cardinal-Prefect.'*®  On 
August  14,  1790,  Cardinal  Antonelli  wrote  to  Carroll,  informing 


"    Archiepiscopal  Archives  of   Quebec,   I.   c,   printed   in  the   Records,   vol.   xviii, 

pp.   156-157- 

*'  Propaganda  Archives,  Scritture  rifcritc,  America  Centrale,  vol.  ii,  f.  390. 
These  letters  will  be  discussed  in  detail  in  that  part  of  the  biography  dealing  with 
Carroll's  voyage  and  consecration. 


Reconstruction  299 

him  of  the  contents  of  Poterie's  infamous  letter  of  January  6, 
1790,  and  assuring  him  that  Propaganda  did  not  consider  it 
worthy  of  attention ;  but  lest  Poterie  should  mistake  Rome's 
silence  for  approval,  an  answer  was  to  be  sent.  Carroll  was 
warned  to  avoid  everything  which  might  give  occasion  to  such 
charges,  and  to  be  very  careful  in  his  acceptance  of  foreign 
clergymen.*^  Antonelli's  reply  to  Poterie  is  of  this  same  date 
(August  14,  1790).  The  Cardinal-Prefect  takes  Poterie  to  task 
for  his  unfounded  charges  against  Father  Carroll,  and  warns 
Poterie  that  his  disgraceful  record  in  Europe  was  well  known 
to  Propaganda.  Poterie  was  told  to  exercise  no  spiritual  power 
in  the  United  States  without  Bishop  Carroll's  express  consent. 
The  Cardinal-Prefect  strongly  advised  the  rebellious  priest  to 
leave  America  and  return  to  his  diocese  in  France — "satius 
hortatu  meo  faceres,  si  American  desereres  et  in  Galliam  remeares. 
Deus  tibi  saniora  consilia  in  mentem  inducat."  ®^ 

It  is  sad  to  think  that  Bishop  Carroll's  peace  during  his  conse- 
cration at  Lulworth,  on  August  15,  1790,  should  be  disturbed 
by  these  scurrilous  charges  and  that  in  the  midst  of  receiving 
his  old  friends  and  of  being  entertained  by  them,  he  should  be 
obhged  to  return  to  the  subject  in  his  letter  of  August  28,  1790, 
which  carried  the  good  news  to  Antonelli  that  he  had  been  duly 
consecrated.  He  was  happy,  however,  in  l^eing  able  to  report  that 
Poterie  had  secretly  departed  from  Boston — "quem  gaudeo  aero 
alieno  oppressum  clam  ex  America  decessisse,  atque  ita  missionem 
iniquo  ac  scandaloso  operario  liberatam."  ^^  A  final  mention  of 
Poterie  occurs  in  Carroll's  letter  to  Antonelli,  before  his  departure 
from  England,  dated  London,  September  27,  1790.°^ 

Harmony,  however,  was  not  to  be  restored  to  the  distracted 
Boston  Church  under  Father  John  Thayer  until  1792,  when 
Father  Matignon  was  appointed  to  that  congregation.  The  entire 
incident  is  filled  with  significance  for  one  who  wishes  to  make  an 
accurate  estimate  of  Carroll's  courage  and  vision  in  the  presence 
of  these  intruders  and  vagahimdi,  who  disturbed  the  peace  of  the 
Church  in  every  large  Catholic  centre  during  his  episcopate. 


*^  Ibid.,  Lettere,  vol.  258,  f.  497- 

«»  Ibid..  I.e..  f.  496. 

"  Ibid..  I.e..   f.   S42-     ■ 

"  Hughes,  op.  cit.,  Documents,  vol.  i,  part  ii,  p.  690. 


CHAPTER  XVII 

(1784- 1 790) 
CARROLL  AND  THE  CLERGY 

Two  changes  occurred  in  the  history  of  the  American  clergy 
during  these  five  years  of  Carroll's  Prefectship.  The  first  was 
the  gradual  dominance  of  the  ''newcomers"  in  every  section  of 
the  country,  outside  of  Maryland.  The  second  was  the  growing 
realization  of  the  necessity  of  episcopal  government.  This  latter 
development  had  reached  its  most  important  stage  pari  passu 
with  the  growth  of  the  clergy  problems  during  the  year  1788-89. 

There  were  twenty-four  American  priests,  and  two  "new- 
comers" under  Carroll's  jurisdiction,  when  he  accepted  the 
onerous  post  of  the  Prefectship  in  1785.  Shea  tells  us  that: 
"The  nineteen  priests  in  Maryland  were  apparently  Very  Rev. 
John  Carroll,  Prefect-Apostolic;  Rev.  John  Lewis,  Bohemia; 
Rev.  James  Walton,  at  St.  Inigoes;  Rev.  Henry  Pile,  Newport; 
Rev.  Benedict  Neale,  Rev.  Ignatius  Matthews,  at  St.  Thomas' 
Manor;  Revs.  J.  Ashton,  Sylvester  Boarman,  Port  Tobacco; 
Rev.  Leonard  Neale;  Rev.  Charles  Sewall,  Baltimore;  Rev. 
Joseph  Mosley,  St.  Joseph's;  Revs.  Augustin  Jenkins,  John 
Bolton,  Francis  Beeston,  Lewis  Roels,  Thomas  Digges,  Bernard 
Diderick,  John  Boone ;  Rev.  James  Frambach,  at  Fredericktown. 
The  five  in  Pennsylvania  were  Revs.  Robert  Molyneux,  Ferdi- 
nand Farmer,  Philadelphia;  James  Pellentz,  Conewago;  Luke 
Geissler,  Lancaster ;  and  John  B.  de  Ritter,  Goshenhoppen."  ^ 

As  we  have  already  seen,  in  his  Relation  to  Antonelli  (March, 
1785)  Carroll  expressed  his  fears  of  the  danger  there  was  to 
the  infant  Church  of  America  in  the  coming  of  unworthy  shep- 
herds from  Europe.  'T  am  convinced,"  so  runs  the  Relation 
"that  the  Catholic  faith  will  suflfer  less  harm,  if  for  a  short  time 
there  is  no  priest  at  a  place,  than  if  living  as  we  do  among  fellow- 


*  op.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.   260  note. 

300 


The  Clergy  301 

citizens  of  another  religion,  we  admit  to  the  discharge  of  the 
sacred  ministry,  I  do  not  say  bad  priests,  but  incautious  and 
imprudent  priests."  There  is  nowhere  among  Carroll's  papers 
an  oflicial  Clergy  List  for  1785,  but  this  little  band  of  apostles 
deserves  a  place  of  the  highest  honour  in  the  history  of  the 
Church  in  this  country.  The  chief  events  of  their  lives,  so  far 
as  they  are  known,  must  be  sought  in  various  sources,  and  an 
accurate  account  of  each  one  of  them  is  at  present  impossible.^ 
The  following  tentative  sketch  may  be  of  value : 

List  of  American  Clergy  in  1^83. 

AsHTON,  Rev.  John.  Born  in  Ireland,  May  3,  1742;  entered  the  Society 
of  Jesus,  on  September  7,  I759;  was  sent  to  Maryland,  where  he 
arrived  in  November,  1767;  for  thirty-nine  years  was  in  charge  of 
Whitemarsh  mission;  died  February  4,  1815.  He  did  not  re-enter 
the  Society  after  the  Restoration. 

Beeston,  Rev.  Francis.  Born  in  England,  June  15,  1751;  entered  the 
Society  at  Ghent,^  September  7,  1771 ;  taught  at  Liege  after  the 
Suppression;  probably  ordained  in  England;  came  to  Maryland  in 
1786;  v.'as  appointed  assistant  to  Father  Molyneux,  in  1786;  became 
pastor  of  St.  Mary's,  Philadelphia,  in  1788.  Foley  says  there  is  no 
record  of  his  ministry  after  1790,  and  Hughes  states  that  he  survived 
the  Restoration,  but  did  not  re-enter  the  Society.  Kirlin  says  that 
he  retired  to  Bohemia  Manor  in  1790,  and  died  there  in  1809.  He  died, 
however,  in  Baltmore.  He  was  secretary  to  the  First  Synod  of  Balti- 
more. A  biographical  sketcli  of  Fr.  Beeston  by  Bishop  Carroll  will  be 
found  in  Kingston's  A'eiv  American  Biographical  Dictionary,  pp.  40-41 
(Balto.,  1810).  He  was  pastor  of  St.  Peter's  Church,  Baltimore, 
when  Bishop  Neale  was  consecrated  there,  December  8,  1800,  and 
was  one  of  the  managers  of  the  lottery  for  the  Cathedral  in  1806. 

BoARMAN,  Rev.  John.  Born  in  Maryland,  January  27,  1743;  entered 
the  Society  of  Jesus,  September  7,  1762;    after  the  Suppression  he  re- 


'  E.g.,  Foley,  Records  of  the  English  Province  of  the  Society  of  Jesus,  in  twelve 
series,  of  five  volumes,  with  a  supplementary  volume  on  the  English  College,  Rome,  and 
two  further  volumes  (vol.  vii,  in  two  parts)  entitled  Collectanea  or  Biographical  Notices, 
etc.  London,  1877-1883;  Oliver,  Collections,  etc.  London,  1857.  Hughes,  op.  cit., 
Text,  vol.  i,  pp.  3-7,  gives  a  list  of  sources  for  this  purpose,  and  his  Text,  vol.  ii, 
pp.  676-704  (appendix  F)  contains  a  biographical  account  of  the  Jesuits  who  laboured 
in  America  from  1634  to  the  Suppression.  The  Researches  (see  Index)  contain  much 
biographical  material;  there  is  a  contemporary  clergy-list  in  Dilhet's  manuscript, 
Etat  de  I'Eglise  on  du  Diocese  des  ttats-Unis,  which  has  recently  been  translated 
by  the  Rev.  Dr.  Browne,  of  the  Catholic  University  of  America,  Washington,  D.  C., 
and  which  is  now  in  course  of  publication. 

3  Griffin,  Researches,  vol.  xxiv,  p.  284,  says  that  Father  Beeston  was  not  a 
Jesuit,  but  came  to  this  country  with  letters  of  introduction  from  Lady  Arundell  to 
Carroll. 


302  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

turned  to  Maryland,  arriving  there  March  21,  177 A-    His  name  is  signed 
to  the   Act  of    Submission   of   the   American   Jesuits.      Shea  does   not 
give  his  name  in  the  list.     Foley  says  he  died  in  Maryland,  in   1794- 
Hughes   quotes   a   necrology   which   states   that   he   died    in    1797.      He 
was  one  of  the  subscribers  to  Mathew  Carey's  Catholic  Bible  in  1789, 
and  is  placed  on  the  list  as   living  then   at   Newtown.     Thomas  says 
he  died  in  1794  (p.  24).* 
BoARMAN,    Rev.    Sylvester.      Relation   of    above,    not   his    brother    as    is 
commonly    believed;    born    in    Maryland,    November    7,    1746;    entered 
the  Society  of  Jesus,   September  7,   1765.     Foley  says:     "At  the  time 
of   the   Suppression,   he   was   studying   philosophy   at   Liege;     and,   re- 
turning  to   Maryland,    was    ordained,    and    became    a    missioner."      He 
must   have  been   ordained   before   setting   out    for   America,   where   he 
arrived   the    same   day   with   John    Boarman.      He    attended   the    First 
General   Chapter   at  Whitemarsh,   on  June   1783.     Shea  places  him  at 
Port  Tobacco  in  1785.     Father  Boarman  was  one  of  the  Committee  of 
Five    that    replied    to    the    Southern    District    Remonstrance,    in    1786. 
He  was  present  at  the  First   Synod    (i79i)-     He  joined  the  restored 
Society   in    1806.      Hughes    says   his    death    occurred    at    St.    Thomas', 
Newtown,  January  7,   181 1.     Thomas  questions  the  fact  that  he  was  a 
Jesuit   (p.  17). 
Bolton,  Rev.  John.     Born  on  October  22,  1742;    entered  the  Society  of 
Jesus  on  September  7,  1761 ;    was  sent  to  Maryland  in  1771.     His  name 
is  in  the  Act  of   Submission,  and  his  residence  at  the  time,  according 
to  Shea,  was  Port  Tobacco.     He  was  present  at  the   Synod  of    1791. 
He  joined  the  restored  Society  in   1806,   and  died   September  2,   1809. 
(Another  catalogue  gives  his  death  as  occurring  in  1805.) 
BooNE,    Rev.    John.      Born    in    Maryland,    April    18,    1735;     entered    the 
Society  of  Jesus  at  Watten,  September  7,  1756.     In  1765,  he  was  sent 
to   the   Maryland-Pennsylvania   mission.     Five   years   later,   August    5, 
1770,  he  went  to  England,  and  in   1784,   returned  to  Maryland.     Shea 
incorrectly  lists  him  among  the  American  Jesuits  at  the  time  of  the 
Suppression    here.      Father    Boone    was    one    of    the    two    American 
priests    to    whom    Bishop    Talbot    refused    to    give    faculties    in    1783, 
when  they  were  setting  out   for   Maryland.     He   died  at   St.   Ignatius 
Mission,  April  27,  1795. 
DiDERiCK,   Rev.  John   Baptist.     Born   in   Luxembourg,   probably   in    1726; 
entered  the   Society  of  Jesus  in   1745;    was  sent  to  Maryland,  in  1769 
or  1771 ;  in  1775,  was  assigned  to  Baltimore;  was  a  leader  in  the  Chap- 
ters   of    the    clergy,   and    an    opponent    to    the    School    Project    and    to 
Carroll's  nomination  to  the  episcopate.     He  died  at  Notley  Hall,  July  5, 
1793.     He  is  given  as  Bernard  Diderick  in  the  Act  of   Submission  of 
1774,  and  he  used  also  the  alias,  Rich.     Hughes  is  the  authority  for 
his  Christian  names,  John  Baptist,  but  he  is  best  known  as  Bernard. 


*  Cf.  C.  F.  Thomas,  The  Genealogy  of  the  Boarman  Family.     Baltimore,  1897. 


The  Clergy  303 

DiGGES  (or  DiGGs),  Rev.  Thomas.  Born  in  Maryland,  January  5,  1711; 
entered  the  Society  of  Jesus  at  Watten,  September  7,  1729;  was  pro- 
fessed of  the  four  vows  in  1747.  Returned  to  Maryland,  probably  in 
1749,  and  laboured  in  the  Maryland-Pennsylvania  mission ;  was  Superior 
for  a  term.     He  died  at  Mellwood,  February  5,  1805. 

Farmer,  Rev.  Ferdinand — see  Steinmever. 

Frambach,  Rev.  James.  Born  in  Germany,  January  6,  1729;  entered 
the  Society  of  Jesus,  October  19,  1744;  arrived  in  Maryland  June  9, 
1758.  Shea  calls  him  Augustine  and  James.  His  name  is  among  those 
who  signed  the  Act  of  Submission.  Shea  places  him  at  Frederick,  Md., 
in  1774.  He  was  shot  at  several  times  by  bigots.  Father  Frambach 
purchased  the  ground  for  the  church  in  Hagerstown,  on  August  16, 
1786.  He  is  mentioned  specially  for  financial  reasons  in  the  Second 
General  Chapter  of  1786.  In  April  1788,  he  retired  from  Frederick. 
He  was  a  Vicar-General  under  Bishop  Carroll  after  1790,  and  is  said 
to  have  died  at  St.  Ignatius',  August  26,  1795. 

Geissler,  Rev.  Luke.  Born  in  Germany,  in  1735;  entered  the  Society 
of  Jesus  in  1756;  transferred  to  the  English  Province  and  sent  to 
Maryland  in  1766  (another  catalogue  says  1769)  ;  before  the  Suppres- 
sion, he  was  in  charge  of  the  Lancaster  mission;  in  1774  he  signed 
the  Act  of  Submission,  being  then  stationed  at  Conewago;  in  1780, 
he  was  at  Conewago,  and  died  there  on  August  10,  1786. 

Jenkins,  Rev.  Augustine.  Born  in  Maryland,  January  12,  1742;  en- 
tered the  Society  of  Jesus,  September  7,  1766;  arrived  in  Maryland, 
according  to  Hughes,  May  24,  1776  (Foley  says  1774)  ;  his  name  is 
signed  to  the  Act  of  Submission  as  being  but  recently  arrived;  in  1781, 
he  was  stationed  at  Newtown ;  his  name  is  among  the  subscribers  to 
Mathew  Carey's  Catholic  Bible  (1789).  He  does  not  seem  to  have 
been  present  at  the  Synod  of  1791,  and  his  death  is  given  as  occurring 
at  Newtown,  February  2,   1800. 

Lewis,  Rev.  John,  the  Superior  of  the  Jesuit  mission  in  the  United 
States  at  the  time  of  the  Suppression.  Born  in  Northamptonshire, 
England,  September  19,  1721,  educated  at  St.  Omer's  College;  entered 
the  Society  of  Jesus,  September  7,  1740;  professed,  says  Foley,  in 
1758,  and  sent  that  year  to  Maryland  Mission;  was  at  Whitemarsh 
at  the  time  of  the  Suppression,  his  name  being  second  in  the  Act  of 
Submission;  acted  as  Vicar-General  of  Challoner  during  the  Revo- 
lutionary War;  resigned  the  Superiorship  on  Carroll's  appointment; 
"a  person  free  from  every  selfish  view  and  ambition,"  as  Carroll 
styles  him;  was  passed  over  by  Propaganda  for  the  Superiorship  in 
1784,  on  account  of  "his  advanced  age;"  is  mentioned  by  Shea,  as 
residing  at  Bohemia  in  1785.  He  died  at  Bohemia  in  1788,  either 
on  March  24  or  May  24. 

Matthews,  Rev.  Ignatius.  Born  in  Maryland,  January  25,  1730;  en- 
tered the  Society  of  Jesus,  September  7,  1763,  "being  already  a  priest" 
(Foley);  in  1766  was  sent  to  the  Maryland  Mission;  at  the  time 
of  the   Suppression,  he   was  at   Newtown;    his   name   is   found  in   the 


304  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

Act  of  Submission;  he  succeeded  Father  George  Hunter  who  died  at 
Port  Tobacco,  on  June  16,  1779;  took  a  prominent  part  in  the  General 
Chapters ;  was  one  of  the  Committee  of  Three,  with  Diderick  and 
Mosley,  appointed  in  1784  to  petition  the  Holy  See  against  the  ap- 
pointment of  a  bishop;  in  1785,  he  was  at  St.  Thomas'  Manor;  he 
received  one  vote  in  the  election  which  gave  to  Carroll  the  bishopric. 
He  died  May  11,   1790. 

MoLYNEUX,  Rev.  Robert.  Born  near  Formby,  Lancashire,  England,  July 
24,  1738;  entered  the  Society  of  Jesus,  September  7,  1757;  soon  after 
his  ordination  was  sent  to  Maryland,  probably  in  1770;  was  appointed 
pastor  of  the  church  in  Philadelphia,  June,  1773;  his  name  is  in  the 
Act  of  Submission ;  was  still  pastor  in  Philadelphia  in  1785 ;  had  an 
important  share  in  persuading  the  Holy  See  of  the  necessity  of  epis- 
copal jurisdiction;  in  the  subscription  list  for  Carey's  Catholic  Bible 
(1789),  his  residence  is  given  as  Bohemia,  where  he  had  gone  in  1788; 
acted  as  Vicar-General  of  the  Southern  District  for  Bishop  Carroll,  and 
as  such  took  part  in  the  Synod  of  1791 ;  joined  the  restored  Society  of 
Jesus  in  1806;  had  been  made  President  of  Georgetown  College  1791- 
1796,  and  in  1806  resumed  that  position;  was  appointed  first  Superior  of 
the  restored  Society  of  Jesus  in  the  United  States,  on  February  22,  1806. 
He  died,  says  Shea,  December  9,  1809 — exact  date  being  a  year  earlier. 

MosLEY,  Rev.  Joseph.  Born  in  Lincolnshire,  England,  in  November  173 1 ; 
educated  at  St.  Omer's ;  entered  the  Society  of  Jesus  at  Watten, 
September  7,  1748;  in  1759,  he  was  in  charge  of  the  Bromley  (Eng- 
land) mission;  was  sent  to  Maryland,  probably  in  1764  (another 
catalogue  gives  the  date  of  his  arrival  as  January  11,  1766)  ;  one  of  the 
best  known  of  the  Maryland  missionaries,  having  laboured  at  Newtown, 
St.  Thomas'  Manor,  and  Newport,  before  being  placed  in  residence 
at  Tuckahoe;  his  name  is  among  those  who  signed  the  Act  of  Sub- 
mission ;  refused  to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance  presented  by  the  Mary- 
land Legislature  in  1778,  and  was  the  object  of  a  special  act  of  that 
body  in  1780 ;  was  one  of  the  Committee  of  Three  opposed  to  the 
bishopric;  died  on  June  3,  1787.  Foley  says  he  went  under  the  alias  of 
Joseph  Framback. 

Ne.^le,  Rev.  Benedict.  Born  in  Maryland,  August  3,  1709;  entered  the 
Society  of  Jesus,  September  7,  1728;  came  to  Maryland  about  1740; 
his  name  is  in  the  Act  of  Submission  of  1774;  Shea  places  him  at 
St.  Thomas'  Manor  in  1785.     He  died  at  Newtown,  March  20,  1787. 

Neale,  Rev.  Leonard.  (Second  Archbishop  of  Baltimore.)  Born  in 
Maryland,  October  15,  1747;  entered  the  Society  of  Jesus  at  Ghent, 
September  7,  1767;  spent  some  years  in  the  mission  of  Demarara ;  came 
to  Maryland  in  April,  1783;  appointed  Rector  of  Georgetown  College; 
elected  coadjutor  to  Bishop  Carroll  and  appointed  Bishop  of  Gortyna ; 
consecrated  at  Baltimore,  December  7,  1800.  Succeeded  Archbishop 
Carroll,  December  3,  1815.     Died  June  18,  1817. 

Pellentz,  Rev.  James.  Born  in  Germany,  January  19,  1727.  Entered 
the   Society  of   Jesus  on   October   19,    1744.     Professed   1756;    sent   to 


The  Clergy  305 

Maryland  in  June,  1758.  Foley  {Collect.,  vol.  I,  p.  580)  says  that  he 
"remained  until  the  Suppression  in  1773."  He  died  at  Conewago, 
February   13,   1800. 

Pile,  Rev.  Henry.  Born  in  Maryland,  May  24,  1743.  Entered  the  Society 
at  Watten,  September  7,  176 1 ;  in  177 1,  he  was  labouring  in  the  mission 
of  Yorkshire.  He  returned  to  Maryland  in  1784,  after  being  refused 
faculties  by  Bishop  Talbot,  because  he  was  an  American.  Died  at 
Newtown,  February  18,  1813.  Foley  says  1814.  Did  not  re-enter  the 
Society. 

RiTTER,  Rev.  John  Baptist  De.  Born  in  Germany.  An  exile  from  his 
province,  he  was  aggregated  to  the  English  Province  about  1763.  Came 
to  Maryland  in  1765.     Died  at  Goshenhoppcn,  February  3,   1787. 

RoELS,  Rev.  Louis,  alias  Rousse.  Born  at  Watten,  Belgium,  November 
22,  172,^.  Probably  nephew  of  Rev.  Charles  Roels,  Vice-Provincial  of 
the  English  Jesuit  Province.  Entered  novitiate,  September  7,  1753. 
Arrived  in  Maryland,  June  24,  1761 ;  died  at  St.  Thomas',  February 
27,   1794. 

Sewall,  Rev.  Charles.  Born  in  Maryland,  July  4,  1744;  studied  at  St. 
Omer's  College;  entered  the  Society  of  Jesus,  September  7,  1764; 
arrived  in  Maryland,  May  24,  1774.  Was  Rector  of  St.  Peter's  Pro- 
Cathedral,   Baltimore;   died  there   November    10,    1806. 

Stein  MEYER,  Rev.  Ferdinand.  Better  known  by  the  name  of  Farmer; 
born  in  Germany,  October  13,  1720;  entered  Society  of  Jesus  under 
cognomen  of  Farmer,  September  20,  1743 ;  professed  February  2,  1761 ; 
assigned  to  English  Province  in  1751;  sent  to  Maryland  in  1758, 
and  died  in  Philadelphia,  August   17,    1786. 

Walton,  Rev.  James.  Born  (in  Alaryland  ?),  June  10,  1736;  entered 
the  Society,  September  7,  1757;  arrived  in  Maryland,  May  2,  1766; 
was  in  charge  of  mission  of  St.  Inigoes,  when  Carroll  laid  the  corner- 
stone of  new  church  there,  July  13,  1785.     Died  in  1803. 

All  these  priests  under  Carroll's  jurisdiction  had  been  members 
of  the  suppressed  Society  of  Jesus.  Many  of  them  have  already 
appeared  in  these  pages  and  their  names  will  continue  to  appear 
until  the  end  of  Carroll's  life.  It  is  easy  to  misunderstand  their 
anomalous  situation ;  and  it  would  be  very  easy  to  be  prejudiced 
against  them  and  against  their  policies,  as  exhibited  in  their 
correspondence  and  in  the  proceedings  of  their  General  Chapters 
(1783-1786-1789),  unless  that  situation  were  made  clear.  There 
is  much  discussion,  in  all  that  is  extant  in  our  archives  for  these 
early  years  of  the  American  Church,  about  the  old  Jesuit  prop- 
erties. They  seem  to  have  been  over-anxious  at  all  times  regard- 
ing the  preservation  of  their  estates;  and,  unless  the  condition 
in  which  they  actually  lived  be  understood,  it  is  inevitable  that 


306  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

some  should  read  a  tendency  to  sacrifice  the  spiritual  interests 
of  the  Church  here  to  material  profit  and  gain  into  the  opposition 
among  them  to  the  educational  plans  of  Carroll  and  to  the  estab- 
lishment of  a  stricter  and  fuller  canonical  rule  in  this  country. 
And  yet  such  a  conclusion  would  be  far  from  the  truth.     One 
thought,  one  desire,  predominated  in  the  hearts  of  all  of  them, 
X  Carroll  included;  and  that  was  the  restoration  of  the   Society 
of  Jesus  in  the  United  States.     Whatever  might  be  said  of  Jesuit 
life  and  Jesuit  activity  in  the  old  world,  there  was  nothing  in 
the  lives  of  these  pioneers  of  the  Cross  in  America  but  hardships, 
privations,  and  sacrifices.     All  of  them  had  received  an  education 
second  to  none  in  Europe.     They  were  mostly  from  well-to-do 
-    families  in  the  colonies  of  Maryland  and  Pennsylvania  or  from 
good  European  stock.     Their  very  profession  in  the  Society  was 
equivalent  to  high  social  and  intellectual  standing  in  centres  like 
Liege,  Paris,  London  and  Rome.     Harassed  by  penal  restrictions 
in  the  colonies,  always  keenly  sensitive  of  the  bigotry  that  was 
ever  latent  and  ofttimes  evident  in  the  colonial  life  around  them, 
with  their  flocks  scattered  and  timorous  of  Protestant  neighbours 
to  whom  the  laws  on  the  statute  books  gave  a  medley  of  ways 
of  disturbing  their  religious  peace,  they  bore  the  brunt  of  the 
struggle  for  the  Faith  with  a  tactfulness  and  a  courage  remark- 
able in  Christian  history.     As  the  years  gathered  upon  the  little 
Society  in  the  colonies,  good  and  pious   Catholics  made  them 
beneficiaries  in  their  wills,  bequeathing  to  them  land,  cattle,  and 
money  for  the  purpose  of  keeping  the  Faith  alive  in  the  American 
mission.     In  the  Catholic  Church  such  bequests  take  on  a  sacred 
character.     Their   purpose   becomes    sacrosanct,   and   it   is   the 
solemn  duty  of  those  in  charge  of  such  estates  to  guard  them 
from  misappropriation  or  misapplication.     All  in  all,  the  Jesuits 
in  1785  did  not  possess  much  of  this  world's  goods,  but  it  was 
sufficient  to  provide  a  comfortable  maintenance  to  the  mission- 
aries and  to  carry  out  many  charitable  and  educational  works 
besides.     One  thing  alone  would  have  solved  every  difficulty  in 
the  Church  at  that  time ;  would  have  resurrected  the  old  spiritual 
power  of  the  Superior  which  had  been  sufficient  to  keep  the 
Church  ever  progressing ;  would  have  given  them  heart  to  have 
a  novitiate,  however  small,  begun  at  home  for  the  continuance 
of  the  labourers   in  the   American   vineyard ;   and   with   extra- 


The  Clergy  307 

sacerdotal  powers,  such  as  the  power  of  Confirmation,  would 
have  enabled  them  to  go  on  for  a  decade  or  more  successfully 
withstanding  the  danger  of  loss  from  within  and  the  danger  of 
suppression  from  without — and  that  was  the  restoration  of  the 
Society.  One  group  never  lost  its  hope  that  the  restoration  was 
always  near.  Another  group,  of  which  Carroll  was  one,  hoped 
as  strongly  for  the  restoration,  hut  felt  that  the  temper  of  things 
being  as  they  were,  they  had  to  be  up  and  doing,  by  consolidating 
themselves  and  their  estates  under  a  recognized  chief.  Delay 
was  dangerous,  and  no  one  saw  the  dangers  in  delay  more  clearly 
than  Carroll  himself. 

These  dangers  touched  particularly  the  preservation  of  the  old 
Jesuit  property.  The  fact  that  the  priests  were  not  (1785) 
incorporated  under  the  law  of  Maryland  was  a  constant  source 
of  worry,  and  Carroll  makes  frequent  mention  in  his  letters  to 
Antonelli  of  the  progress  they  were  making  in  this  regard. 
Carroll's  Plan  of  Organisation  (1782)  states  quite  frankly  that 
the  meeting  of  the  clergy  that  he  recommended,  and  which  took 
place  at  Whitemarsh  the  following  year,  had  as  its  object  and 
end,  "the  preservation  of  the  Catholic  clergy's  estates  from 
alienation,  waste  and  misapplication."  Such  an  incorporation,  he 
points  out,  would  enable  them  to  obtain  more  priests  for  the 
missions  and  to  found  other  churches.  Moreover,  it  would  be  a 
means  of  controlling  the  labourers  of  the  vineyard  in  such  a  way 
that  no  man  should  eat  "the  bread  of  idleness."  Before  the 
Suppression,  incorporation  as  a  body  was  not  necessary,  even 
though  it  had  been  possible  under  the  law,  because  everything 
was  "conducted  smoothly  under  the  government  of  our  Superiors, 
[and]  we  did  not  trouble  ourselves  with  considering  the  many 
checks  and  restraints  provided  by  the  Constitutions  against  any 
abuse  of  power."  But  the  present  generation  of  priests  would 
soon  be  gone,  and  with  the  Society  no  longer  existing,  provision 
must  be  made — the  sooner,  the  better — for  the  future.  Carroll's 
view  of  the  Chapter  Meeting  of  1783-84  was  that  by  incorporating 
themselves  into  a  body,  they  would  not  only  preserve  the  prop- 
erties from  mismanagement  but  would  also  establish  regulations 
"tending  to  perpetuate  a  succession  of  labourers  in  this  vineyard, 
to  preserve  their  morals,  to  prevent  idleness,  and  to  secure  an 


3o8  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

equitable  and  frugal  administration  of  our  temporals."^  The 
field  for  work  he  calls  immense,  and  he  saw  "innumerable  Roman 
Catholics"  who  would  go  out  into  the  new  regions  bordering  in 
the  Mississippi,  and  "impatiently  clamorous  for  clergymen  to 
attend  them."  Hence,  the  way  was  clear:  either  accept  all  the 
newcomers  who  would  enter  the  country,  or  establish  a  college 
"for  the  education  of  youth,  which  might  at  the  same  time  be  a 
seminary  for  future  clergymen."  So  far  as  the  newcomers  were 
concerned,  Carroll  and  his  fellow-priests  were  glad  to  welcome 
worthy  priests,  but  their  experience,  even  before  the  opening  of 
the  First  General  Chapter  in  June,  1783,  had  not  been  a  feHcitous 
or  encouraging  one.  Fathers  Whelan  and  Nugent,  the  first  two 
newcomers  to  be  employed  in  the  missions,  had  set  the  whole 
country  discussing  the  shame  of  their  invidious  quarreling.  And 
certainly,  Carroll's  experience  with  the  newcomers,  with  hardly 
more  than  a  few  exceptions,  was  not  conducive  to  seeing,  in  their 
multiplication,  a  solution  of  the  problem  of  clergy  scarcity. 

It  is  for  this  reason  that  these  years  of  Carroll's  superiorship 
over  the  Church  in  the  United  States  have  all  the  appearance 
of  a  highly  complicated  misunderstanding  all  around.  The 
unfortunate  limitation  of  his  powers,  blunder  as  it  was,  and  by 
no  means  made,  as  he  found  out  later,  with  the  knowledge  of 
the  Cardinal-Prefect  of  Propaganda,  only  heightened  the  feeling 
of  uneasiness  that  the  Roman  officials  were  simply  postponing  the 
confiscation  of  their  estates.  Father  Carroll  had  been  very  out- 
spoken in  this  matter,  as  we  have  already  seen ;  and  the  guarded 
way  he  describes  the  property  in  his  Letter  and  Relation  is  in 
accord  with  this  sentiment.  They  all  recognized  the  grave  obli- 
gation of  providing  for  a  succession  of  labourers,  and  hence  the 
necessity  of  protecting  the  old  Jesuit  property  from  mismanage- 
ment and  misapplication  by  one  of  their  own,  from  mortmain 
proceedings  by  a  none  too  favorable  State  legislature,  and  from 
seizure  by  outside  agencies.  Among  these  outside  agencies,  the 
fear  of  the  Congregation  of  Propaganda  Fide  predominated. 

The  infant  Church  was  not  left  in  peace  in  these  earliest  days 
of  its  organization.  Troubled  by  the  lack  of  legal  protection 
for  the  church  property  in  their  possession,  the  little  band  of 
priests,  while  not  suffering  any  appreciable  temporal  disadvantage 

»  Hughes,  op.  cit,.  Documents,  vol.  i,  part  ii,  pp.  610-614. 


The  Clergy  309 

in  having  been  members  of  a  suppressed  Society,  were  soon  to 
experience  that  bitterest  of  trials — calumnies  from  those  of  their 
own  calling-.  Two  of  these  deserve  special  mention  here  if  only 
because  of  their  unprincipled  charges.  The  first  is  that  by  the 
Rev.  Patrick  Smyth,  in  a  book  entitled :  The  Present  State  of  the 
CatJiolic  Missions  conducted  by  the  Ex-Jesuits  in  North  America, 
published  at  Dublin,  in  1788.  Father  Smyth  was  parish-priest  of 
Dunboyne,  at  the  time  of  Bishop  Butler's  defection  in  1787. 
Taking  advantage  of  some  family  matters  in  America,  he  resigned 
his  parish  and  came  to  the  United  States.  He  was  stationed  in 
the  fall  of  1787  at  Frederick,  Maryland,  succeeding  Father 
Frambach.  On  March  15,  1788,  he  wrote  to  Father  Carroll 
saying  that  he  intended  to  come  to  Baltimore,  to  resign  his 
faculties  and  to  return  to  Ireland.  In  this  letter,  asking  for  an 
Exeat,  Smyth  says :  "Not  a  step  do  I  go  but  I  meet  with 
some  fresh  token  of  your  liberality;  but  the  load  is  become  so 
heavy,  that  I  cannot  possibly  bear  it.  I  will  run  away.  That, 
you  will  say,  is  ungenerous  and  cowardly.  I  cannot  help  it.  I 
must  go  back  to  Ireland.  ...  I  will  resign  my  faculties  into 
your  hands  and  return  to  Europe  with  a  deep  sense  of  your 
many  kindnesses."  ^  Then  follows  a  paragraph  on  the  dis- 
courtesy shown  to  him  when  he  visited  the  houses  of  the  "Eng- 
lish" Catholics  in  his  mission.  They  did  not  hesitate  to  show 
him  that  he  was  unwelcome  because  of  his  Irish  parentage  and 
education.  In  this  respect  Smyth  names  personally,  Mr.  Henry 
Darnall,  Carroll's  relation,  who  was  particularly  inhospitable. 
Father  Carroll  answered  this  letter  on  April  8,  1788,  from  Rock 
Creek,  telling  the  sensitive  priest  that  he  had  undoubtedly  taken 
offense  without  cause;"  but  Smyth's  mind  was  made  up  on  the 
question  and  he  came  to  Baltimore,  where  Father  Carroll  enter- 
tained him  for  a  month  before  he  sailed  for  Europe.  After  his 
departure,  a  letter  penned  by  Smyth  for  a  Mr.  Robert  Welsh, 
of  Fells  Point,  but  unmistakably  written  for  Carroll's  eyes,  was 
handed  to  the  prefect-apostolic : 

Dear  Sir: 

Just  on  the  point  of   parting  with  our  pilot   and  going  to   sea,   I  beg 
leave  once  more  to  salute  you,  and  to  thank  you  for  your  civility.     The 


•  Baltimore  Cathedral  Archives,  Case  8B-G6. 
'  Jbid.,  Case  9-S10. 


310  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

letter  which  I  left  in  the  care  of  Mr.  McGrath  for  you,  will  open  to  your 
mind  a  singular  scene:  Such  a  one  as  I  certainly  never  would  have 
noticed,  were  it  not  for  the  great  cause  which  is  concerned.  Within  the 
narrow  circle  of  my  own  acquaintance  I  know  six  or  seven  priests,  who 
would  willingly  undertake  to  relieve  their  suffering  brethren  in  America, 
and  who  are  deterred  from  coming  hither,  because  they  know  too  well 
the  partiality  which  exists  in  favour  of  a  certain  description  of  eccle- 
siastics [the  Jesuits].  Much  gratitude  is  due  to  the  Jesuits,  who  have 
in  America,  and  indeed  everywhere  else,  l)een  at  once  an  ornament  and 
a  firm  pillar  of  the  church  and  as  an  individual  who  venerates  their  ashes, 
I  sincerely  wish  for  their  restoration.  But  shall  the  good  of  religion  be 
neglected,  until  that  event,  however  desireable  takes  place?  This  is  not 
the  language  of  sedition.  If  I  were  so  inclined,  it  is  to  Mr.  Ryan,  and 
not  to  Mr.  Welsh,  I  would  thus  open  my  mind. 

It  has  been  industriously  circulated  in  America,  that  the  Irish  secular 
clergy  would  crowd  to  this  country,  to  make  their  fortunes.  Those  who 
for  sinister  views  have  propagated  the  report,  know  very  little  of  our 
clergy,  or  knowing  it,  they  have  foully  misrepresented  them.  It  was  not 
by  seeking  the  good  things  of  this  life,  that  the  Irish  clergy  have  pre- 
served their  country  from  perversion,  in  spite  of  the  combined  efforts  of 
misery  and  persecution. 

I  intended  to  fill  up  the  remainder  of  this  bad  paper,  but  the  pilot's 
boat  is  in  waiting.  I  must  therefore  bid  you  farewell ;  wishing  you 
from  my  heart  every  happiness,   I   remain 

Dear  Sir,  Your  friend  and  servant, 
6th  May,  1788.  Smyth. 

On  reading  this  letter,  Carroll  realized  that  the  American 
Church  had  unconsciously  harboured  its  first  dangerous  enemy. 
He  feared  that  all  the  stirs  and  squabbles,  the  violent  pamphlet- 
eering and  the  vicious  personal  attacks  which  had  disgraced  the 
Jesuit-Secular  controversy  in  England  on  this  very  charge  of 
retaining  the  best  places  for  themselves  and  of  regarding  the 
Irish  clergy  as  mere  labourers  in  the  vineyard,  would  be  trans- 
ferred to  the  United  States.  And  the  truth  is  that  only  the 
wisdom  of  Archbishop  Troy  saved  the  American  Church  from 
this  plague.  The  Present  State  contained  nothing  new  to 
those  who  were  familiar  with  the  conflict  in  England,  but  Father 
Carroll 

felt  sensibly  the  prejudice  this  virulent  pamphlet  would  create  among 
the  clergy  of  Ireland,  to  which  body  he  looked  for  priests  to  minister 
to  their  countrymen  already  emigrating  in  large  numbers  to  America. 
He  resolved  to  prepare  a  reply,  and  actually  began  one.  The  rough  im- 
finished  draft   still   exists,  but   letters   from   Archbishop   Troy  and  other 


The  Clergy  311 

members  of  the  hierarchy  iti  Ireland,  as  well  as  from  priests,  who  ad- 
vised him  to  take  no  notice  of  it,  induced  him  to  lay  aside  his  projected 
answer.  Smyth's  turbulent  character  was  not  unknown  in  Ireland ;  he 
was  soon  involved  in  a  controversy  with  Dr.  Plunkett.  Bishop  of  Meath, 
and  when  after  some  years  he  submitted  and  obtained  a  parish,  he  almost 
immediately  became  embroiled  with  his  curate. ^ 

In  a  letter  to  the  most  prominent  Irish  priest  in  America  at 
the  time,  Father  WilHam  O'Brien,  O.  P.,  dated  May  10,  1788, 
Father  Carroll  replied  to  the  insidious  charge  that  ex -Jesuits 
were  keeping  all  the  lucrative  missions  for  themselves: 

Mr.  Smyth  who  has  left  us  about  eight  days  ago,  left  ten  dollars  with 
Mr.  Sewall  for  his  Brs.  expenses  of  which  he  informed  you.  The 
gentleman's  insincere  and  dark  manoeuvres  have  come  to  light  since 
his  departure.  I  gave  you  notice  before,  that  some  circumstances  made 
me  fear,  he  was  a  prey  to  suspicion.  He  wrote  me  a  letter  late  in 
March  and  frequently  before  acknowledging  with  the  most  forcible 
expressions  his  grateful  sense  for  the  utmost  generosity  and  tender  regard, 
with  which  he  had  been  treated  ever  since  coming  to  America ;  he  was  with 
Mr.  Sewall  and  Self,  near  four  weeks  waiting  for  a  passage  to  Dublin, 
and  no  attention,  I  am  sure,  was  wanting  for  him.  On  hearing  acci- 
dentally some  conversation  in  town  (which  I  am  convinced  was  occa- 
sioned by  him)  I  brought  the  gentleman  who  retailed  the  conversation, 
to  my  house  and  told  Mr.  Smyth,  what  that  gentleman  and  another  had 
said  of  Smyth's  being  compelled  by  bad  usage  to  quit  America ;  and 
desired  him  as  an  honest  man,  to  speak  the  sentiments  of  his  heart  be- 
fore them.  Upon  w^hich  Smyth  repeated,  what  he  had  often  said  to  me 
before,  that  he  was  shocked  that  such  reports  should  be  spread ;  that  it 
was  impossible  that  he  would  have  been  treated  with  more  openness  and 
generosity,  and  enumerated  many  instances  to  prove  it.  Such  was  his 
language  whenever  I  called  on  him.  Will  you  believe  after  this  that  this 
darkman,  whose  character  shall  follow  him  to  Ireland,  left  a  letter  behind 
him  full  of  the  most  groundless  insinuations,  and  betraying  a  heart  so 
treacherous  that  I  should  be  afraid  of  ever  placing  myself  in  his  power ; 
and  that  after  saying  to  every  person  w^ith  whom  he  conversed,  that  he 
came  not  to  America  to  stay  in  it  but  only  to  reclaim  his  Br.,  he  has 
now  the  effrontery  to  say  that  he  leaves  it  because  he  finds  that  every 
Priest  who  has  not  been  a  Regular  is  considered  as  an  intruder. ^ 

Father  Carroll  wrote  to  Archbishop  Troy  on  August  11,  1788, 
stating  that  Father  O'Brien  had  already  written  to  Dublin  an 
account  of  Smyth's  unaccountable  conduct. 

*  op.  cit.,  vol,  ii,  p.  311. 

^  Baltimore  Cathedral  Archives,   Case  9-S1;   printed   in  the  Researches,  vol.  xiii, 
pp.  44-47. 


312  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

I  should  remain  perfectly  easy  in  the  self-conviction  of  having  afforded 
him  no  cause  of  dissatisfaction,  but  quite  the  contrary;  were  it  not  that 
misrepresentation  may  deprive  this  country  of  the  services  of  some  valu- 
able assistance  from  Ireland.  To  prevent  this,  I  have  written  fully  to 
a  gentleman  of  your  city,  Mr.  Mulcalie,  whom  Mr.  O'Brien  recom- 
mended to  me,  and  with  whose  character  he  made  me  acquainted.  I 
shall    desire    him   to    communicate    the    contents    to    your    Lordship,    that 

you  may  be  convinced,  with  how  little  candour  Mr.  S has  conducted 

himself  in  this  business,  and  that  no  impressions  may  be  received  as  if 
1  were  not  disposed  to  give  employment  to  as  many  virtuous  and  well- 
informed  clergj-men  as  a  maintenance  can  be  procured  for.  But  one 
thing  must  be  fully  impressed  on  their  minds,  that  no  pecuniary  prospects 
or  worldly  comforts  must  enter  into  the  motives  for  their  crossing  the 
Atlantic  to  this  country.  They  will  find  themselves  much  disappointed. 
Labour,  hardships  of  every  kind,  coarse  living,  and  particularly  great 
scarcity  of  wine  (especially  out  of  the  towns)  must  be  borne  with. 
Sobriety  in  drink  is  expected  from  clergymen  to  a  great  degree.  That 
which  in  many  parts  of  Europe  would  be  esteemed  no  more  than  a 
cheerful  and  allowable  enjoyment  of  a  friendly  company,  would  be  re- 
garded here  in  our  clergy  as  an  unbecoming  excess.  Your  Lordship 
will  excuse  this  detail,  and  know  how  to  ascribe  it  to  its  proper  motive, 
that  gentlemen  applying  to  come  to  this  country  may  know  what  to 
expect.^*^ 

In  January,  1789,  Carroll  received  a  copy  of  Smyth's  Present 
State  from  a  Philadelphia  publisher,  and  immediately  began  the 
preparation  of  a  reply.  The  following  month.  Archbishop  Troy 
wrote  saying  that  it  was  his  opinion  and  that  of  his  colleagues 
that  the  most  prudent  thing  for  Carroll  was  not  to  answer 
Smyth's  diatribe.  Carroll  sent  a  reply  to  this  letter  from 
Dumfries,  Va.,  on  July  2,  1789,  in  which  he  said  that  he  would 
draw  up  a  few  observations  on  Smyth's  book  "for  your  reading 
and  that  of  those  other  Rev.  Prelates  who  have,  in  a  manner 
so  obliging,  prevented  the  intended  bad  effects  of  the  malicious 
publication."  ^^ 

Father  Carroll's  answer  to  Smyth  is  still  extant,  in  the  original 
rough  copy,  in  the  Baltimore  Cathedral  Archives.^^     Some  of 

"  Printed  in  Moran,  Spicilegium  Ossoriense,  vol.  iii,  p.  soS-  Dublin,  1884  (From 
the  Dublin  Archiepiscopal  Archives). 

"    Ibid.,  p.  504;  cf.  Researches,  vol.  xiii,  p.   158. 

"  Special,  Case  6-Ai.  Printed  in  the  Researches,  vol.  xxii,  pp.  194-205.  There 
is  little  originality  in  Smyth's  pamphlet.  The  accusations  are  as  old  as  the 
controversies  centering  around  Robert  Persons,  and  the  geographical  descriptions  are 
taken  bodily  from  a  work  by  an  author  of  the  same  name — J.  F.  D.  Smith,  A  Tour 
in  the  United  States  of  America,  two  volumes.     Dublin,  1784.     In  vol.  i,  pp.   114-115, 


The  Clergy  313 

its  paragraphs  are  worthy  of  the  attention  of  present-day  readers. 
Though  never  pubHshed,  in  deference  to  Archbishop  Troy's 
wishes,  Carroll's  uncorrected  reply  is  a  valuable  contemporary 
source  for  the  state  of  the  Church  at  this  time. 

The  following  pages  will  be  written  for  the  sake  of  those  only  who 
delight  more  in  truth  than  slander ;  and  who  feeling  themselves  interested 
in  the  cause  of  Religion,  think  no  information  beneath  their  notice, 
which  tends  to  illustrate  its  history.  When  the  ministers  of  the  Church 
are  publickly  accused  of  pursuing  a  system  of  iniquitous  policy,  instead 
of  promoting  the  interests  of  virtue,  the  imputation  recoils  generally  on 
Religion  itself.  If  the  imputation  be  calumnious,  the  calumny  raised 
against  them  receives  aggravation  from  the  circumstances  of  its  event- 
ually bringing  scandal  on  the  cause,  with  which  their  reputations  are  so 
nearly  connected,  and  the  gradation  of  guilt  will  be  carried  much  higher, 
if  a  Clergymen  himself  by  traducing  his  Brethren,  essentially  injure 
the  credit  of  that  sacred  cause  which  he  is  bound  to  protect. 

Nor  is  he  less  guilty  who  sacrifices  to  the  preservation  of  some  selfish 
and  local  interest  the  happiness  of  numerous  Christians  and  the  extension 
of  the  Kingdom  of  Jesus  Christ,  and  for  the  sake  of  a  particular  body 
of  men,  to  screen  them  from  deserved  infamy,  and  to  secure  to  them  an 
exclusive  enjoyment  of  ease  and  plenty,  refuses  to  receive  fellow-labourers 
in  the  vineyard,  while  he  himself  with  the  companions  of  his  indolence 
beholds  it  overrun  with  thorns  and  briars.  Estimating  his  duty  by 
these  principles,  the  writer  of  these  lines  conceives  it  incumbent  on  him 
to  assert  the  honour  of  Religion  by  repelling  unmerited  attacks  on  its 
ministers.  He  will  be  led  unavoidably  to  give  a  real  statement  of  some 
facts,  which  may  prove  a  better  direction  to  a  future  historian  of   the 

Church,   than   the   pretenders   to   a of    registering    Ecclesiastical 

Memoirs,  The  attacks  now  to  be  repelled  are  grievous  indeed,  and  it  is 
uncertain,  whether  they  would  not  have  been  borne  in  silence,  had  not 
a  threat  been  denounced,  more  injurious  to  the  honour  of  the  ministers  of 
Religion,  than  even  the  attacks  themselves.  It  is  said  that  if  an  answer 
be  made,  authentic  records  are  to  be  produced,  capable  of  shaming  the 
most  imprudent  liar  into  silence  and  that  it  is  owing  to  the  bounty  of  this 
tender  aggressor,  that  the  extravagant  Constitutions  of  Ecclesiastical  gov- 
ernment in  the  United  States  and  certain  private  documents  to  be  shown 
in  an  unguarded  moment  are  not  laid  before  the  public. 

Disgusting  indeed  is  his  prospect,  who  knowing  Mr.  Smyth's  propensity 
to  literary  controversy,  is  called  to  a  review  of  his  late  publication ;  and 
they  who  have  experienced  the  effects  of  his  proneness  to  suspicion  (to 
say  nothing  of  other  more  dangerous  weapons  to  which  he  sometimes 
resorts)  have  reason  to  fear  that  as  soon  as  one  monster  is  destroyed  he 


we  find  the  usual  sinister  description  of  the  Jesuit  estates  and  of  the  slaves  residing 
thereon. 


314  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

will  conjure  up  another  to  alarm  the  public  concern.  Hercules  might 
subdue  a  Hydra ;  but  it  is  impossible  to  exhaust  the  fecundity  of  suspicion. 
What  could  induce  him,  a  Clergyman,  a  man  of  education,  who  puts 
in  a  claim  of  truth  and  integrity,  to  publish  to  the  world  what  every 
man  in  America  knows  to  be  void  of  foundation:  that  the  liberty  of  the 
press  is  liable  to  be  restrained  in  this  country  by  a  violent  and  opulent 
party?  that  no  one  dares  mutter  a  complaint  against  a  Jesuit,  that  the 
Catholic  religion  w^as  never  extended  to  Pennsylvania  before  Mr.  James 
sent  German  missionaries ;  that  poor  Catholics  instead  of  removing  farther 
back  in  quest  of  plenty  and  independence  are  made  to  hover  and  starve 
round  the  superb  seats  of  the  Clergymen  and  rich  squires,  conspiring 
together  in  a  system  of  oppression?  Did  he  ever  visit  those  superb  seats, 
of  which  he  speaks  on  the  banks  of  the  Potomack?  or  go  to  rouse  the 
zeale  of  the  slumbering  shepherds,  whom  he  describes  as  basking  in  the 
luxuriant  climes  of  the  Eastern  shore  of  Maryland?  No;  he  never  saw 
them,  but  has  trusted  to  an  imagination,  pregnant  with  suspicion,  to  give 
colouring  to  his  picture.  A  w^ord,  a  hint  that  he  had  improved  on;  and 
fancy,  but  not  sportive  good-natured  fancy,  has  furnished  the  price. 

I  presimie  that  considerate  men  would  not  deem  it  criminal  in  the 
former  missionaries  of  Maryland,  even  tho'  they  were  Jesuits,  had  they 
honestly  built  comfortable  houses  for  their  retreats,  when  returning  home 
exhausted  with  labours,  or  when  age  or  infirmities  rendered  labour  no 
longer  practicable  to  them.  But  either  insensibility  in  their  own  suffer- 
ings or  inability,  or  perhaps,  the  rriismanagement  so  common  to  men  not 
trained  to  the  cultivation  of  landed  estates,  have  in  many  instances  de- 
prived them  of  even  this  comfort; — and  in  contradiction  to  Mr.  Smyth's 
unwarranted  assertions,  it  is  here  declared  in  the  case  of  thousands,  who 
are  eye-witnesses  to  the  fact,  that  of  three  houses  on  Potomack  ever 
inhabited  by  Catholic  clergymen,  only  one  enjoys  the  most  ordinary 
conveniences  of  a  comfortable  habitation;  that  even  this  with  an  elegant 
external  appearance,  presents  no  more  refined  accommodations  for  the 
gratification  of  sensuality,  than  are  found  in  the  families  of  the  middle 
ranks  of  Society  in  America;  that  the  other  two  houses  so  far  from 
being  superb  are  mean  and  despicable;  and  in  other  respects  as  little  cal- 
culated as  the  former,  for  those  enjoyments,  which  are  suggested  to  the 
reader  in  the  expressions  chosen  by  Mr.  Smyth,  li  curiosity  should  be 
excited  by  his  misrepresentation,  should  it  go  to  the  Eastern  Shore  of 
Maryland,  it  will  find  there  but  two  clergymen.  One  of  these  lives  on 
the  confines  of  Maryland  and  State  of  Delaware;  in  a  house  not  only 
inelegant  but  ruinous  and  scarce  affording  shelter  from  the  weather.  The 
other  occupies  a  cell  such  as  the  woman  of  Sumanite  prepared  for  the 
prophet  Eliseus  (4th  Book  of  Kings,  c.  4),  containing  just  space  enough 
for  a  bed,  a  table  and  a  stool.  Such  are  the  establishments  formed  on  the 
Potomack  and  the  Eastern  Shore,  and  yet  preserved  for  the  benefit  of 
Religion  by  that  Society,  which  could  not  bury  obloquy  in  the  same 
grave  with  itself,  and  whose  memory  Mr.  Smyth,  in  grateful  remembrance 
of   his  beloved  departed   friend  of  the  order   is  preparing  to  consign  to 


The  Clergy  315 

perpetual  infamy;  this  he  proposes  by  a  new  translation  (I  can  inform 
him,  that  he  is  not  the  first  to  perform  this  laudable  exploit)  of  Pascal's 
letters;  that  is,  of  a  work,  branded  as  false  and  calumnious  by  the  most 
respectable  tribunals,  civil  and  Ecclesiastical ;  and  therefore  not  an  improper 
appendix  to  the  present  State  of  the  Catholic  Mission. 

In  reading  over  this  last  performance,  one  is  every  moment  surprised 
to  find,  how  easily  a  pretended  history  may  be  compiled  without  any  of  the 
materials,  which  ought  to  enter  into  its  composition.  Does  the  Rev. 
Gentleman  treat  of  introduction  into  the  first  progress  of  the  Catholic 
Religion  in  Maryland,  Pennsylvania,  New  York  and  Kentucky?  Does 
he  pretend  to  delineate  its  actual  state,  and  the  conduct  of  those  who  by 
profession  are  its  guardians?  Instead  of  authentic  history,  as  might  be 
expected  from  his  self-praised  talent  of  registering  Ecclesiastical  Memoirs, 
we  meet  with  little,  except  mistakes  generally  springing  from  malignity, 
respecting  past  transactions,  to  say  the  least  of  them,  of  late  occurrences. 

Where  did  he  find  that  a  few  Jesuits  attended  by  a  Treasurer,  followed 
Lord  Baltimore  at  his  first  settlement  of  Maryland  ?  I  have  always  under- 
stood (and  my  materials.  I  think,  are  to  be  depended  on)  that  only  one 
Jesuit  of  the  name  of  White,  came  first  into  this  country  with  no  other 
treasure  than  his  virtue  and  no  other  means  than  his  zeal  of  preserving 
the  infant  colony  in  the  Religion  which  he  brought  from  Europe;  that 
he  returned  to  England  after  spending  some  years  in  America;  and 
having  collected  a  few  fellow  labourers,  he  revisited  it  again,  and  that 
the  successors  of  these  first  missioners  have  continued  to  this  day  to 
labour  in  the  vineyard  which  they  planted,  and  to  be  the  instruments  of 
Divine  Providence  in  enlarging  it. 

Mr.  Smyth  laments  that  they  have  been  so  indolent,  or  so  unenterprising, 
as  to  confine  their  feeble  services  to  Maryland  alone,  that  not  a  single 
cfTort  of  consequence  was  made  by  them — to  extend  their  missions  to  their 
neighbours,  or  even  to  assist  with  any  degree  of  regularity  the  back 
coimtries  of  Maryland. 

How  true  this  is  will  be  seen  thereafter.  But  were  it  even  so,  that 
they  confined  themselves  to  the  limits  assigned  by  Mr.  Smyth,  what 
cause  of  reproach  can  he  find  in  this?  Few  in  number  as  the  English 
Jesuits  always  were,  unable  even  to  supply  the  demands  of  their  parent 
country,  and  much  less  those  of  Maryland;  bound  by  the  ties  of  Grati- 
tude and  justice  to  devote  their  services  to  that  province  for  the  sake  of 
which  they  obtained  their  livings  in  it;  did  it  belong  to  them  to  leave 
the  Catholics  of  Maryland  without  pastors,  and  go,  in  defiance  of  their 
sacred  duties,  into  the  neighbouring  provinces  where  no  Catholics  dwelled, 
or,  at  least,  none  professed  their  religion?  Was  it  in  the  opinion  of  this 
Rev.  Gentleman,  a  crime  in  the  Jesuits,  to  leave  the  harvest  of  their 
countries  free  to  the  workmen,  who  never  disposed  to  labour  in  it?  Did 
they  put  obstacles  in  the  way  between  England  or  Ireland,  and  New 
England,  New  York,  Virginia,  and  the  two  Carolinas?  Why  did  not 
this  country  which  could  not  suffer  by  sparing  a  few  supernumerary 
priests,  send  them  forth  to  the  assistance  of  those  abandoned  provinces? 


3i6  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

Why  did  not  they,  like  the  first  Jesuits  of  Maryland  encounter  poverty 
and  wretchedness  to  spread  and  preserve  the  true  faith,  and  thus  by 
patience  and  perseverance  found  useful  establishments  of  Religion?  Were 
the  pains  and  deaths  denounced  against  Catholic  Clergymen  presuming  to 
enter  these  provinces,  sufficient  to  damp  their  zeal?  Would  not  the 
venerable  Dr.  Challoner  and  his  predecessors,  Bishops  of  the  London 
district,  have  joyfully  concurred  in  seconding  their  Apostolick  enter- 
prises had  any  been  formed? 

Were  those  worthy  prelates  withheld  by  any  imagination  of  the  Jesuits 
from  extending  their  solicitude  to  so  great  a  portion  of  the  countries 
under  their  charge? 

But  no  such  enterprises  were  formed.  The  Jesuits  were  not  in  suffi- 
cient number,  and  Mr.  Smyth  ought  to  say  what  kept  dormant  the  zeal 
of  others.  Since  the  dissolution  of  the  Society  some  have  come  forward 
across  the  Atlantic;  and  if  suspicion  were  as  congenial  to  others  as  to 
him,  they  might  invent  some  plausible  reasons  for  this  new  appearance 
of  zeale.  However,  that  may  be,  the  public  ought  to  be  informed  that 
the  few  surviving  ex-Jesuits  owe  to  Religion  one  more  service  in  addition 
to  those  which  they  have  already  rendered  in  Maryland,  and  that  is  to 
secure  from  waste  and  misapplication,  and  to  transmit  undiminished  to 
the  future  ministers  of  the  Church,  the  property,  which  was  acquired 
for  its  advantage,  and  preserved  by  their  predecessors. 

Of  this  their  sincere  attachment  to  the  cause,  which  they  served  so  long, 
the  journals  of  the  Assembly  of  Maryland  bear  ample  testimony;  with 
whose  concurrence  they  hope  to  see  their  views  carried  soon  and  finally 
into  efifect.  Had  these  Ex-Jesuits  been  such  as  Mr.  Smyth  represents 
them,  deaf  to  the  voice  of  conscience  and  eager  to  share  the  spoils, 
what  could  have  hindered  them  from  converting  their  lands  and  negroes 
into  portable  property,  as  soon  as  the  Society  was  destroyed,  and  enjoying 
in  indolence  the  fruit  of  their  sacrilegious  plunder?  With  the  same 
laudable  view  of  fixing  a  stigma  on  the  ministers  of  Religion  in  Mary- 
land, our  cliurch  historian  says  that  the  Catholic  Religion  ceased  from 
being  an  established  Religion  in  Maryland.  (I  wonder  from  what  register 
of  Ecclesiastical  Memoirs  he  learnt  this  curious  fact,  unknown  before 
that  it  ever  was  the  established  Religion.)  That  the  Marylanders 
branched  out  into  various  forms  of  worship,  while  the  great  body  of  the 
Irish  had  invariably  adhered  to  the  Religion  of  their  Fathers.  This  the 
reader  cannot  but  understand  a  delicate  stroke  of  the  gentleman's  pen 
at  those  pastors  of  whom  he  somewhere  says,  that  they  are  slumbering 
in  the  vineyard. 

But  if  indeed  they  have  slumbered  more  than  others,  it  is  a  consolation 
to  know,  that  Providence  has  graciously  interposed  to  prevent  in  great 
measure  the  bad  effects  which  would  naturally  arise  from  their  drowsiness. 
For  it  is  notorious  that  few  of  original  Catholic  Families  of  Maryland, 
which  did  not  emigrate  to  the  other  parts  of  America,  have  abandoned 
their  religion;  and  many  others  have  embraced  it.  They  are  reduced 
much  indeed  in  point  of  prosperity  and  liable  to  carelessness  and  extrava- 


The  Clergy  317 

gance;  and  because  during  the  prevalence  of  the  British  Empire,  they 
were  most  iniquitously  excluded  from  the  favours  of  government  and  even 
from  professing  the  most  lucrative  employments,  their  numbers  have  daily 
increased  and  their  congregations  have  multiplied. 

But  Mr.  Smyth  says  tiiere  is  no  vestige  of  Catholic  Religion  in  Anna- 
polis, the  capital  of  Maryland.  In  vain  will  the  traveller  seek  for  such 
a  monument  of  the  zeal  of  its  ministers  and  first  planters.  On  this 
occasion  he  might  at  least  have  given  them  the  credit  of  not  being  ambi- 
tious to  establish  themselves  near  the  seats  of  grandeur  such  as  our 
country  affords,  and  whicli  I  suppose  flatter  the  human  mind,  in  propor- 
tion equally  with  the  more  splendid  greatness  of  richer  and  higher  pol- 
ished cities.  But  the  reader  will  not  find  Mr.  Sm>ih  once  deviating 
from  his  line  of  composition  into  praise  and  commendation.  If  he  can- 
not distort  a  fact  into  a  subject  of  censure,  he  will  be  wholly  silent  on  it. 
When  he  pretended  to  write  a  sketch  of  the  history  of  Religion  and  its 
ministers,  he  ought  to  have  known,  that  while  Catholics  bore  any  share 
or  had  any  influence  in  the  government  of  Maryland,  the  town  of  St. 
Mary  and  not  Annapolis  was  the  capital.  A  church  was  built  very  early 
,near  to  that,  and  has  been  rebuilt  again,  and  subsists  to  the  present  day. 
Under  all  the  discouragement  of  subsequent  times  the  great  body  of 
inhabitants  in  the  neighbourhood  (for  the  town  subsists  no  more),  are  still 
of  the  Religion  of  their  Forefathers,  besides  many  who  are  gone  to 
people  Kentucky.  When  after  the  Revolution  in  England,  the  seat  of 
government  was  removed  to  Annapolis,  it  was  carried  into  the  heart  of  the 
Protestant  interest.  Thither  crowded  all  officers  and  placemen,  among 
whom  no  Roman  Catholic  could  be  ranked;  there  sat  the  Assemblies, 
which  kept  always  over  them  a  jealous  and  watchful  eye,  and  sometimes 
attempted  their  total  suppression.  In  a  small  town  where  every  inhabi- 
tant was  exposed  to  notice  and  scarce  any  settled  but  with  a  view  to  pre- 
ferment, is  it  a  matter  of  wonder  that  our  Religion  thus  discouraged  and 
persecuted,  should  make  little  progress?  And  yet  in  this  very  town,  and 
not  merely  in  the  neighbourhood  as  is  asserted  by  our  candid  and  well- 
informed  historian,  there  has  always  been  and  still  is  a  decent  chapel 
visited  every  month  by  a  clergyman. 

With  respect  to  the  past  and  present  state  of  Religion  at  Baltimore, 
as  well  as  the  other  historical  scraps  gleaned  from  his  registry  of  Eccle- 
siastical Memoirs,  he  is  misinformed  in,  or  he  misrepresents  almost  every 
circumstance.  Baltimore  began  to  grow  into  notice  not  more  than  25  or 
30  years  ago.  Before  that  it  was  an  inconsiderable  village,  which  afforded 
neither  employment  or  sufficient  living  even  for  a  minister  of  the  estab- 
lished church,  who  derived  his  living  not  from  the  few  inhabitants  of  the 
town,  but  from  a  general  tax  on  people  of  every  denomination  in  the 
parish,  which  comprehended  a  large  portion  of  Baltimore  County.  As  the 
town  increased,  so  did  the  number  of  Catholics;  and  through  much  op- 
position, and  by  great  constancy  both  in  the  Congregation  and  the 
Clergyman  who  occasionally  visited  it,  they  were  amongst  the  first  to 
build  a  small  church,  which  is  now  receiving  considerable  enlargement.    A 


3 1 8  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

house  for  the  residence  of  a  Clergyman  was  added  some  years  after  chiefly 
by  the  contributions  of  the  congregation:  the  better  informed  Mr.  Smyth 
says,  it  was  done  at  the  private  expense  of  a  Jesuit  in  order  to  claim 
the  property  on  a  future  occasion. 

He  concludes  his  account  on  the  State  of  Religion  in  Baltimore  by 
some  injurious  reflections  on  the  Rev.  Gentleman,  who  officiates  for  the 
congregations  of  that  place.  This  is  his  return  generosity  for  the  continued 
civilities  and  hospitality,  with  which  he  was  treated  for  a  month  by  that 
very  gentleman,  who  needs  not  my  vindication  from  the  groundless  as- 
persions of  his  Guest.  The  goodness  of  his  heart ;  the  zeal  for  the  wel- 
fare of  his  flock ;  his  punctuality  in  his  pastoral  duties  are  conspicuous 
to  all,  and  are  not  to  be  heightened  by  my  descriptions  of  them.  As  a 
writer  his  compositions  would  have  no  cause  to  shrink  from  the  eye  of 
the  critic,  tho'  placed  in  view  of  those  of  his  Detractor ;  he  is  incapable 
of  uttering  a  falsehood ;  and  he  has  solemnly  declared  to  me  that  he  has 
never  used  the  expressions  ascribed  to  him  because  he  never  entertained 
the  sentiments  which  they  convey.  But  is  Mr.  Smyth  equally  entitled  to 
credit;  who  had  the  confidence  to  commit  to  press,  that  the  Catholic 
Religion  in  Baltimore  may  be  assimilated  to  an  almost  consumed  taper 
glimmering  in  the  socket?  The  fact  is,  that  as  many  witnesses  may  be 
produced  as  there  are  inhabitants  in  that  town,  that  thro'  the  providence 
of  God,  our  Religion  has  increased  and  does  greatly  increase  in  num- 
bers. The  person  who  with  Mr,  Smyth's  means  of  information  asserts 
the  contrary,  may  discover  the  grounds  of  his  assertions  in  those  malig- 
nant passions,  which  too  often  agitate  the  human  heart. 

Perhaps  he  hoped  to  avail  himself  of  the  prejudices  raised  against  a 
late  Society;  thinking,  that  if  it  could  but  bring  ex-Jesuits  into  view, 
thousands  would  be  ready  enough  to  believe  them  capable  of  every 
offence,  which  malignity  should  be  pleased  to  assign  to  them.  Their 
time  (says  this  humane  man)  is  employed  not  in  the  apostolic  functions 
of  instructing  the  ignorant,  of  visiting  the  sick,  or  catechising  with  pa- 
tience and  condescention  poor  unheeded  slaves ;  but  in  goading  those 
wretched  beings,  and  whipping  and  almost  flaying  them  alive. 

Mr.  Smyth  knows  and  should  not  forget,  that  a  calumniator  cannot 
atone  for  his  guilt,  but  by  making  his  retraction  as  public  as  his  offence, 
and  that  the  weight  of  his  obligation  is,  at  least,  commensurate  to  the 
heinousness  of  the  slander.  Beyond  all  question  reparation  is  a  debt, 
which  he  owes  to  many  persons,  whose  reputation,  from  the  nature  of 
their  functions,  is  of  some  importance  to  the  community  as  well  as  to 
themselves.  This  obligation  they  call  on  him  to  discharge ;  let  him  think 
of  it,  before  he  presumes  again  to  make  his  offering  on  the  altar  of 
the  God  of  justice  and  peace.  They  deny  in  the  face  of  all  Maryland 
(I  would  say  of  Heaven  itself,  if  Mr.  Smyth  had  not  made  a  most  un- 
righteous appeal  to  the  God  of  Heaven — at  the  very  moment  he  was 
devoting  his  pen  to  the  office  of  defamation),  they  deny  his  most  atrocious 
charge,  a  charge  equal  at  least,  to  that  of  cool  and  deliberate  murder. 
They  deny  that  he  ever  saw  one   single   instance,   in  any  clergyman   of 


The  Clergy  319 

America,  of  the  horrible  crime  which  he  imputes  generally  to  them  all. 
On  the  contrary,  they  say  that  a  few  amongst  them  are  concerned  in  the 
management  of  estates  of  negroes  that  they  .  .  .  [sic]  ...  no  such  avoca- 
tion from  their  pastoral  duties;  that  the  few  to  whom  this  management  is 
committed,  treat  their  negroes  with  great  mildness  and  are  attentive  to 
guard  them  from  the  evils  of  hunger  and  nakedness;  that  they  work  less 
and  are  much  better  fed,  lodged  and  clothed,  than  labouring  men  in  almost 
any  part  of  Europe;  that  the  instances  are  rare  indeed,  and  almost  un- 
known, of  corporal  punishment  being  inflicted  on  any  of  them  who  arr 
come  to  the  age  of  manhood ;  and  that  a  priest's  negro  is  almost  proverbial 
for  one,  who  is  allowed  to  act  without  control. 

Besides  the  advantage  of  this  humane  treatment,  they  are  instructed 
incessantly  in  their  duties  of  Christianity  and  their  morals  watched,  I 
may  say,  with  fatherly  solicitude.  By  this  treatment  they  are  induced  to 
conceive  an  attachment  for  their  masters  and  the  habitations  of  which 
they  have  given  the  strongest  evidence.  During  the  late  war  the  British 
cruisers  landed  often  at  and  hovered  almost  continually  around  the  planta- 
tions of  the  clergy;  they  pillaged  their  houses;  .they  drove  and  slaugh- 
tered their  sheep  and  cattle.  What  an  opportunity  for  their  slaves  to 
desert  from  their  cruel  treatment  described  by  Mr.   Smyth. 

But  how  was  the  fact?  While  the  negroes  belonging  to  the  neigh- 
bouring plantations  were  crowding  aboard  the  British  ships,  those  of  the 
Priests,  tho'  whipped  and  scourged  and  almost  flayed  alive,  refused  every 
invitation  to  go,  and  even  force  used  to  carry  them  on  board.  Of  the 
whole  number  belonging  to  Clergymen,  two  only  were  seduced  away,  one 
of  them  took  the  first  opportunity  of  returning.  The  rest  either  absolutely 
refused,  or  ran  into  the  woods  to  prevent  being  carried  off.  The  fact 
alone  furnishes  the  most  complete  refutation  of  the  charge  made  by 
Mr.  Smyth.  When  he  seemed  to  boil  with  indignation  against  the  crimes, 
conceived  only  in  his  suspicious  bosom,  are  w^e  to  consider  his  expressions 
as  genuine  effusions  or  as  the  affectation  of  humanity?  Can  defamation 
coexist  with  humanity?  Can  we  expect  the  delicate  feelings  of  sympathy, 
when  even  justice  is  violated?  Can  we  suppose  that  Mr.  Smyth  will  not 
indulge  himself  in  colouring  certain  objects  too  highly? 

With  the  same  spirit  of  bitterness  he  proceeds  to  an  erroneous  history 
of  progress  and  present  State  of  Religion  in  Pennsylvania.  Like  a  good 
Irishman,  full  of  resentments  for  the  evils  his  country  has  suffered  from 
England,  if  he  cannot  withhold  commendation  from  some  Jesuits,  he  will 
take  care  however  not  to  bestow  it  on  English  Jesuits.  The  writer  of 
these  sheets  owes  as  little  favour  to  Britain  as  to  Mr.  Smyth;  but  he 
owes  great  respect  to  truth.  And  truth  obliges  him  to  contradict  Mr. 
Smyth,  and  inform  others,  what  everybody  in  Philadelphia  knows,  that 
the  exercise  of  the  Catholic  Religion  was  begun  there  long  before  the 
arrival  of  any  German  Jesuits:  that  the  first  chapel  was  opened  by  the 
Rev.  Greaton,  and  the  new  church,  in  which  Mr.  Smyth  saw  divine  service 
performed  with  so  much  decorum,  was  raised  by  the  exertions  and  under 
the  auspices  of  the  late  Rev.  Mr.  Harding.     The  relation  of  Mr.  James' 


320  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

foundation  is  likewise  discordant  from  the  fact.  From  Air.  Smyth's  ac- 
count one  would  imagine  that  Mr.  James  was  a  Protestant  and  lived  in 
America,  when  he  solicited  for  German  Jesuits;  the  fact  was  otherwise. 
He  then  was  a  Catholic  in  England,  and  had  become  a  Catholic  by 
meeting  accidentally  with  the  life  of  St.  Francis  Xavier,  and  afterwards 
by  conversing  with  the  late  excellent  Dr.  Challoner.  It  is  unnecessary 
to  follow  thro'  all  the  mistakes  in  this  subject.  But  he  concluded  his 
account  of  Pennsylvania  with  an  anecdote  of  which  he  observes  that  it 
may  help  the  main  drift  of  his  paper.  I  think  so  too.  For  nothing 
is  more  apt  to  promote  the  growth  of  calumny  as  an  anecdote  high  sea- 
soned with  that  commodity.  Here  is  the  real  fact :  A  year  or  two  before 
the  death  of  the  late  Rev.  and  much  revered  Mr.  Farmer  he  received 
information,  by  letters  from  Germany,  of  the  character  and  estimable 
qualities  of  Mr.  Graessel  who  had  been  in  the  novitiate  of  the  Jesuits 
at  the  time  of  their  dissolution.  Mr.  Farmer  wrote  to  him  earnestly  in- 
viting him  to  give  his  services  to  that  country  which  he  himself  had  bur- 
dened with  his  sweat  and  expressing  the  pleasure  he  should  feel  in  having 
a  cooperator  who  had  been  trained  in  the  same  school  and  discipline 
as  himself.  After  receiving  this  letter  Mr.  Graessel  resigned  a  handsome 
employment  and  flattering  prospects  of  preferment,  in  order  to  join  his 
venerable  correspondent.  But  when  he  reached  Philadelphia,  Mr.  Farmer 
was  no  more.  About  the  same  time  arrived  likewise  from  Germany  two 
Capuchin  Priests,  worthy  and  able  labourers  in  the  Lord's  vineyard.  The 
ecclesiastical  Superior  appointed  each  to  his  respective  station  and  nom- 
inated Mr.  Graessel  to  remain  in  Philadelphia.  He  was  induced  by  sev- 
eral considerations:  ist,  Mr.  Graessel,  in  consequence  of  Mr.  Farmer's 
invitation  quitted  his  employment  and  prospects  in  Bavaria  bringing  with 
bim  the  original  letter  of  invitation,  and  in  full  expectation  of  remaining 
at  Philadelphia;  2ndly,  His  education  having  been  the  same  as  that  of 
those  who  were  to  be  his  companions  at  Philadelphia,  and  they  having 
expressed  their  wish  for  his  appointment,  the  Superior  thought  so  much 
was  due  to  their  services  and  enjoyment,  not  to  refuse  their  request.  3d. 
He  thought  likewise  it  was  a  just  way  of  rewarding  the  members  of  that 
body,  who,  under  God,  had  brought  Religion  to  its  present  state  in 
Philad.,  provided  their  talents  were  equal  to  their  charge.  Let  the  Catholics 
of  Philadelphia  say,  whether  Mr.  Graessel  has  not  appeared  as  such.  Mr. 
Smyth  says  that  another  Gentleman  had  recommended  himself  in  Phila.  by 
superior  talents  at  least  for  preaching.  He  makes  assertions  without  the 
least  support  of  truth ;  neither  of  the  candidates  had  been  heard  in 
Philadelphia,  when  the  appointment  was  made;  and  I  nearly  believe,  that 
one  of  them  has  never  been  heard  there,  even  to  this  day;  though  I  am 
sure  he  would  be  heard  with  pleasure.  A  part  of  the  German  Congrega- 
tion but  not  the  most  numerous  or  little  more  than  the  most  numerous 
part,  some  of  whom  had  contracted  a  friendship  for  the  worthy  son  of 
St.  Francis,  were  dissatisfied  with  the  appointment — they  even  took  some 
measures,  the  impropriety  of  which  they  themselves  afterward  avowed; 
they  applied  to  the  Superior  for  his  approbation  to  build  a  new  church 


The  Clergy  321 

for  their  nation,  and,  as  they  said  to  preserve  their  native  tongue.  The 
Superior  instantly  granted  their  request.  He  (Mr.  Smyth)  adds  that  the 
new  church  will  continue  a  monument  of  German  resentment.  For  my 
part  I  rather  trust  it  will  be  a  monument  of  German  piety.  He  says' 
that  it  is  only  separated  by  the  street  from  the  old  one.  The  eyes  of  all 
Philadelphia  behold  it  at  least  400  yards  distant.'^^ 

Father  Strickland  wrote  to  Carroll  from  London,  April  18, 
1788,  saying  that  he  has  just  seen  the  pamphlet.  Smyth's  object, 
he  writes,  "seems  to  be  to  open  a  free  Port  for  the  reception  of 
all  Irish  Ecclesiastics  who  may  wish  to  try  their  fortune  in  the 
new  world.  I  make  no  doubt  but  you  might  have  a  great 
abundance  of  priests,  if  you  would  be  willing  to  receive  all  whom 
the  irregularity  of  their  behaviour  has  made  obnoxious  to  their 
own  country  or  their  indolence  has  rendered  worthless.  .  .  . 
In  my  opinion  a  silent  contempt  is  the  only  answer  it  deserves."  ^* 
In  the  light  of  subsequent  events,  however,  exception  can  justly 
be  taken  to  this  policy  of  silence,  advocated  by  Troy  and  others. 
How  seriously  the  charges  were  viewed  where  they  could  do 
most  harm  to  the  American  clergy — at  Rome — is  only  too  evident 
from  an  incident  described  in  Father  Thorpe's  letter  to  Carroll 
of  August  8,  1790.  The  incident  centred  around  the  two  boys — 
Felix  Dougherty  and  Ralph  Smith — whom  Carroll  sent  to  Propa- 
ganda in  1787.  Cardinal  Antonelli  actually  called  the  two  boys 
before  him  and  interrogated  them  for  several  hours  regarding 
the  charges  made  by  Smyth.  The  boys  somewhat  relieved  his 
alarms  by  assuring  his  Eminence  that  they  had  never  seen  a 
Jesuit  novice  in  America  and  had  never  heard  of  a  Jesuit  nov- 
itiate. Father  Thorpe  was  indignant  at  this  manoeuvre  and  told 
Antonelli  it  was  an  unfair  proceeding,  especially  since  Dr.  Con- 
canen  had  already  informed  the  cardinal  that  Smyth's  pamphlet 
was  "a  scandalous  and  ill-written  work."  ^°  Father  Thorpe 
warned  Carroll  that  the  cardinal's  mind  still  harboured  doubts 
about  the  ex-Jesuits  in  America  and  that,  as  a  result  of  Smyth's 
attack,  fears  were  being  expressed  in  Rome  that  the  Americans 
would  restore  the  Society  in  the  United  States  in  spite  of  the 
Brief  of  Suppression.^® 


**  The  remainder  of  the  draft  is  so  badly  worn  that  I  found  it  impossible  to  read  it. 

**  Baltimore  Cathedral  Archives,  Case  8B-G7. 

»  Ibid.,  Case  8-K8. 

"  "Patrick  Smyth  was  a  man  of  splendid  abilities,  of  read/  and  versatile  talent, 


322  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

The  second  of  these  attacks  on  the  American  clergy  has  already 
been  referred  to :  that  by  La  Poterie  entitled :  The  Resurrection 
of  Laurent  Ricci. 

The  most  serious  problem  that  faced  the  prefect-apostolic 
was  the  necessity  of  supplying  the  missions  with  priests.  The 
first  waves  of  the  immense  immigration  to  America — a  veritable 
second  migration  of  the  nations — began  at  the  close  of  the  Revo- 
lution with  the  Irish  and  German  elements  predominating.  To 
Ireland  Carroll  looked  for  assistance  in  meeting  the  situation, 
and  though  we  have  only  a  portion  of  his  correspondence  with 
Archbishop  Troy  of  Dublin,  it  is  evident  that  the  Irish  prelate 
was  anxious  to  assist  Carroll  in  manning  the  Church  here  with 
worthy  priests.  A  new  land  like  America  was  a  serious  tempta- 
tion to  priests  who  were  in  difficulties  at  home;  and  we  find 
Carroll  endeavouring  to  make  it  obvious  to  Troy,  in  a  letter  dated 
November  9,  1789,  that  only  pious,  worthy  and  self-sacrificing 
members  of  the  priesthood,  men  dominated  by  zeal  and  devotion, 
would  be  accepted : 

My  Lord, 

I  did  myself  the  honour  of  writing  a  few  lines  to  your  Lordship  from 
Virginia,  the  last  of  June,  or  the  beginning  of  July,  I  then  returned 
my  sincere  thanks  for  your  great  and  generous  endeavor  to  discountenance 
a  pamphlet  full  of  falsehood  and  malignity,  and  I  rquested  your  Grace  to 
be  the  interpreter  of  my  sentiments  of  gratitude  to  the  other  most  Rev. 
Prelates  who  joined  your  Lordship  so  readily  in  condemning  it. 

I  lament  with  your  Lordship  that  there  are  not  more  clergymen  in  the 
United  States.  They  are  large  enough,  and  offer  a  field  wide  enough  for 
many  more  labourers.  But  unfortunately  almost  all  who  offer  their 
services  have  great  expectations  of  livings,  high  salaries,  &c. ;  and  these 
our  country  does  not  afford.  Most  of  the  stations  to  which  salaries 
are  annexed,  are  occupied;  and  I  find  few,  or,  to  speak  more  properly, 
I  find  none  willing  to  commit  themselves  entirely  to  the  care  of   Provi- 


but  was  in  disposition  restless  as  a  wave;  pre-eminently  factious  and  discontented.  He 
oflficiated  in  the  capacity  of  pastor  in  various  parts  of  the  diocese,  emigrated  to  America, 
transferred  his  services  to  Dr.  Carroll,  Bishop  of  Baltimore,  and  returned  to  Meath, 
choleric  and  disappointed,  angry  with  himself  and  with  the  world,  believing  all  his 
ecclesiastical  superiors  to  be  unmindful  of  his  many  perfections,  and  regarding  himself 
as  the  most  unhappy  and  ill-treated  of  men.  It  was  his  misfortune,  as  has  happened  to 
others,  too,  that  his  bishop  had  taken  too  much  notice  of  him,  had  done  too  much  for 
him,  and  had  been  too  ready  in  making  him  a  confident.  Hence,  like  many  another 
spoiled  ingrate,  when  thwarted  and  baffled  in  his  schemes  of  ambition,  even  pro  hac 
vice  he  turned  on  his  benefactor  and  with  gratitude  worthy  of  a  snake  in  the  fable 
he  stung  his  best  friend,  and  repaid  a  life  of  kindness  with  insult  and  calumny." 
CoG.\N,  History  of  the  Diocese  of  Meath,  vol.  iii,  p.  150.     Dublin,  1874. 


The  Clergy  323 

dence,  and  seek  to  gather  congregations,  and  livings,  of  consequence,  by 
fixing  themselves  in  places  where  no  missioners  preceded  them.  Your 
Grace  knows,  it  was  thus  that  religion  was  propagated  in  every  age  of 
the  Church.  If  clergymen  animated  with  this  spirit  will  offer  their  ser- 
vices, I  will  receive  them  with  the  greatest  cheerfulness,  and  direct  their 
zeal  where  there  is  every  prospect  of  success ;  and  will  make  no  manner 
of  distinction  between  Seculars  and  Regulars.^ '^ 

Naturally,  the  most  secure  method  of  supplying  the  thinned 
ranks  of  the  clergy  was  to  found  a  Seminary  for  the  training 
of  native  youths.  A  Seminary  involved  a  College;  for,  without 
a  classical  education,  it  was  impossible  to  start  young  men  aright 
in  philosophy  and  later  in  theology.  The  founding  of  George- 
town College  had  been  decided  upon  at  the  Second  General 
Chapter  of  1786,  but  it  was  evident  that  at  least  four  or  live 
years  would  be  required  to  complete  the  plans  for  the  organiza- 
tion of  the  College.  The  Bordeaux  American  College  scheme 
which  has  so  large  a  share  in  the  letters  of  1783-84,  seems  by 
this  time  to  have  been  completely  abandoned.  If  any  serious 
attempt  had  been  decided  upon,  the  French  Revolution  swept  the 
scheme  away.  Talleyrand,  who  was  a  prime  mover  in  the  Bor- 
deaux scheme,  went  down  in  the  maelstrom  and  for  a  time  walked 
the  streets  of  Philadelphia  as  an  exile. 

The  legislative  body  for  the  discipline  of  the  Church  during 
this  time  was  the  General  Chapter  of  the  Clergy.  At  the  closing 
session  of  the  First  General  Chapter  of  the  Clergy  (1784)  it 
was  decided  to  call  the  deputies  of  the  three  districts  together 
on  October  10,  1787;  but  owing  to  the  pressing  nature  of  the 
business  which  had  accumulated,  the  Chapter  was  summoned  in 
November,  1786,  one  year  before  the  appointed  date.  Three 
questions  needed  immediate  solution :  the  incorporation  of  the 
Select  Body  of  the  Clergy  for  the  purpose  of  protecting  their 
property  rights;  the  necessity  of  episcopal  jurisdiction  in  the 
United  States;  and  the  growing  demand  for  a  Catholic  college. 
Accordingly,  on  November  13,  1786,  the  deputies  arrived  at 
Whitemarsh  for  the  business  in  hand.  Father  Ignatius  Matthews 
and  James  Walton  represented  the  Southern  District;  Fathers 
Bernard  Diderick  and  John  Ashton  represented  the  Middle  Dis- 
trict.   A  quorum  being  present,  the  Chapter  was  opened,  and 

"    MoRAN,  Op,  cit.,  vol.  iii,  p.  504. 


324  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

Father  John  Carroll  was  ''respectfully  entreated  to  attend." 
Father  Carroll  arrived  on  the  15th;  Father  Molyneux  arrived 
on  the  17th,  to  represent  the  Northern  District.  Rules  for  the 
guidance  of  the  Chapter  were  agreed  upon,  and  thirteen  by-laws 
were  drafted  and  passed.  Several  matters  of  minor  moment 
were  discussed  and  regulated,  such  as  property  repairs,  old  debts, 
the  Sir  John  James  Fund,^^  and  other  financial  affairs  connected 
with  the  London  Province,  which  were  still  unsettled.  A  resolu- 
tion was  passed  on  November  17,  that  the  sum  of  £210  (currency, 
about  $560)  be  allotted  annually  to  the  prefect-apostolic,  and 
that  the  procurator-general  (Father  John  Ashton)  be  authorized 
to  pay  him  the  same,  as  long  as  he  resided  at  Baltimore.  On 
Carroll's  retiring  from  Baltimore,  his  salary  was  to  continue 
as  before. 

Baltimore  was  not  at  that  time  on  the  direct  route  between 
Washington  and  Philadelphia,  and  the  city  was  visited  from 
Whitemarsh  and  Deer  Creek  occasionally  by  the  missionaries, 
after  1753.  The  coming  of  the  Acadians  in  1755-56  was  the 
occasion  for  building  a  temporary  chapel,  which  is  said  to 
have  stood  at  the  northwest  corner  of  Calvert  and  Fayette 
Streets.  In  1764,  a  lot  at  Saratoga  and  Little  Sharp  Streets 
was  purchased  by  Father  George  Hunter,  Superior  of  the 
Mission,  from  Charles  Carroll,  the  father  of  Charles  Carroll 
of  Carrollton,  and  some  six  years  later  a  brick  church,  known 
as  St.  Peter's,  was  erected  on  this  property.  Before  its  com- 
pletion, the  superintendent,  Dr.  John  McNabb,  failed  in  busi- 
ness and  the  principal  creditor  closed  the  church  and  instituted 
a  ludicrous  suit  against  Mr.  Ganganelli  (Pope  Clement  XIV) 
to  recover  the  money  he  had  advanced.  During  the  war,  a 
company  of  Catholic  soldiers  insisted  on  having  services  in 
the  Church,  and  the  creditor  in  question,  being  under  suspicion 
of  loyalism,  surrendered  the  key.  The  Catholics  of  Baltimore 
regained  possession  of  the  Church,  and,  after  the  war,  raised 
the  amount  necessary  to  liquidate  the  creditor's  claim.  Father 
Diderick,  who  was  prominent  in  the  Second  General  Chapter 

"  Cf.  Griffin,  The  Sir  John  James  Fund  in  the  Records,  vol.  ix,  pp.  195-21 1;  cf. 
ibid.,  vol.  xxvi,  p.  81.  An  unpublished  account  of  the  rise  and  of  the  use  made  of 
the  Sir  John  James  Fund  is  in  the  Baltimore  Cathedral  Archives,  Special  C-D13,  in  a 
letter  from  Bishop  Francis  Patrick  Fenwick  to  the  historian,  B.  U.  Campbell,  dated, 
Philadelphia,  January  29,  1845. 


The  Clergy  325 

of  1786  on  account  of  his  obstructionist  tactics,  was  in  charge 
of  St.  Peter's  from  1775  to  1784,  though  not  in  residence 
there.  The  first  permanent  pastor  was  the  Rev.  Charles 
Sewall,  who  came  to  Baltimore  in  1784.  Father  Carroll  left 
Rock  Creek  in  1786,  and  took  up  his  residence  with  Father 
Sewall  at  St.  Peter's,  and  the  little  church  served  as  his  pro- 
cathedral  until  the  erection  of  the  present  cathedral,  the  corner- 
stone of  which  was  laid  on  July  7,  1806.^® 

The  important  subjects  for  deliberation  in  the  Chapter  were 
the  questions  of  Catholic  education  and  the  bishopric.  The 
property  question  is  an  involved  one  bristling  with  difficulties 
to  all  concerned,  and  it  created  a  legacy  of  unpleasantness 
which  lasted  down  to  the  time  of  Archbishop  Marechal. 
Carroll's  part  in  the  discussion  on  the  ex-Jesuit  property  in 
the  United  States  is  a  slight  one,  and  on  May  22,  1790,  as 
will  be  seen,  he  made  a  formal  declaration  as  bishop-elect  that 
he  waived  all  claims  in  the  matter  of  managing  the  Jesuit  estates. 

The  problem  of  incorporating  the  clergy  into  a  legal  body 
for  the  preservation  and  maintenance  of  the  estates  was  settled 
by  the  appointment  of  a  Committee,  consisting  of  Fathers 
Carroll,  Walton,  Matthews,  Ashton,  Leonard  Neale,  and 
Jenkins,  to  act  on  the  resolutions  taken.  This  Committee  was 
to  obtain  information,  whether  it  would  be  safe  and  expedient 
to  apply  to  the  Legislature  for  an  Act  of  Incorporation  at  that 
time;  and  Father  Carroll  was  empowered  to  call  a  meeting  of 
the  Committee  at  Port  Tobacco  to  decide  the  question.  The 
members  of  this  Committee  decided  that  the  time  was  then 
inopportune.  The  Act  of  Incorporation  was  passed  six  years 
later. 

The  Chapter  resolutions  on  the  bishopric  are  the  most  im- 
portant passed  in  that  assembly. 

1^86,  November  13-22. 
System  of  Ecclesiastical  Government. 

Whereas  it  is  necessary  for  the  well  government  of  the  Roman  Catholic 
Church  in  the  thirteen  United  States  of  North  America,  that  certain  fun- 
damental principles  should  be  established  in  the  clergy  thereof : 

I.  That  the  form  of  spiritual  government  to  which  alone  they  do  sub- 


"    Frederick^    Old   St.   Peter's,   or   the   Beginnings   of   Catholicity   in   Baltimore. 
Balto.,   191 1. 


326  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

mit  shall  be  properly  episcopal,  depending  only  on  the  Holy  See,  in  matters 
essentially  belonging  and  universally  acknowledged  to  belong  to  the  Holy 
See  as  its  undoubted  prerogative. 

2.  That  a  diocesan  Bishop  alone  is  adequate  to  the  above  purpose. 

3.  That  the  representatives  of  the  clergy  of  the  United  States  are  the 
only  proper  persons  to  chuse  the  same. 

4.  That  the  proper  memorial  to  be  drawn  up  and  sent  to  his  Holiness 
to  represent  the  present  state  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  in  North 
America,  and  the  determination  of  the  clergy  thereupon. 

5.  That  the  present  Superior  be  jointly  with  two  members  of  the 
clergy  authorized  and  directed  to  draw  up  and  send  such  memorial  in 
behalf  of  the  said  clergy  and  to  the  above  purport. 

6.  That  the  two  members  of  the  clergy  chosen  for  the  above  purport 
[purpose?]  are  the  Rev.  Messrs.  Rob.  Molyneux  and  John  Ashton. 

7.  That  in  the  meantime  the  clergy  submit  to  be  governed  by  the 
present  appointed  Superior.20 

Shortly  after  the  adjournment  of  the  Chapter,  the  following 
circular  letter,  dated  November  24,  1786,  was  sent  out  from 
Whitemarsh  over  the  signature  of  Father  Charles  Sewall,  who 
acted  as  Secretary,  to  the  clergy  of  the  Republic. 

Rev.  Gentlemen  and  Brethren, 

We  agreed  it  a  duty  to  give  you  information,  not  only  of  all  matters 
agreed  on  in  Chapter,  but  likewise  of  the  reasons,  which  moved  a  majority 
of  us  to  an  important  resolution  relative  to  our  future  Ecclesiastical 
Government.  The  matters  agreed  on  are  those  which  appear  in  the 
journals  of  our  proceedings;  among  which  you  will  find  a  vote  directing 
that  a  memorial  be  transmitted  to  his  Holiness,  representing  that  a  clergy 
of  these  States  conceive  it  as  their  right,  and  therefore  require  to  be 
governed  only  by  an  Ordinary  Bishop,  chosen  by  themselves  and  depend- 
ing in  spirituals  solely  on  the  Holy  See ;  that,  in  the  meantime  of  awaiting 
for  his  Holiness's  answer,  they  submit  to  the  authority  already  consti- 
tuted amongst  them. 

The  reasons  operating  on  a  majority  of  us  to  adopt  this  resolution 
were  the  following.  First,  the  Clergy  of  Maryland  and  Pennsylvania 
are  providentially  placed  in  a  position  to  be  greatly  instrumental  toward 
spreading  the  blessing  of  true  religion  throughout  the  whole  extent  of 
the  United  States.  In  this  view  we  formed  the  plan  of  a  school  of 
general  education  for  youth;  but  more  especially  that  it  be  a  nursery  of 
future  clergymen,  who  will,  we  hope,  be  sufficient  not  only  to  succeed  the 
present  labourers,  but  likewise  to  extend  their  zeal  as  far  as  the  tolerating 
laws  of  the  other  States  will  allow  them.  To  compleat  this  scheme  a 
Bishop  will  certainly  be  necessary.    2ly.  We  conceive  no  medium  between 


**    Hughes,  op.  cit..  Documents,  vol.  i,  part  ii,  pp.  666-667. 


The  Clergy  3^7 

an  Ordinary  Bishop  and  a  Bishop  in  partibus,  constituted  by  and  dependent 
on  the  Congr.  de  Propda  Fide.     We  think  you  will  find  sufficient  reason 
in  the  acct.  of  our  Russian  Brethren,  and  in  other  information  you  are 
possessed  of,  to  prefer  an  Ordinary  to  a  Vicar-Apostolic.     Besides  our 
governing    powers    jealous    of    all    foreign    dependance,    and    our    fellow 
Christians  of  other  denominations,  will  be  confirmed  in  their  prejudices, 
if  we  admit  for  our  chief  ecclesiastical  Superior  a  person  appointed  by 
a    foreign    Congregation,    responsible    to    them    for    the    exercise    of    his 
authority,  and  removeable  at  their  pleasure.     3d\y.   The  clergy  and  the 
faithful  here  constitute  a  National  Church,  protected  and  sanctioned  by 
law ;  and  they  have  therefore  a  right  to  the  same  ecclesiastical  govern- 
ment, as  has  ever  been  used   from  the  days   of   the  Apostles   in  every 
National  Church.    4ly.  There  is  a  very  cognizant  reason  why  this  matter 
should  be  taken  up  at  present.     The  negotiation  will  undoubtedly  be  of 
some  length,  and  probably  the  fate  of  the  memorial  will  not  be  decided 
for   two   or   three   years.     Clergymen   not   of   our    Body   are   coming   to 
America,   and   the   superior,   where   he   finds   them   qualified,   can   not   in 
conscience  refuse  employing  them  in  other  States  solliciting  their  assist- 
ance.    These,  as  part  of  the  American  clergy,  will  have  an  equal  right 
to  participate  in  the  ecclesiastical   government.     Can   we  tell   how   soon 
they  may  be  here  in  sufficient  number  to  carry  measures  contrary  to  our 
wishes  and  destructive  of  the  good,  which  our  longer  experience  of  the 
temper  and  government  of  America  enables  us  to  perform.     Have  we  not 
reason  to  fear,  that  they  will  be  attended  to  at  Rome  preferably  to  our- 
selves, and  their  plans  adopted?   and  thus   an  attempt  made  to  enforce 
a  government,  which  if  we  admit,  we  shall  impose  a  yoke  upon  ourselves 
and  draw  on  our  religion  the  inconveniences  before  mentioned.     If   we 
resist    this    government,    dissensions    and    anarchy    will    ensue.      On    this 
reconsideration  we  are  induced  to  delay  no  longer  a  measure  recommended 
to  us  from  Europe  by  those,  on  whose  virtue,  knowledge  and  experience 
we  could  best  rely.      We  were  very  careful  to  consider  whether  the  intro- 
duction of  episcopacy  would  prove  detrimental,  if  it  should  please  God 
to  revive  our  Society;  and,  so  far  as  conceiving  it  hurtful  to  the  Society's 
recovering  her  rights  in  this  country  we  are  clearly  of  opinion,  that  a 
Bishop  chosen  by  ourselves,  while  we  constitute  a  majority,  would  greatly 
facilitate  so  desirable  an  end.     Ever  since  the  days  of   St.  Ignatius  the 
Ordinaries  throughout  Christendom  have  generally  proved  favourable  to 
the  Society,  and  for  the  most  part  were  its  protectors  and  benefactors 
and  in  the  times  of  its  distress  spoke  loudly  in  its  favour.    We  remember 
the  glorious  testimonies  rendered  the  Society  by  the  Bishops  of  France, 
Italy,  and  Germany,  and  even  those  of  Spain.    But  the  Vicars-Apostolical 
of  England,  and  China,  and  other  eastern  countries  have  always  thwarted 
its  children,  and  by  their  opposition  have  oftentimes  caused  prejudice  to 
religion. 

These  are  the  principal  reasons  which  determined  our  opinions.  We 
doubt  not  of  your  approbation  and  concurrence  in  a  measure  suggested 
by  motives  so  powerful  and  so  pressing.     With  the  greatest  respect,  and 


328  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

earnest  request  to  you  to  beseech  Almighty  God  to  render  this  measure 
advantageous  to  religion,  we  have  the  honour  to  be 

The  Chapter  ^^ 

Comment  on  this  letter  is  unnecessary.  But  a  strong  oppo- 
sition to  the  establishment  of  the  episcopate  as  well  as  to  the 
school  was  soon  manifested  by  one  group  of  the  clergy,  who 
considered  both  these  projects  as  dangerous  to  the  preservation 
of  the  clergy  property.  The  chief  opponent  to  the  bishopric 
was  Father  Diderick,  of  the  Middle  District.  He  was  aided 
in  his  opposition  by  Father  Leonard  Neale,  the  future  Arch- 
bishop of  Baltimore,  who  had  arrived  in  Maryland  from 
Demerara,  on  April  12,  1783.  Father  Carroll  reported  this 
opposition  to  his  friend  Plowden  in  a  letter  dated  January  22- 
February  28,  1787,  in  which  he  asks  Plowden's  cooperation  in 
obtaining  a  president  for  the  school.  That  part  of  the  letter 
referring  to  the  bishopric  is  as  follows : 

I  am  sorry  to  inform  you  that,  since  writing  the  above,  an  opposition 
has  broken  out  of  some  of  our  good  gentlemen  against  the  establishment 
of  a  school,  and  an  application  for  a  Bishop.  They  act  from  this  laudable 
motive :  that  both  these  matters  will  occasion  some  alienation  of  property 
formerly  possessed  by  the  Society,  which  they  wish  to  restore  undi- 
minished to  her  at  her  re-establishment;  and  of  this  they  appear  to  have 
no  doubt,  since  they  read  your  Russian  history.  They  positively  assert 
that  an  appropriation  to  the  school  (tho'  made  by  the  representative  body 
of  the  clergy,  as  has  been  the  case)  of  estates  now  possessed  by  us  is 
a  violation  of  the  rights  of  the  Society;  thus  supposing  that  a  right  of 
property  can  exist  in  a  non-existing  body;  for  certainly  the  Society  has 
no  existence  here.  As  this  objection  has  arisen  with  a  few,  I  hope  they 
will  soon  change  their  mind,  and  remember  that  a  very  imcertain  prospect 
of  the  revival  of  the  Society  ought  not  to  hinder  so  essential  a  service 
to  religion;  that  the  Society  was  instituted  to  save  souls;  and  that  souls 
were  not  made  subservient  to  the  temporal  benefits  of  the  Society,  You 
must  know  that,  when  we  established  a  form  of  government  for  our  tem- 
poral concerns,  we  severally  promised  each  other,  that,  if  it  pleased  God 
to  restore  the  Society  in  this  country,  we  would  surrender  back  into 
her  hands  her  former  property.  Personal  property  may  be  disposed  of 
with  greater  ease.  The  few  gentlemen  who  have  objected  have  considered 
the  promise  of  re-delivery  to  the  Society;  but  have  not  attended  to  the 
power  especially  granted  to  Chapter.  I  make  no  doubt  but,  as  soon  as 
the  matter  is  properly  explained,  we  shall  all  agree  again,  except  perhaps 
a  Mr.  Diderick,  one  of  those  whom,  as  you  once  wrote,  Mr.  Howard's 


'*    Ihid.,  I.e.,  pp.   670-671. 


The  Clergy  329 

undistinguishing  charity  admitted  into  our  province  and  sent  hither.  He 
has  set  all  this  in  motion;  and  the  secret  cause  tho'  perhaps  unknown  to 
himself,  is  that  your  schoolfellow,  Ashton,  is  very  strenuous  for  the 
measures  adopted;  as  indeed,  are  Molyneux,  Matthews,  Pellentz,  Digges, 
Mosely,  Sewall,  Boarman,  Lewis,  etc.,  and  your  humble  servant.  Now 
Mr.  Diderick  makes  it  a  point  to  oppose  Mr.  Ashton;  and  I  do  not 
believe  that  I  come  in  for  a  great  share  of  his  good  will.  I  know  not 
whether  you  are  acquainted  with  this  man's  history.  I  am  told  that 
he  was  noted  and  even  confined  in  the  Walloon  province  for  his  turbu- 
lence. As  much  as  we  want  recruits,  I  should  not  be  sorry,  he  would 
return  to  Europe;  for  I  really  fear  he  will  do  mischief  sooner  or  later. 
This  last  part  of  my  letter  will  be,  I  hope,  to  yourself. 22 

The  members  of  the  Southern  District  had  issued  a  district 
circular  against  a  college  and  the  bishopric.  This  section  of 
the  American  Church  was  strongly  conservative  in  the  matter 
of  property  rights,  and  was  represented  by  Father  James 
Walton,  who  was  the  legal  owner  of  almost  all  the  Jesuit 
property.  Father  Carroll  appealed  to  the  members  of  the 
clergy  to  preserve  unity  of  sentiment  and  of  design  in  the 
projects  which  were  so  necessary  for  the  welfare  of  the  Church 
in  this  country.  He  does  not  spare  Father  Diderick,  whom 
he  accuses  of  unfounded  prejudices  and  calumny.  A  formal 
reply  to  the  Southern  District  remonstrance,  penned  by 
Fathers  Digges,  Ashton,  Sewall,  Boarman,  and  Carroll,  in 
February,  1787,  repeats  the  Chapter  resolutions  and  states 
that  they  were  most  firmly  persuaded  that  a  diocesan  bishop 
was  preferable  to  a  vicar-apostolic  or  a  prefect-apostolic  as 
they  then  had,  since  both  these  latter  superiors  "must  necessarily 
be  under  the  control  of  a  Congregation  in  Rome,  that  has  always 
been  unfavourable  to  the  Society.  And  we  know  from  the  history 
of  the  late  Society,  that  the  diocesan  bishops  throughout  Europe 
were  the  means  of  its  getting  footing,  and  flourishing  in  all 
Catholic  countries,  and  were  the  most  strenuous  in  the  support 
of  its  existence  in  its  last  period."  The  bishop  for  the  Church 
in  America,  this  letter  states,  would  be  of  their  own  choosing, 
and  undoubtedly  one  who  had  been  a  member  of  the  Society  of 
Jesus  and  known  to  be  well  affected  towards  the  same.  As  for 
his  support,  the  encumbrance  on  the  Jesuit  property  would  not 
be  very  great,  because  his  maintenance  would  hardly  exceed  what 


"    Ibid.,  I.e.,  pp.  672-673. 


330  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

was  being  allowed  to  the  prefect-apostolic  at  that  time ;  and  "can 
there  be  a  shadow  of  injustice  to  ourselves  to  allow  a  decent 
maintenance  to  a  successor  of  the  Apostles,  a  Pastor  of  Christ's 
sheep,  and  a  guardian  of  the  depositum  of  faith?"  The  writers 
emphasize  one  point  very  well,  namely,  that  it  would  be  much 
better  for  the  present  body  of  the  clergy,  all  ex- Jesuits,  to  appeal 
to  the  Holy  See  for  a  bishop,  before  the  outsiders  grew  to  be  a 
majority  and  consequently  could  apply  to  Propaganda  to  make 
one  of  themselves  chief  shepherd  of  the  Church  here.  These 
newcomers  would  soon  exceed  them  in  numbers,  and  their  peti- 
tion would  be  readily  granted,  and  who  knows  but  that  Propa- 
ganda's appointee  might  not  be  *'a  thorn  in  our  side?"  The 
letter  continues  with  a  series  of  arguments  in  favour  of  the  pro- 
posed bishopric.  A  diocesan  bishop  would  be  glad  to  put  the 
,  school  under  the  care  of  the  ex- Jesuits,  and  if  the  Society  should 
be  reestablished  in  the  country,  "the  government  of  the  school 
will  likewise  be  surrendered  into  their  hands."  This  was  fore- 
sight; for,  since  the  restoration  of  the  Society  of  Jesus  in  the 
United  States  (1806),  Georgetown  College  and  University  has 
been  the  leading  Jesuit  educational  institution  in  the  United 
States. 

Fortunately,  the  opposition  ceased  on  the  receipt  of  this  states- 
manlike letter,  as  Father  Carroll  tells  his  friend,  Plowden,  on 
March  29,  1787:  "I  wrote  you  very  fully  a  few  weeks  ago.  I 
now  have  only  to  add,  that,  since  the  sending  off  of  that  letter, 
the  gentlemen,  who  had  shown  some  opposition  to  the  business 
mentioned  in  it,  have  seen  the  reasonableness  of  the  intended 
establishment,  and  of  the  application  to  Rome  for  a  Diocesan; 
and  are  as  urgent  as  any  to  have  them  carried  into  execution."  ^" 

Father  Carroll's  position  in  the  issue  of  the  bishopric  is  pre- 
served in  a  letter  to  Father  William  O'Brien,  then  stationed  in 
New  York,  dated  May  10,  1788,  from  which  we  have  already 
quoted : 

Immediately  after  receiving  your  favour  of  the  30th  April,  I  wrote 
to  Mr.  Felicehi  [sic]  and  hope  that  my  letter  will  reach  him  before 
his  departure.  The  loss  of  so  amiable  an  acquaintance  must  be  painful 
to  you.  I  mentioned  to  him  something  concerning  our  views  for  an 
Episcopal    government,   tho   I   own   that    I    never    enter    on   this   subject 


"    Ibid.,  I.e.,  p.  680. 


The  Clergy  331 

without  reluctance  and  for  two  reasons.  One  Is  that  if  that  government 
is  introduced  into  our  Ecclesiastical  policy  in  America,  I  have  some 
reason  to  apprehend  that  I  may  be  thought  of  for  it,  and  it  is  without 
affectation  or  pretended  show  of  humility  that  I  declare  to  you  and 
everywhere  else  a  dread  of  ever  being  invested  with  such  an  employment. 
Another  reason  is  that  they  who  know  my  sincere  sentiments  may  attribute 
any  activity  they  discover  in  me  for  the  establishment  of  Episcopacy  to 
an  ambition  of  having  a  mitre  placed  on  my  head.  This  is  the  reason 
why  I  have  taken  so  little  notice  of  your  many  generous  and  too  partial 
recommendations  both  of  me  and  to  me  on  that  subject.  However,  I 
shall  now  open  myself  more  fully  to  you.  About  a  year  and  a  half  ago, 
a  meeting  was  held  of  the  clergy  of  Maryland  and  of  Pennsylvania  on 
their  temporal  concerns;  and  conversation  devolving  on  the  most  effectual 
means  of  promoting  the  welfare  of  Religion  it  was  agreed  on  to  attempt 
the  establishment  of  a  school  and  seminary  for  the  general  education 
of  Catholic  youths  and  the  forming  of  Ecclesiastics  to  the  ministry  of 
Religion  and  since  the  Ecclesiastics  would  want  ordination,  the  subject 
of  Episcopacy  was  brought  forward  and  it  was  determined  to  solicit  it. 
Two  other  gentlemen  were  appointed  beside  myself  to  transact  this  busi- 
ness and  they  as  it  happens  to  easy  people  like  myself,  devolved  the 
whole  trouble  of  framing  memorials,  petitions  &c.  on  me.  Being  very 
unwilling  to  engage  in  this  last  affair  I  delayed  till  Nugent's  misconduct 
convinced  me  it  was  no  longer  safe  to  do  so,  and  a  prospect  having 
opened  itself  of  procuring  a  Bishop,  eligible  by  the  officiating  clergymen 
in  America,  instead  of  being  appointed  by  a  foreign  tribunal  (which 
would  shock  the  political  prejudices  of  this  country)  the  memorial  for 
that  purpose  is  now  gone  to  his  Holiness.  This  is  the  business  which  you 
may  remember  I  said  to  you,  I  should  have  to  communicate  but  which 
was  afterward  put  out  of  mind  by  the  unhappy  events  which  followed.^* 

As  will  be  seen  in  a  subsequent  chapter,  the  Holy  See  had 
decided  about  this  time  (May,  1788)  to  proceed  with  the  creation 
of  a  bishopric  for  the  United  States,  and  it  was  admitted  on  all 
sides  that  John  Carroll  would  be  the  ecclesiastic  chosen  for  that 
important  post. 

The  work  outlined  by  the  Second  General  Chapter  at  its  initial 
meeting  had  met,  therefore,  with  considerable  success.  Finan- 
cially, the  property  of  the  ex-Jesuits  was  in  danger,  not  only  be- 
cause of  the  lack  of  corporation  rights  under  the  State  of  Mary- 
land, but  also  because  of  the  possibility  of  one,  not  an  ex-Jesuit, 
being  appointed  bishop.  In  this  case,  it  was  meet  that  the  mem- 
bers of  the  Select  Body  of  the  Clergy  should  foresee  a  repetition 
of   those  antagonisms   and   confiscations   which   had   disgraced 


■*    Cf.  ResearcJtes,  vol.  viii,  p.  57. 


332  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

the  Suppression  in  other  lands.  A  firm  step  forward  educationally 
had  been  taken  by  the  school  proposals,  and  it  was  only  a  question 
of  time  and  money  before  Georgetown  College  would  be  founded. 
In  the  more  delicate  matter  of  jurisdiction,  the  Chapter  suc- 
ceeded admirably  in  winning  almost  unanimous  consent  from  the 
clergy  to  the  establishment  of  a  bishopric,  and  with  the  priests 
anxious  to  have  the  Holy  See  appoint  one  of  their  number  to 
the  unique  post  of  proto-bishop  of  the  United  States,  all  further 
delay  on  the  part  of  Rome  was  unnecessary. 

One  topic,  which  lay  nearest  their  hearts,  and  one  which  can  be 
felt  in  their  deliberations,  even  at  this  distance  from  the  Second 
General  Chapter,  was  the  restoration  of  the  Society  of  Jesus. 
It  would  be  a  callous  mind  that  would  not  understand  the  poig- 
nancy of  their  situation.  They  were  a  little  band  of  brothers 
working  in  a  vineyard,  much  farther  away  in  those  days  from  the 
great  body  of  the  Society  in  Europe,  but  they  felt  every  blow 
dealt  at  the  Society's  good  name  and  honour  during  those  years 
of  bitter  misunderstanding  from  1773  to  the  restoration  in  181 4. 
All  these  deliberations  in  district  meetings  and  in  Chapters  are 
coloured  if  not  guided  by  this  spirit,  and  if  some  of  them  seem 
to  hold  personal  views  opposed  to  those  of  Father  Carroll,  it  is 
precisely  because  they  were  not  sure  that  he  had  the  restoration 
of  the  Society  at  heart.  Three  years  were  to  pass  before  the  Holy 
See  acted  upon  the  decision  of  the  Chapter,  and  appointed  Father 
John  Carroll,  the  ex-Jesuit,  Bishop  of  the  Church  in  the  United 
States,  and  almost  twenty  years  passed  before  Father  Gruber, 
the  General  of  the  Society  of  Jesus  in  Russia,  acceded  to  the 
wish  of  the  Maryland  Fathers  and  allowed  them  to  unite  them- 
selves with  that  portion  of  the  Society  in  Russia,  which  by  Divine 
Providence,  had  escaped  the  Suppression.  The  Maryland  Fathers 
never  wavered  in  the  desire  to  have  themselves  incorporated  into 
the  Russian  "remnant  of  the  Society,"  as  Carroll  called  it, 
"miraculously  preserved  as  it  seems,  to  be  the  seed  of  a  future 
generation." 

The  direct  effect  of  Smyth's  and  Poterie's  vicious  attacks  upon 
the  ever-thinning  band  of  American  ex- Jesuits  was  to  dull  Car- 
roll's spirit  of  hospitality  towards  the  "newcomers"  in  the  Church 
under  his  jurisdiction.  It  was  only  after  his  consecration  as 
Bishop  of  the  Diocese  of  Baltimore,  or  as  Dilhet  calls  it,  the 


The  Clergy  333 

Diocese  des  ^tats-Unis,  that  his  fears  of  not  being  able  to  control 
the  accessions  of  the  clerical  body  left  him.  How  dangerous 
this  element  was  to  the  peace  and  harmony  of  his  diocese  is, 
unfortunately  for  the  honour  of  the  American  Catholic  priest- 
hood, a  chapter  in  its  history  which  can  not  be  ignored  or  palli- 
ated. But  the  conclusion  must  not  be  drawn  that  disorder  and  a 
state  bordering  on  rebellion  existed  everywhere  in  the  American 
Church  during  these  years  of  an  anomalous  jurisdiction.  The  ex- 
Jesuits  were  to  a  man  obedient  to  the  prefect  in  all  matters  of 
disciplinary  moment,  and  the  mass  of  the  people  were  living 
quiet  lives  in  strict  accordance  with  church  rule  and  direction. 
The  schismatics — if  indeed,  before  his  consecration,  so  strong 
a  term  may  be  applied  to  the  few  who  showed  a  testimony  to 
rebel — were  never  of  any  consequence,  socially;  and  certainly 
with  the  prospect  of  the  episcopate,  Father  Carroll  felt  better 
equipped  to  meet  the  serious  problems  of  his  future  diocese. ) 


CHAPTER  XVIII 

THE   FIRST   AMERICAN    STUDENTS    IN    ROME 

(1787-1790) 

In  his  letter  to  Carroll  on  June  9,  1784,  anouncing  the  latter's 
appointment  as  prefect-apostolic  of  the  Church  in  the  new 
Republic,  Cardinal  Antonelli  offered,  as  has  already  been  men- 
tioned, two  scholarships  in  the  Collegio  Urbano  to  the  American 
Church : 

In  the  meantime,  for  fear  the  want  of  missionaries  should  deprive 
the  Catholics  of  spiritual  assistance,  it  has  been  resolved  to  invite  hither 
two  youths  from  the  States  of  Maryland  and  Pennsylvania,  to  educate 
them  at  the  expense  of  the  Sacred  Congregation  in  the  Urban  College; 
they  will  afterwards,  on  returning  to  their  country,  be  substitutes  in  the 
mission.  We  leave  to  your  solicitude  the  care  of  selecting  and  sending 
them.  You  will  m.ake  choice  of  those  who  have  more  promising  talents 
and  a  good  constitution,  who  are  not  less  than  twelve,  nor  more  than 
fifteen  years  of  age;  who  by  their  proficiency  in  the  sanctuary  may  give 
great  hopes  of  themselves.  You  may  address  them  to  the  excellent 
Archbishop  of  Seleucia,  Apostolic  Nuncio  at  Paris,  who  is  informed  of 
their  coming.  If  the  young  men  selected  are  unable  to  defray  the  expenses 
of  the  voyage,  the  Sacred  Congregation  will  provide  for  them;  we  even 
wish  to  be  informed  by  you  frankly  and  accurately  of  the  necessary 
travelling  expenses  to  serve  as  a  rule  for  the  future.^ 

The  documents  from  this  time  up  to  Carroll's  consecration 
and  for  some  time  afterwards  have  many  references  to  these  two 
American  boys.  Their  journey  has  many  interesting  details,  and 
many  a  dull  page  in  the  formal  letters  that  passed  between  Rome, 
Paris,  and  Baltimore  is  enlivened  by  their  presence  in  the  Eternal 
City.2  The  Papal  Nuncio  informed  Antonelli  on  July  5,  1784, 
that  Franklin  had  told  him  the  cost  for  the  journey  across  the 
Atlantic  would  be  probably  70  or  80  lonis  d'or.  On  July  31,  1784, 

1  Propaganda  Archives,  Lettere,  vol.  244,  f.  492;  translation  by  Shea,  History  of 
the  Catholic  Church  in  the  United  States,  vol.  ii,  pp.  243-24S. 
*  ibid.,  Scritture  riferite,  America  Centrale,  vol.  3,  i.  273. 

334 


First  Students  at  Rome  335 

Antonelll  advised  the  Nuncio  to  urge  Carroll  to  send  the  boys  at 
once  and  ordered  him  to  reimburse  the  prefect-apostolic  for 
whatever  expense  they  may  cause.  Doria  Pamphili  was  also  to 
inform  Mr.  Franklin  of  this  fact.^  A  delay  of  three  years  fol- 
lowed Antonelli's  generous  oflfer  of  the  two  scholarships.  Father 
Carroll  had  been  a  teacher  in  Europe  in  colleges  which  were 
directed  by  the  Society  of  Jesus,  but  were  under  the  general  con- 
trol of  the  Congregation  of  Propaganda  Fide.  One  source  of  fric- 
tion between  the  secular  and  regular  clergy  during  the  seventeenth 
and  eighteenth  centuries  was  the  oath  which  every  student, 
especially  in  the  national  colleges  at  Rome,  was  obliged  to  take. 
This  Mission  Oath,  as  it  was  called,  bound  the  student  to  several 
things:  he  promised  obedience  to  the  laws  of  the  college;  he 
promised  that  when  he  had  finished  his  studies,  or  if  he  left  the 
college  before  the  completion  of  his  studies,  that  for  three  years 
he  would  enter  no  religious  Order  or  Congregation  without  the 
express  consent  of  the  Holy  See;  he  promised  also  that  every 
year,  if  he  was  in  Europe,  or  every  other  year,  if  outside,  he  would 
send  to  Propaganda  a  detailed  statement  of  his  work,  his  health, 
etc.*  Consequently,  while  we  find  Carroll  very  grateful  to  Car- 
dinal Antonelli  for  the  scholarships,  we  find  him  writing  to 
Father  Thorpe  on  February  17,  1785,  as  follows:  "With  respect 
to  sending  two  youths,  I  shall  inform  Propaganda  that  it  would 
surely  be  very  acceptable  to  have  children  educated  gratis  in  so 
religious  a  seminary ;  and  very  acceptable  to  us  all  to  have  a  suc- 
cession of  ministers  of  the  altar  provided  for,  but,  as  I  suppose, 
they  will  not  receive  any  into  their  college,  but  such  as  shall  after- 
wards be  subject  to  their  government,  and  it  being  yet  uncertain 
what  effect  my  representations  may  produce,  I  shall  delay  that 
measure  till  further  information."  ^  In  his  letter  to  Antonelli,  of 
February  27,  1785,  the  prefect-apostolic  thus  expresses  his 
views : 

Regarding  the  two  boys  who  are  to  be  sent  to  the  Urban  College 
nothing  can  be  done  until  I  understand  more  fully  your  Eminence's  wishes. 
If  they  are  unable  to  bear  the  expenses  of  the  journey,  I  understand  that 


'  Ibid.,  Lettere,  vol.  244,  f.  624. 

*  Copies  of  the  Propaganda  College  Oath  will  be  found  in  Knox,  Douay  Diaries, 
pp.  40,  48,  70.     London,  1878. 

•  Baltimore  Cathedral  Archives,  Case  9A-F1. 


336  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

the  Sacred  Congregation  will  provide  for  the  same.  I  have  not  ascertained 
to  whom  it  has  been  entrusted  to  pay  these  charges.  Captains  of  ships 
are  not  wont  to  accept  passengers,  unless  the  fare  be  paid  in  advance, 
or  at  least,  until  they  are  certain  that  it  will  be  settled.  Aloreover,  as 
what  I  have  said  regarding  the  appointment  of  a  bishop  or  superior,  may 
suggest  a  possible  danger  in  the  manner  of  administering  our  ecclesiastical 
affairs,  so  also  the  method  of  educating  boys  in  the  College  might  be 
changed.  This,  however,  we  do  not  think  will  occur.  Finally,  it  would 
be  well,  in  order  that  their  parents  be  instructed  aright,  to  know  whether 
any  oath  will  be  exacted  of  their  sons,  before  they  return  to  this  country. 
For,  every  caution  must  be  used,  in  order  that  as  far  as  possible  the 
*^Catholic  priests  and  laity  understand  that  it  is  only  in  necessary  spiritual 
things  that  a  foreign  power  has  control  of  them.  In  the  meantime, 
while  I  am  awaiting  a  reply,  I  shall  see  to  it  that  the  two  boys  be  selected 
with  the  greatest  care,  such  as  your  letter  signifies.  I  hope  also  to 
arrange  that  their  expenses,  at  least  as  far  as  France  be  paid  by  their 
parents;  if  this  is  not  possible,  I  shall  take  care  to  keep  the  expenses 
as  low  as  possible.  I  understand  that  the  voyage  over  will  cost  between 
70  and  80  louis  d'or  for  each  boy.^ 

In  his  letter  to  the  Nuncio  at  Paris  of  this  same  date,  Carroll 
also  mentions  the  ofifer  of  Antonelli  and  says  that  the  route  to 
Marseilles  is  less  expensive.  Dugnani,  Doria  Pamphili's  suc- 
cessor as  Nuncio  at  Paris  in  1785,  is  informed  of  the  scholar- 
ships on  May  24,  1785,  so  that  he  may  be  on  the  lookout  for  the 
boys'  arrival.  Carroll's  anxiety  about  the  student  oath  was  dis- 
pelled in  Antonelli's  sympathetic  letter,  of  July  23,  1785.  The 
Cardinal-Prefect  says : 

From  the  enclosed  copy  you  may  understand  the  form  of  oath  which 
is  taken  by  our  students,  and  you  will  see  clearly  that  the  most  important 
part  of  the  oath  dwells  upon  this :  that  each  student  shall  return  to  his 
own  province  with  the  intention  of  devoting  his  labours  to  the  apostolic 
ministry  and  that  each  shall  inform  the  Sacred  Congregation  concerning 
his  own  circumstances.  If,  however,  you  discover  anything  in  the  oath 
which  could  afford  displeasure  under  the  present  conditions,  we  will  not 
be  averse  to  accommodating  the  same  form  of  oath  to  meet  the  needs  of 
the  students  of  those  regions  in  whatever  way  shall  seem  more  desirable, 
and  it  shall  be  your  duty  to  advise  us  on  this  in  good  season.'^ 

This  letter  reached  Carroll  about  a  year  later — on  March  27, 
1786,  and,  as  we  have  said  already,  it  marked  a  turning  point  in 


•  Propaganda  Archives,   Scriiture  riferite,  America   Centrale,  vol.   ii,  ff.   306-311. 

•  Ibid.,  Lettere,  vol.  246,  f.  437. 


First  Students  at  Rome  337 

Carroll's  attitude  towards  the  Sacred  Congregation.  The  spirit 
shown  by  Antonelli  was  so  unmistakably  sympathetic  that  from 
this  time  Carroll's  letters  to  Rome,  at  least  while  Antonelli  lived, 
show  a  broader  confidence  and  a  surer  trust.  Carroll  replied  on 
August  18,  1786,  explaining  that  the  boys  had  been  picked,  but 
that  their  departure  had  been  hindered  by  the  neglect  or  inability 
of  their  parents  to  attend  to  the  same.®  No  doubt  Carroll  had 
chosen  the  boys  during  his  Visitation  of  1785-86.  The  delay  is 
somewhat  explained  in  the  correspondence;  on  January  12,  1787, 
Carroll  informed  Antonelli  that  the  parents  of  the  first  boy 
selected  from  Pennsylvania  had  withdrawn  their  consent  to  his 
going,  and  another  would  have  to  be  chosen.  This  would  prolong 
the  journey  about  two  months.  Both  boys  were  going  to  pay 
their  expenses  as  far  as  France,  so  that  the  Sacred  Congregation 
would  be  relieved  of  that  part  of  the  burden,^ 

On  July  2,  1787,  Carroll  wrote  to  Antonelli,  announcing  the 
fact  that  the  two  boys  were  then  starting  out.  One  was  Ralph 
Smith,  14  years  old,  of  Maryland;  the  other,  Felix  Dougherty,  13 
years  old,  of  Pennsylvania.  They  sailed  from  Philadelphia  on  a 
boat  bound  for  Bordeaux,  the  captain  of  which  was  a  Catholic. 
A  series  of  letters  from  the  Papal  Nuncio  to  Propaganda,  and 
from  the  Archbishop  of  Bordeaux,  as  well  as  from  a  consul  in 
Civitavecchia,  allows  us  to  follow  the  boys  from  their  arrival  in 
Bordeaux,  September  30,  1787,  to  Marseilles,  where  they  were 
taken  care  of  by  a  Mr.  Billon,  a  merchant,  who  put  them  on 
board  the  boat  for  Civitavecchia,  on  December  7,  1787.  Through 
an  English  interpreter  they  were  made  to  feel  much  at  home. 
Their  tender  age,  together  with  their  innocence,  and,  the  agent 
admits,  the  dangerous  state  of  the  country  through  which  they  had 
to  go  by  stage  to  Rome,  induced  him  to  send  them  under  the  care 
of  a  faithful  steward. 

One  phrase  in  Billon's  letter  would  read  well  in  the  lives  of 
these  boys,  had  they  persevered  to  the  priesthood — "Mi  do 
Tonore  di  significare  all'  E.  V.  che  i  surriferiti  giovani  monstrano 
un'indole  amabilissima,  una  vivezza  particolare  ed  un  talente  che 
fa   concepire   le   piii   lusinghevoli    speranze    de   la   lora   buona 


•  Ibid.,  f.  438. 

•  Ibid.,  i.  440. 


338  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

ruiscita."  In  his  letter  to  Antonelli  of  July  28,  1787,  Carroll 
urges  that  side-by-side  with  their  studies  in  Rome,  the  boys  be 
compelled  to  study  English — "cum  enim  haeretici  eleganter 
dicendi  et  pronunciandi  gloriolam  aucupentur."  He  commended 
the  boys  to  His  Eminence's  special  care.  Another  letter  in 
French,  from  Carroll,  dated  July  28,  1787,  to  the  Papal  Nuncio, 
announced  the  departure  of  the  boys.  In  this  we  learn  that  the 
Bordeaux  route  was  chosen  because  the  captain  of  the  vessel 
was  a  Catholic.  "Both  the  boys,"  Carroll  tells  the  Nuncio,  "are 
bright,  especially  the  latter  [Felix  Dougherty  of  Philadelphia]."  ^"^ 

The  boys  arrived  at  Civitavecchia  on  January  6,  1788;  on  the 
tenth  they  reached  Rome  and  were  given  a  hearty  welcome  by  the 
authorities.^^  Carroll  had  entrusted  them  with  letters  to  Anto- 
nelli, and  it  is  easy  to  picture  the  happiness  of  the  Cardinal- 
Prefect  in  seeing  these  first  aspirants  from  the  new  Republic." 
For  the  next  ten  years,  scarcely  a  letter  from  Rome  to  Carroll 
failed  to  mention  the  two  boys.  Father  Thorpe  promised  to  call 
to  see  them  every  week  at  the  CoUegio  Urbano  and  to  give  them 
news  from  home.^^  A  year  later  he  mentions  with  particular 
pleasure  the  enthusiasm  of  the  boys  over  the  printed  Constitu- 
tion of  the  United  States  which  Father  Carroll  had  sent  to  them." 
When  Father  Patrick  Smyth's  diatribe  against  Carroll  and  the 
ex-Jesuits  reached  Rome,  Cardinal  Antonelli  seems  to  have  lost 
his  head  for  a  moment;  for,  as  we  have  seen  in  the  preceding 
chapter,  to  Thorpe's  disgust,  he  called  Ralph  and  Felix  to  his 
room  and  put  them  through  a  long  interrogatory  on  the  state  of 
the  suppressed  Society  in  the  United  States.^^ 

When  the  boys  finished  their  humanities  and  were  ready  for  the 
Seminary  course  of  studies  in  Philosophy,  they  were  obliged  to 

"  "Ambo  ex  parentibus  nati  sunt  apprime  Catholicis:  alter,  Rudolphus  Smith,  ex 
Marylandia,  aetatem  habet  annos  quatuordecim ;  alter  Felix  Dogherty,  ex  Pennsilvania, 
numerat  annes  aetatis  tredecim  [duodccim,  struck  out].  Uterque,  sed  maxime  posterior, 
dicitur  praeclarae  indolis  et  ingenio  docili."  (.Propaganda  Archives,  Scritture  riferite, 
America  Centrale.  vol.  878,  no.  3)-  Felix  Dougherty  was  baptized  at  St.  Joseph's 
Church,   Philadelphia,   in   1774,  by  Father   Robert   Molyneux.      (Cf.   Records,  vol.   iv, 

pp.   147-148.) 

"    Propaganda  Archives,   Scritture  riferite,  America   Centrale,  vol.  11,  ff.   390-394- 

"  Baltimore  Cathedral  Archives,  Case  9A-F  (rough  draft);  original  in  Propaganda 
Archives,  Scritture  riferite,  America  Centrale,  vol.  ii,  f.   347- 

"  Father  Thorpe  to  Carroll,  Rome,  January  6,  1788,  in  the  Baltimore  Cathedral 
Archives,  Case  8-I2. 

*•    Same  to  same,  November  i,  1788,  ibid.,  Case  8-I7. 

"    Same  to  same,  December  2,  1789.  ibid..  Case  8-J17. 


First  Students  at  Rome  339 

take  the  Student  Oath  not  to  enter  any  religious  Order  or  Con- 
gregation without  the  express  permission  of  the  Holy  See,  to  send 
a  biennial  account  of  their  missionary  work,  with  any  additional 
information  they  desired  to  Propaganda,  to  be  ordained  to  the 
priesthood  whenever  the  Propaganda  or  College  officials  should 
decide,  and  to  remain  within  the  diocese  for  which  they  were 
ordained.  The  contention  caused  by  this  Oath  in  English  Catholic 
circles  during  the  seventeenth  century  and  later  is  overshadowed 
only  by  the  political  difficulties  caused  by  the  search  for  a  for- 
mula of  allegiance  acceptable  to  the  Crown  and  to  the  Catholic 
conscience.  When  the  time  came  for  Smith  and  Dougherty  to 
take  the  Oath,  they  rebelled.  The  story  is  told  succinctly  in  one 
of  Father  Thorpe's  letters  (October  12,  1791): 

My  letter  in  beginning  of  last  month  promised  a  further  account  of 
your  two  students.  The  College  Oath  was  rather  suddenly  proposed  to 
them  only  a  day  or  two  before  the  15th  of  August,  when  they  and 
several  others  about  the  same  age  were  called  to  make  it.  Both  of 
them  declined  it  as  all  the  others  did.  The  common  refusal  seemed  to 
be  concerted,  and  in  this  supposition  the  Cardinal  was  much  disturbed  and 
expressed  his  disfavour  to  them  with  some  vehemence  that  did  no  good. 
The  prelate  who  resides  in  the  house  and  to  whom  the  students  have 
access  of  appeal  showed  an  indifference;  the  boys  were  not  to  be  molested, 
but  quietly  sent  away,  if  they  were  not  willing  to  comply  with  the  intents 
of  the  College.  The  Cardinal  called  it  a  bit  of  extraordinary  independence. 
Then  he  fixed  the  8th  of  Sept.  and  declared  that  whoever  did  not  comply 
should  be  immediately  dismissed.  I  had  as  usual  visited  your  two  coun- 
trymen, and  occasionally  spoken  in  favour  of  the  proposed  engagement, 
as  it  had  been  my  duty  to  do  so  in  the  English  College;  as  I  did  not 
know  the  extremities  to  which  the  Cardinal  had  pressed  the  present 
business  until  he  sent  for  me,  related  his  grievances,  and  desired  me  to 
confer  expressly  on  the  matter  with  the  two  Americans,  for  whom  indeed 
he  expressed  much  concern.  Whatever  was  the  cause  of  disdain  in  the 
others,  these  two  had  declined  the  oath  on  different  motives.  Felix 
only  objected  against  the  hasty  manner  in  which  he  had  been  called  to 
the  act  that  required  much  consideration;  but  Raphael  strongly  excepted 
against  the  promise  of  taking  Holy  Orders  at  the  will  of  another;  on 
these  and  similar  difficulties  he  remained  obstinate  for  some  time  until 
he  had  perceived  them  not  to  be  what  he  had  apprehended.  Thus  their 
own  good  sense  and  piety  reconciled  the  minds  of  both.  They  cheerfully 
made  the  desired  oblation  of  themselves  on  the  appointed  day.  Their 
example  was  salutary  to  their  fellow  students  and  they  continue  to  give 
entire  satisfaction  to  the  College.  They  are  both  well  and  desire  yoiu* 
blessing.^6 


**    Same  to  same,  ibid.,  Case  8-K8.     Cf.  Acta  ApostoUcae  Sedis,  Commentariitm 


340  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

We  catch  occasional  glimpses  of  the  boys  in  the  correspond- 
ence of  the  period.  Father  Thorpe  found  them  both  in  tears  one 
day  in  June,  1791,  and  Felix  confessed  that  they  were  losing 
heart  and  had  become  homesick.  The  seven  long  years  ahead 
before  ordination  seemed  "an  eternity."  Another  important 
episode  of  their  days  in  Rome  came  in  1796,  when  Felix  Dough- 
erty preached  in  Latin  on  Pentecost  Sunday,  in  the  historic  Sistine 
Chapel,  before  Pope  Pius  VI.  Among  the  many  valuable  docu- 
ments in  the  Archives  of  the  Dominican  Order  at  Washington, 
D.  C,  is  a  manuscript  copy  of  the  sermon,  on  sixteen  half-pages 
of  small-sized  legal  paper,  each  page  being  four  lines  in  length. 
Besides  the  title:  A  Sermon  on  the  Coming  of  the  Holy  Ghost, 
the  manuscript  bears  two  Imprimaturs — one  by  the  Most  Rev. 
Francis  Xavier  Passari,  then  Acting-Prefect  of  Propaganda,  the 
other  by  the  Rev.  Vincent  Pani,  O.P.,  Master  of  the  Sacred 
Palace.  The  order  of  the  sermon  is  very  logical,  but  the  Latin 
is  mediocre  in  style. 

The  following  year  (1797)  both  the  young  men  gave  up  their 
studies  and  came  back  to  America.  Letters  in  the  Propaganda 
Archives  for  the  year  1797,  show  that  Smith  decided  he  had  no 
vocation  and  that  Dougherty  returned  on  account  of  ill-health 
(per  ragione  delta  mia  debole  salute) ^  Propaganda  announced 
the  departure  of  the  boys  in  a  letter  to  Bishop  Carroll,  dated 
September,  1797.^®  They  returned  by  way  of  Leghorn,  Mar- 
seilles, Paris,  and  Lisbon,  to  Baltimore. 

Ralph  Smith  apparently  is  lost  to  sight  after  his  return.  There 
are  letters  of  1803  from  a  gentleman  of  that  name  from  New 


Officiate,  annus  i,  vol.  i,  p.  687.  Rome,  1909.  The  Oath  imposed  upon  the  students  of 
all  Pontifical  Colleges  at  this  time  was  that  drawn  up  in  the  pontificate  of  Alexander 
VII,  under  date  of  July  20,  1660.  It  varies  somewhat  from  the  Oath  prescribed  by 
Pope  Urban  VIII  (November  24,  1625). 

"  The  letters  regarding  their  return  (March  27,  1797-September,  1797)  are  in 
the  Propaganda  Archives,  Lettere,  vol.  274,  f.  xo6;  vol.  275,  fF.  143-144. 

"  "Binos  Americanos  tuae  jurisdictioni  subjectos  ad  Amplitudinem  tuam  mittimus 
Dominimi  Raphaelem  Smith  aetate  provectiorem  et  Dominum  Felicera  Dougherty 
juniorem.  Eorumdem  iter  maturare  coacti  fuimus,  quod  nempe  primus  in  sortem 
Domini  adhuc  se  vocatum  non  esse  sentiat,  atque  ad  natale  solum  redeundi  desiderio 
tenebatur;  alter  vero  ob  suam  valetudinem  minus  firmam  judicio  medicorum  quantocius 
patrium  aerem  respirare  compellebatur,  ut  ad  pristinam  sanitatem  redire  valeat  itaque 
tuae  erit  prudentiae  Raphaelis  vocationem  alio  quoque  tempore  experiri,  ac  perpendere, 
an  felicis  valetudo  patiatur,  ut  sacris  initiari  valeat,  eidem  constans  ac  firma  vocatio 
est,  suique  ingenii,  studiorumque  suorum  optima  specimina  praebuit."  (Propaganda 
Archives,  Lettere,  vol.  275,  f.   106.) 


First  Students  at  Rome  '     341 

Orleans  to  Bishop  Carroll  in  the  Baltimore  Cathedral  Archives, 
stating  that  he  is  about  to  pass  his  medical  examination  in  that 
city,  but  it  is  impossible  to  say  whether  it  is  the  same  person. 
Smith's  oath  to  report  to  Propaganda  was  binding  upon  him, 
even  after  his  return,  but  no  letters  were  found  in  the  Archives 
at  Rome.  Of  Felix  Dougherty  we  have  the  further  information 
that  he  entered  St.  Mary's  Seminary,  Baltimore,  in  1798,  but 
"soon"  withdrew.  On  October  16,  1798,  he  wrote  as  follows  to 
Cardinal  Gerdil,  Prefect  of  the  Sacred  Congregation: 

As  an  Alumnus  of  the  Sacred  Congregation  of  Propaganda  Fide,  and 
having,  by  virtue  of  the  Oath  taken  in  the  Urban  College,  obligated 
myself  to  write  every  two  years  to  the  Worthy  Congregation,  I  intend 
by  this  letter  to  satisfy  this  obligation  since  a  favorable  opportunity 
presents   itself   to  do   so. 

I  beg  to  recall  to  Your  Eminence  that  I  left  the  College  last  year 
on  account  of  my  weak  state  of  health.  I  am  at  present  in  the  Seminary 
of  my  Bishop  at  Baltimore,  but  I  am  preparing  myself  to  leave  within  a 
short  time  in  order  to  go  to  the  Catholic  College  at  Georgtown  to  teach 
the  Classics  to  the  Catholic  youth  there.  My  ordination  is  thereby  deferred 
for  one  or  two  years.  The  dispersion  of  their  Eminences  who  compose 
the  Sacred  Congregation  and  the  lamentable  catastrophe  which  has  fallen 
upon  Rome  this  year  induces  me  to  ask  for  a  dispensation  from  the  Oath 
which  I  took  to  Your  Eminence  while  at  College  particularly  that  part 
of  it  which  obliges  me  to  write  as  stated  above  to  the  Sacred  Congrega- 
tion. I  ask  this  from  Your  Eminence  because  you,  as  Prefect  of  the 
Congregation,  have  the  power  of  granting  it  to  me  in  the  name  of  His 
Holiness.  I  do  not  ask  it  because  I  wish  to  join  any  religious  Order 
nor  because  I  do  not  intend  to  receive  Sacred  Orders  at  the  proper  time 
and  to  work  in  the  Vineyard  of  the  Lord;  but  because  I  regard  the  Oath 
as  a  great  burden  on  my  conscience  in  favor  of  the  Holy  Congregation 
without  it  being  useful  or  even  necessary  to  me  in  my  present  state. 

H  Your  Eminence  deigns  to  reply  to  me,  as  I  beg  you  to  do,  may  I 
ask  you  to  direct  your  letter  either  to  the  Bishop  for  me  or  personally 
to  myself  at  the  Baltimore  Seminary.  I  shall  say  nothing  of  my  own 
great  sorrow  and  of  that  of  all  the  Catholics  by  all  that  has  happened  at 
Rome;  we  do  not  cease  our  prayers  to  God  for  His  powerful  protection 
over  the  Church  which  is  the  work  of  His  hands.  I  will  say  only  that 
our  Holy  Religion  flourishes  here  and  is  becoming  extended  beyond  all 
belief.  At  my  return  I  found  the  number  of  Catholics  almost  doubled. 
It  is  a  calamity  for  us,  however,  that  the  Bulls  for  the  Consecration 
of  the  Co-adjutor  to  the  Bishop,  which  had  been  sent  twice  from  Rome 
during  my  time  there,  have  not  yet  arrived.  Hence,  His  consecration  is 
perforce  postponed. 
My  Lord  Cardinal,  with  the  most  profound  reverence  and  respect,  I 


342  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

kiss  the  Sacred  Purple,  and  beg  to  be  Your   Eminence's  most  humble, 
devoted  and  grateful  servant  and  subject. 

At  the  end  of  this  letter,  in  the  handwriting  of  Cardinal  Gerdil, 
is  the  annotation :  "Reply  that  his  obligation  to  write  every  two 
years  be  fulfilled  at  his  convenience;  that  he  is  not  dispensed 
from  his  promise  to  proceed  to  ordination,  and  that  he  should 
reflect  that  now  more  than  ever  the  Sacred  Congregation  has 
need  of  labourers  in  the  vineyard.  A  third  copy  of  the  Bulls  in 
question  to  be  sent  at  once.'* 

In  the  Archives  of  the  Collegio  Urbano  there  is  a  reference  to 
Dougherty  to  the  effect  that  he  had  left  St.  Mary's  Seminary 
in  order  to  take  up  a  teaching  post  at  Georgetown  College.  Dili- 
gent inquiry  has  failed  to  show  that  the  names  of  these  first  two 
American  students  at  Rome  are  in  any  of  the  extant  Clergy 
Lists.^®  After  the  failure  of  the  American  scholarships  in  Rome, 
Bishop  Carrol!  sent  no  more  students  abroad.  His  hopes  were 
henceforth  centred  on  St.  Mary's  Seminary. 


"  It  is  possible  that  Felix  Dougherty  is  the  person  referred  to  by  Finotti  (Bibl. 
Cath.  Americana,  p.  75).  Finotti's  copy  of  Carroll's  Discourse  on  General  Washington, 
contained  an  autograph  letter  from  the  Bishop  to  Felix  Dougherty,  Esq.,  at  his  office, 
East  Street,  Baltimore. 


CHAPTER  XIX 
CARROLL'S   ELECTION   TO   THE   SEE  OF  BALTIMORE 

(1786-1789) 

The  first  period  of  the  problem  of  episcopal  jurisdiction  in  the 
United    States    ends    with    Carroll's    appointment    as    prefect- 
Apostolic  on  June  9,  1784.  One  point  in  Antonelli's  letter  of  that 
date  needs  repetition,  however,  since  the  Clergy  Petition  of  May 
18,  1789,  asking  the  Holy  See  for  the  privilege  of  electing  one 
of  their  own  body  to  the  post  of  proto-bishop  of  the  new  Republic, 
may  be  traced  to  that  document.    The  prefectship,  the  Cardinal 
wrote,  was  meant  to  be  a  temporary  arrangement,  and  Father 
Carroll  was  made  aware  of  this  plan  on  August  20,  1784,  through 
Father  Thorpe's  letter  of  June  9th  of  that  year.  When  this  letter 
was  laid  before  the  priests  of  the  First  General  Chapter  of  the 
American  Clergy,  at  Whitemarsh,  on  October  11,  1784,  a  resolu- 
tion was  passed  to  the  effect  that  a  bishop  was  unnecessary  at 
the  time.    A  Committee  of  Three  was  appointed  so  to  inform 
the  Holy  See.   The  Memorial  of  December,  1784,  embodies  the 
spirit  of  that  resolution.    The  American  clergy  opposition  was 
discussed  by  Carroll  in  his  letter  to  Thorpe,  of  February  17, 
1785,  and  the  reason  given  is  already  a  familiar  one  to  the  reader : 
"It  will  never  be  suffered  that  their  [the  Catholic]  Ecclesiastical 
superior  (be  he  a  bishop  or  prefect-apostolic)  receive  his  appoint- 
ment from  a  foreign  State,  and  only  hold  it  at  the  discretion 
of  a  foreign  tribunal  or  congregation."   Carroll  echoed  the  com- 
mon belief  that  it  would  be  fatal  to  the  Catholic  Church  in  the 
Republic,  if  acknowledgment  of  dependence  on  the  Holy  See 
should  be  interpreted  by  the  civil  authorities  as  submission  to  a 
foreign  power.    He  realized  how  delicately  the  American  senti- 
ment should  be  translated  into  the  language  of  Rome,  and  how 
invidious  his  statement  might  seem  to  those  who  should  be  inclined 
to  see  behind  the  stand  the  American  priests  were  taking  *'a  re- 

343 


344  ^^^^  L//^  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

maining  spirit  of  Jesuitism,"  that  is,  a  spirit  of  resentment  against 
the  sacrifice  demanded  in  1773.  He  was  decided  that  a  plain 
and  honest  representation  of  the  situation  was  necessary,  and  he 
was  determined  to  run  the  risk  of  misunderstanding  at  Rome, 
rather  than  allow  the  permanent  interests  of  Religion  to  suffer. 
This  sentiment  he  explained  clearly  and  deferentially  to  the 
Cardinal-Prefect  of  Propaganda  in  his  celebrated  Letter  of 
February  2y,  1785 — his  letter  of  acceptance  of  the  prefectship. 
Cardinal  Antonelli  had  indicated  the  intention  of  the  Holy  See 
to  establish  a  vicariate  for  the  United  States,  and  while  the 
solicitude  of  Rome  for  the  American  Church  filled  the  hearts 
of  its  leaders  with  joy,  nevertheless.  Dr.  Carroll  believed  it  his 
duty  to  inform  Propaganda  that  the  American  Anglicans  had 
decided  in  their  last  convention  to  obtain  a  bishop  for  their 
Church.  This  decision,  Carroll  says,  was  not  censured  by  the 
Congress,  then  in  session  for  the  purpose  of  drafting  a  Consti- 
tution. Since  the  Catholics  enjoyed  the  same  liberty  in  the  exer- 
cise of  their  religion,  it  necessarily  followed  that  they  enjoyed  the 
same  right  in  regard  to  adopting  measures  for  their  own  organi- 
zation. Dr.  Carroll  then  expressed  the  belief  that  the  time  was 
opportune  for  the  appointment  of  a  bishop  over  the  American 
Catholics.  There  would  be  no  danger  of  arousing  any  opposition 
from  non-Catholic  sources.  He  realized,  however,  that  since  the 
Holy  See  had  granted  him  the  faculty  of  conferring  the  Sacra- 
ment of  Confirmation,  the  necessity  for  a  superior  invested  with 
episcopal  dignity  and  character  was  not  so  pressing.  There  was 
little  doubt  in  Carroll's  mind  that  the  appointment  of  a  bishop, 
rather  than  a  vicar-apostolic  subject  to  Propaganda,  would  con- 
duce more  to  the  progress  of  the  Church  in  this  country,  and 
would  contribute  much  to  remove  Protestant  jealousy  of  a  for- 
eign jurisdiction.  "I  know  with  certainty,"  he  writes,  "that  this 
fear  will  increase,  if  they  know  that  an  ecclesiastical  superior  is 
so  appointed  as  to  be  removable  from  office  at  the  pleasure  of  the 
Sacred  Congregation,  or  any  other  tribunal  out  of  the  country,  or 
that  he  has  no  power  to  admit  any  priest  to  exercise  the  sacred 
ministry,  unless  appointed  and  sent  by  the  Congregation  of  Propa- 
ganda Fide."  Carroll  added  that  the  priests  here  were  imploring 
God  in  His  wisdom  and  mercy  to  guide  the  judgment  of  the  Holy 
See,  lest  anything  should  be  decided  upon  which  would  be  detri- 


Carroll's  Election  345 

mental  to  the  American  spirit.  For  that  reason  he  stated  it  would 
be  best  to  allow  the  American  clergy  to  elect  their  own  episcopal 
superior,  so  that  "bad  feeling  may  not  be  excited  among  the 
people  of  this  country."  ^ 

Carroll's  Visitation  of  1785-86  proved  the  necessity  of  a 
stronger  bond  of  union  with  the  spiritual  power  of  Rome.  The 
"stirs"  in  New  York,  Boston,  and  Philadelphia,  were  potent  with 
uneasiness  for  the  struggling  Church  in  the  United  States;  and 
the  priests  who  had  met  at  Whitemarsh  in  1783  to  reconstruct 
the  shattered  forces  of  the  Faith  were  the  first  to  realize  that  a 
presbyterian  or  archipresbyterate  form  of  church  government 
was  too  weak  to  control  the  divergent  outlook  already  discernible 
in  the  principal  cities. 

(It  must  be  admitted  that,  in  spite  of  the  brusque  action  of 
Propaganda  or,  rather,  of  some  of  its  officials  in  the  Suppression 
of  the  Society  of  Jesus  ten  years  before,  no  impartial  reader  of  his 
letters  can  consider  Cardinal  Antonelli  as  otherwise  than  sym- 
pathetic towards  the  Church  in  the  United  States.  His  part  in 
the  French  intrigue  can  be  excused  from  the  standpoint  of  zeal, 
although  on  its  face  the  whole  affair  bears  the  mark  of  the 
ecclesiastical  politician.  When  he  received  Carroll's  manly  letter 
of  February  27,  1785,  he  lost  no  time  in  reassuring  the  anxious 
Superior  of  the  American  Mission  that  it  was  the  intention  of 
Propaganda  to  satisfy  in  every  way  not  only  the  wishes  of  the 
clergy  in  the  United  States,  but  also  the  sentiments  of  independ- 
ence then  so  intensely  on  the  alert  in  the  new  nation.  His  answer 
of  July  23,  1785,  states  this  quite  clearly:  "The  Sacred  Congre- 
gation has  also  determined  to  establish  a  vicar-apostolic  with 
the  title  and  character  of  bishop  in  the  thirteen  provinces  of 
United  America  and  to  confer  this  dignity  first  upon  Your 
Lordship.  If,  however,  you  judge  it  to  be  more  expedient  and 
more  consistent  with  the  Constitution  of  the  Republic  that  the 
missionaries  themselves,  at  least  for  the  first  time,  recommend 
some  one  to  the  Sacred  Congregation  to  be  promoted  to  the  office 
of  vicar-apostolic,  the  Sacred  Congregation  will  not  hesitate  to 
perform  whatever  you  consider  to  be  most  expedient."  ^ 


*  Baltimore  Cathedral  Archives,  Case  9A-F   (original  draft) ;  original  copy  in  the 
Propaganda  Archives,   Scritture  riferite,   America   Centrale,   vol.   ii,   flF.    308-309. 
'  Propaganda  Archives,  Lettere,  rol.  246,  f.  437- 


34^    -         The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

This  letter,  which  we  consider  the  most  important  document 
of  the  five  years  of  Carroll's  superior  ship,  reached  Carroll  on 
March  27,  1 786,  and  when  it  was  presented  to  the  deputies  of  the 
clergy  at  the  Second  General  Chapter,  held  at  Whitemarsh  in 
November,  1786^  it  was  quickly  acted  upon;  and,  as  we  have  seen 
in  a  previous  section,  the  opposition  was  soon  satisfied  and  the 
way  was  cleared  for  the  further  action  of  Rome.  Marbois  had 
written  from  New  York  on  March  27,  1785,  to  the  Sacred 
Congregation  that  the  Holy  See  could  do  nothing  so  advantageous 
to  the  Church  in  the  United  States  than  the  appointment  of 
Carroll,  and  he  urged  his  promotion  to  episcopal  honours.  The 
Anglicans,  Marbois  explained,  had  already  prepared  the  Amer- 
icans for  the  presence  of  bishops,  even  though  these  would  be 
obliged  to  go  to  England  for  consecration.  The  busy  Frenchman 
suggested  that  the  Holy  See  might  name  a  vicar-apostolic,  who 
would  later  be  promoted  to  the  episcopate ;  or,  the  churches  of  the 
thirteen  States  might  elect  a  subject — this  latter  method  he  be- 
lieved to  be  more  in  keeping  with  the  spirit  of  the  American 
people — "quest'  ultima  forma  sarebbe  senza  dubbio  piu  analogo 
alio  spirito  di  questi  popoli,"  the  Italian  document  runs.  But  the 
Catholics  were  so  scattered  that  he  did  not  see  how  such  an  elec- 
tion could  take  place.  This  is  the  reason  why  Marbois  urged  the 
promotion  of  Carroll,  since  all  were  then  accustomed  to  regard 
him  as  the  head  of  the  Church  in  the  United  States,  and  no  one 
would  wonder  at  his  elevation  to  the  episcopate.^ 

When  the  opposition  to  the  creation  of  a  bishop  for  the  new 
Republic  ceased,  the  Committee  of  Three,  Fathers  Carroll,  Moly- 
neux  and  Ashton,  drafted  its  Memorial  to  the  Holy  See.  Whether 
Molyneux  or  Ashton  had  a  hand  in  its  composition,  is  proble- 
matical. Carroll  wrote  to  Father  William  O'Brien,  then  at  New 
York,  on  May  10,  1788,  saying  that  the  whole  trouble  of  framing 
materials,  petitions,  etc.,  had  devolved  on  himself.  Carroll  saw 
the  necessity  of  making  progress  on  account  of  the  unrest  in 
New  York  and  Philadelphia,  and  on  March  12,  1788,  the  follow- 
ing Memorial,  which  can  be  styled  the  Clergy  Petition  for  a 
Bishop,  was  sent  to  Pope  Pius  VI : 


'  Collection  of  papers,  entitled:  Sobre  la  crrccion  de  un  Ohispado,  in  the  Archivo 
General  de  Indias  (Seville),  1^.  3895,  an.  1788.  Italian  copies  are  in  he  Propaganda 
Archives,   Scritture  riferite,   etc,   vol.    ii,   f.    316. 


Carroll's  Election  347 

Most  Holy  Father: 

We,  the  undersigned,  petitioners  approaching  the  Apostolic  See,  with 
all  due  veneration,  and  prostrate  at  the  feet  of  your  Holiness,  humbly 
set  forth  the  following:  That  we  are  priests  who  have  been  specially 
deputed  by  our  fellow-priests  exercising  with  us  the  religious  ministry  in 
the  United  States  of  America,  in  order  that  we  may,  in  the  first  place, 
return  unbounded  thanks  to  your  Holiness  for  the  truly  paternal  care, 
which  you  have  deigned  to  extend  to  this  remote  part  of  the  Lord's 
vineyard:  and  in  the  next  place,  to  manifest  that  we  all,  had  been  stimu- 
lated by  this  great  care,  to  continue  and  increase  our  labors  to  preserve 
and  extend  the  faith  of  Christ  our  Lord,  in  these  States,  which  are 
filled  with  the  errors  of  all  the  sects.  In  doing  so,  we  are  convinced, 
that  we  not  only  render  meet  service  to  God,  but  also  render  a  pleasing 
and  acceptable  homage  to  the  common  Father  of  the  faithful.  Moreover 
to  correspond  to  this  great  solicitude,  we  believe  it  our  duty  to  expose 
to  your  Holiness,  whatever  from  our  long  experience  in  these  States, 
seems  necessary  to  be  known,  in  order  that  your  pastoral  providence 
may  be  most  usefully  administered  in  our  regard. 

Therefore,  inasmuch  as  his  Eminence  Cardinal  Antonelli  intimated  to 
one  of  your  petitioners,  in  a  letter  dated  July  23,  1785,  that  it  was  the 
design  of  the  Sacred  Congregation  de  Propaganda  Fide  to  appoint  a 
Bishop  Vicar-Apostolic,  for  these  States  as  soon  as  possible,  whenever 
the  said  Sacred  Congregation  understood  that  this  would  be  seasonable, 
and  desired  to  be  informed  as  to  the  suitable  time  for  that  appointment, 
by  the  priest  to  whom  the  said  letter  was  addressed,  we  declare,  not  he 
only  but  we  in  the  common  name  of  all  the  priests  labouring  here.  Most 
Holy  Father,  that  in  our  opinion  the  time  has  now  come  when  the  Epis- 
copal dignity  and  authority  are  very  greatly  to  be  desired.  To  omit  other 
very  grave  reasons,  we  experience  more  and  more  in  the  constitution  of 
this  very  free  republic,  that  if  there  are  even  among  the  ministers  of 
the  sanctuary,  any  men  of  indocile  mind,  and  chafing  under  ecclesiastical 
discipline,  they  allege  as  an  excuse  for  their  license  and  disobedience, 
that  they  are  bound  to  obey  bishops  exercising  their  own  authority  and 
not  a  mere  priest  exercising  any  vicarious  jurisdiction.  This  was  the 
boast  of  the  men  who  recently  at  New  York  sought  to  throw  off  the 
yoke  of  authority,  and  alleged  this  pretext,  which  seemed  most  likely 
to  catch  the  favour  of  Protestants,  in  that  more  than  in  any  other  State, 
contending  forsooth  that  the  authority  of  the  ecclesiasical  superior  whom 
the  Sacred  Congregation  has  appointed  for  us,  was  forbidden  by  law, 
because  it  not  only  emanates  from  a  foreign  tribunal,  but  is  also  dependent 
on  it  for  its  duration  and  exercise.  We  refrain  from  setting  out  all 
this  more  at  length  to  your  Holiness,  inasmuch  as  we  have  learned  that 
certain  original  documents  have  been  transmitted  to  Rome,  from  which 
it  can  be  more  clearly  seen,  with  what  powers  the  person  should  be 
invested,  to  whom  the  ecclesiastical  government  of  these  States  is  confided. 

With  this  view,  we  represent  to  the  Supreme  Pastor  of  the  faithful  on 
earth,  that  all  the  grounds  on  which  the  authority  of  the  Superior  as 


34^  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

now  constituted  may  be  rendered  odious,  will  have  equal  weight  against 
a  bishop,  to  whom  the  powers  of  a  vicar,  and  not  of  an  ordinary,  are 
granted. 

Therefore,  Most  Holy  Father,  we  express  in  the  name  and  by  the 
wish  of  all,  our  opinion  that  the  political  and  religious  condition  of  these 
States  requires  that  form  of  ecclesiastical  government  by  which  pro- 
vision may  be  most  efficaciously  made  in  the  first  place  for  the  integrity 
of  faith  and  morals,  and  consequently  for  perpetual  union  with  the 
Apostolic  See,  and  due  respect  and  obedience  toward  the  same,  and  in 
the  next  place,  that  if  any  bishop  is  assigned  to  us,  his  appointment  and 
authority  may  be  rendered  as  free  as  possible  from  suspicion  and  odium 
to  those  among  whom  we  live.  Two  points,  it  seems  to  us,  will  con- 
tribute greatly  to  this  end ;  first,  that  the  Most  Holy  Father,  by  his 
authority  in  the  Church  of  Christ,  erect  a  new  episcopal  see  in  these 
United  States,  immediately  subject  to  the  Holy  See;  in  the  next  place, 
that  the  election  of  the  bishop,  at  least  for  the  first  time,  be  permitted 
to  the  priests,  who  now  duly  exercise  the  religious  ministry  here  and 
have  the  cure  of  souls.  This  being  established,  your  most  vigilant 
wisdom,  Most  Holy  Father,  after  hearing  the  opinions  of  our  priests  of 
approved  life  and  experience,  and  considering  the  character  of  our  govern- 
ment, will  adopt  some  course,  by  which  future  elections  may  be  perma- 
nently conducted. 

These  are,  Most  Holy  Father,  what  we  have  deemed  it  proper  to 
submit  with  the  utmost  devotion  of  our  hearts  to  your  Holiness's  pastoral 
care,  declaring,  as  though  we  were  about  to  give  an  account  of  our  senti- 
ments to  Jesus  Christ,  the  divine  bishop  of  souls,  that  we  have  nothing 
in  view,  except  the  increase  of  our  holy  Faith,  growth  of  piety,  vigour  of 
ecclesiastical  discipline,  and  the  complete  refutation  of  false  opinions 
in  regard  to  the  Catholic  religion,  which  have  imbued  the  minds  of 
Protestants. 

May  Almighty  God  long  preserve  you,  Most  Holy  Father,  to  Christian 
people,  that  you  not  only  benignly  foster  this  American  church,  as  you 
have  already  done,  but  also  guard  it  with  all  spiritual  protection,  and 
establish  it  thoroughly,  and  finally  that  you  will  vouchsafe  to  bestow  on 
us  prostrate  at  your  feet  your  Apostolical  and  fatherly  blessing. 
This  is  the  prayer  of 

Your  Holiness's 
Most  devoted  and  obedient  Servants  and  Sons, 

John  Carroll 
Robert  Molyneux 
John  Ashton  * 


*  Propaganda  Archives,  Scritture  riferitc,  America  Centrale,  vol.  ii,  ff.  3s8ss. 
There  is  a  copy  of  this  Clergy  Petition  in  Carroll's  hand  in  the  Baltimore  Cathedral 
Archives,  Case  9-T6.  The  translation  given  is  taken  from  Shea,  op.  cit.,  vol.  ii, 
pp.  336-329.  The  original  is  as  follows:  "Beatissime  Pater,  Nos  infrascripti  oratores 
ad  Sedam  Apostolicam  omni  debita  veneratione  accendentes,  et  ad  Sanctitatis  Vestrae 
pedes  provoluti  ea  quae  sequuntur,  humiliter  exponimus;  nos  scilicet  sacerdotes  speciali- 


CarrolVs  Election  349 

The  chief  points  of  the  Memorial  are :  the  necessity  of  a 
bishop,  appointed  directly  by  the  Holy  See,  and  immediately 
subject  to  the  Holy  See;  freedom  of  election  for  this  first  time 
to  be  granted  to  the  American  clergy;  a  method  to  be  adopted 
for  future  elections  in  keeping  with  the  character  of  the  Amer- 
ican Constitution.  A  few  days  later,  on  March  18,  1788,  Carroll 
wrote  to  Antonelli,  describing  in  detail  the  scandalous  contumacy 
of  Father  Nugent  in  New  York  City  and  urging  the  immediate 
appointment  of  a  bishop.  The  American  clergy,  he  said,  believe 
that  the  time  has  come  for  designating  someone  with  episcopal 
authority  and  jurisdiction.  He  was  embarrassed  at  urging  this 
procedure  upon  the  Holy  See,  because  it  might  have  the  appear- 
ance of  ambition  on  his  own  part.  "But  I  would  rather  run  the 
risk  of  this  suspicion  than  by  keeping  silence  hide  the  danger  that 
is  imminent  in  religious  circles  here."  This  letter  was  not  sent 
until  April  19,  1788,  when  Carroll  added  a  postscript  on  the 
progress  made  in  the  matter  of  church  incorporation  under  the 
laws  of  Maryland,    tie  told  Antonelli  that  when  he  was  in  New 


ter  deputatos  fuisse  a  fratribus  nostris  sacerdotibus  religionis  ministeria  nobiscum 
exercentibus,  in  Foederatae  Americae  provinciis,  ut  imprimis  Sanctitati  Suae  ingentes 
gratias  referamus  pro  soUicitudine  plane  paterna,  quam  in  dissitam  banc  dorainicae 
vineae  portionem  extendere  dignetur;  ac  deinde  significamus  nos  oranes  hac  tanta 
soUicitudine  excitatos  fuisse  ad  labores  nostros  continuandos,  augendosque  pro  conser- 
vanda  et  amplianda  Christi  Domini  fide  in  his  provinciis  quae  omnium  sectarum  erro- 
ribus  replentur;  ita  nempe  faciendo  persuasum  habemus,  nos  non  solum  debitum  Deo 
obsequium  exhibere,  sed  etiam  communi  Patri  fidelium  gratum  acceptumque  reddere 
officium.  Praeterea  ut  tantae  sollicitudini  respondeamus,  muneris  nostri  esse  credimus 
ilia  omnia  Sanctitati  Suae  patefacere,  quae  pro  diuturna  nostra  in  his  provinciis 
experientia  scitu  necessaria  videntur,  ut  pastoralis  tua  in  nos  providentia,  quam  fieri 
potest,  utilissime  administretur.  Itaque  cum  Emin.  Cardinalis  Antonelli  uni  oratorum 
significaverit  litteris  datis  die  23  Julii  1785  Sanctae  Congregationis  de  Propaganda  fide 
mentem  fuisse  pro  hisce  provinciis  constituere  episcopum  vicarium  apostolicum  quam- 
primum  eadem  Sacra  Congregatio  illud  opportunum  fore  intelligeret,  cuperetque  de 
congruo  ad  eam  designationem  tempore,  certior  fieri  ab  eo,  ad  quem  scripsit  Emin. 
Cardinalis,  inde  est,  Beatissime  Pater,  ut  non  ille  tantum  sed  omnes  communi  omnium 
operariorum  nomine  profiteamur  nostra  quidem  opinione  tempus  iam  advenisse,  quo 
dignitas  et  auctoritas  episcopalis  maxime  desideratur.  Ut  enim  alias  gravissimas 
rationes  omittamus,  magis  ac  magis  experimur  in  hac  liberrima  reipublicae  constitutione, 
SI  quae  sint  vel  inter  ipsos  sanctuarii  iministros  indocilis  ingenii  homines  vel  disciplinae 
ccclesiasticae  impatientes,  eos  suae  licentiae  et  disobedientiae  excusationem  praetendere 
quod  episcopis  quidem  propria  auctoritate  utentibus  obedire  teneantur,  non  autem 
simplici  sacerdote  vicariam  quamdam  ac  legibus  nostris  interdictam  jurisdictionem 
exercenti.  Hoc  nuper  Neo-Eboraci  jactitarunt,  qui  auctoritatis  jugum  cupiunt  excutere, 
et  cum  praecaeteris  pervicaciae  suae  practeritum  quaesiverunt,  qui  esset  ad  capessendura 
heterodoxorum  favorem  maxime  idoneus;  contendere  siquidera  authoritatem  superioris 
ecclesiastici,  quem  nobis  Sacra  Congregatio  constituit,  esse  illegitiraara,  utpote  a  tribu- 
nali  externo  profectam,  ab  eodemque  dependentem  quoad  durationem  et  exercitium. 
Haec  Sanctitati  Tuae  fusius  exponere  supersedemus  quod  documenta  quaedam  originalia 


350  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

York  last  autumn,  he  had  several  long  talks  with  the  Spanish 
Consul  de  Gardoqui,  and  that  the  latter  saw  no  hope  for  the 
Church  in  America  unless  a  bishop  were  immediately  appointed 
to  guide  it  through  the  difficulties  which  were  multiplying  on 
all  sides  =  Carroll's  letter  to  Gardoqui,  of  April  19,  1788,  in 
which  we  learn  that  the  Memorial  was  dispatched  with  the  official 
mail  of  the  Spanish  Consul,  was  as  follows : 

Your  Excellency  will  be  pleased  to  recollect  a  conversation  with  which 
1  was  honoured  during  my  residence  in  New  York.  It  related  to  the 
expediency,  and  indeed  the  necessity,  of  introducing  episcopal  government 
into  the  United  States,  as  no  other  would  carry  sufficient  weight  to 
restrain  the  turbulent  clergymen  whom  views  of  independence  would 
probably  conduct  into  this  country.  This  opinion  appeared  to  be  strongly 
impressed  on  your  Excellency,  and  is  the  natural  result  of  your  thorough 
penetration  into  the  nature  and  necessary  effects  of  our  republican  govern- 
ments.    You  noticed  at  the  same  time  their  great  opposition  to  foreign 


Romam  transmissa  esse  cognovimus,  ex  quibus  intelligetur,  qua  auctoritate  ipsum  muniri 
conveniat,  cui   ecclesiasticum  harum  provinciarum  regimem  conimittitur. 

Ad  haec  Supremo  in  terra  Fidelium  Pastori  exponimus  ilia  omnia,  ex  quibus  invisa 
reddi  potest  auctoritas  superioris  prout  nunc  constituitur,  militatura  etiam  contra  epis- 
copum  cui  vicaria  solummodo  et  non  ordinaria  potestas  concederetur,  Igitur,  Beatis- 
sime  Pater,  communi  voto  ac  nomine  significamus,  nobis  videri  statum  politicum  et 
religiosum  harum  provinciarum  exigere  ejusmodi  formam  regiminis  ecclesiastici,  per 
quem  imprimis  efficaciter  provideatur  fidei,  morumque  iutegritati,  adeoque  unioni  per- 
petuae  cum  Sede  Apostolica,  debitisque  erga  lUam  observantiae  et  obsequii,  deinde  ut 
episcopi,  si  quis  nobis  concedendus  est,  designatio  et  auctoritas  reddatur  quam  maxime 
suspecta  aut  odiosa  illos  quos  inter  vivimus.  Ad  quem  finem,  duo  videntur  nobis 
multum  collatura;  primum,  ut  Beatissimus  Pater  pro  sua  in  Christi  ecclesiae  auctori- 
tate, novam  sedem  episcopalem  erigat  in  his  Foederatae  Americae  provinciis  Sedi 
Apostolicae  immediate  suffraganeam,  deinde  ut  episcopi  electio,  saltem  prima  vice, 
permittatur  presbyteris,  qui  nunc  religionis  ministeria  hie  debite  exercent,  curamque 
agunt  animarum.  lUo  autem  constituto,  et  redacta  in  Formam  Americana  Ecclesia, 
curabit  provida  Sedis  Apostolicae  sollicitudo,  ut  ratio  aliqua  stabilis  concludatur,  secun- 
dum quam  in  posterum  episcopi  designentur.  Haec  sunt,  Beatissime  Pater,  quae 
maxima  animi  devotione  Sanctitati  Tuae  pastorali  sollicitudine  submittenda  esse  existi- 
mavimus,  ex  animo  profitentes  et  tanquam  reddituri  rationem  nostri  consilii  divino 
animarum  episcopo  Jesu  Christo,  nihil  nos  prae  oculis  habere  quam  ut  sancta  nostra 
fides  augeatur,  crescat  pietas,  vigeat  disciplina  ecclesiastica,  atque  falsae  opiniones, 
quae  heterodoxorum  animis  de  vera  religione  insederunt,  omnino  evellantur.  Deus 
Optimus  Maximus  christiano  populo  Te,  Beatissime  Pater,  diu  servet  incolumera,  ut 
banc  Ecclesiam  Americanam  non  solum  benigne  foveas,  ut  fecisti,  sed  etiam  cmni 
spirituali  subsidio  custodias,  penitusque  constituas,  utque  nobis  ad  pedes  tuos  procum- 
bentibus  apostolicam  ac  paternam  benedictionem  velis   elargiri. 

Ita  precantur 

Sanctitatis  Tuae  devotissimi  et  ohcdientissimi  servi  et  filii:  Joannes  Carroll,  Robertus 
Molyneux,  Joannes  Ashton,  presbytcri.  Baltimore  in  provincta  Marilandiae  Martii  die 
12,  1788."   (tergo)  Sanctissimo  Domino  Nostro  Pio  VI  Papae. 

»  Ibid.,  Scritture  riferite,  etc.,  vol.  2,  f .  363.  Part  of  this  letter  is  cited  by  Hughes, 
op.  cit..  Documents,  vol.  i,  part  ii,  p.  637. 


CarrolVs  Election  351 

jurisdiction,  and  the  prejudices  which  would  certainly  arise  against  our 
religion  if  the  appointment  of  the  bishop  were  to  rest  in  a  distant  congre- 
gation of  Cardinals;  and  if  he  were  to  act  as  their  vicar  removable  at 
their  pleasure;  for  which  reasons  you  thought  that  the  bishop  should 
be  chosen  by  the  American  clergy,  approved  by  the  Holy  See  for  the 
preservation  of  unity  in  faith,  and  ordained  to  some  title  or  see  to  be 
erected  within  these  States,  with  the  ordinary  powers  annexed  to  the 
episcopal  character.  You  even  were  so  obliging  as  to  offer  to  support 
with  your  recommendation  a  petition  addressed  to  His  Holiness  for  this 
purpose,  and  to  transmit  it  to  the  Count  of  Floridablanca,  with  a  request 
to  his  Excellency  to  have  it  presented  with  the  great  additional  interest 
of  his  recommendation.  In  consequence  of  this  generous  offer,  your 
Excellency  will  receive  from  one  of  my  Brethren,  at  Philadelphia,  the 
Rev.  Mr.  Beeston,  the  original  petition  to  be  sent  to  his  Holiness,  and 
which,  I  doubt  not,  you  will  be  so  kind  as  to  forward  in  the  manner 
you  were  pleased  to  mention.  I  am  so  much  concerned  to  preserve  the 
favourable  regard,  with  which  you  have  hitherto  honoured  me,  that  I  must 
request  you  not  to  impute  the  petition  to  views  of  ambition.  Such  a 
passion  will  be  poorly  gratified  by  such  a  bishopric  as  ours  will  be: 
labour  and  solicitude  it  will  yield  in  plenty,  and  I  trust  these  heavy  burdens 
will  never  fall  on  my  shoulders.^ 

Gardoqui  transmitted  a  copy  of  the  Memorial  on  July  25,  1788; 
to  the  Prime  Minister,  Floridablanca,  and  accompanied  it  with 
a  letter  of  his  own  urging  the  appointment  of  Carroll.  From 
Madrid,  the  letter  and  Memorial  were  sent  on  September  23, 
1788,  to  the  Spanish  Ambassador  at  the  Court  of  Pius  VI,  Don 
Nicholas  de  Azara,  who  presented  them  to  Cardinal  Antonelli 
on  November  19,  1788.  Meanwhile,  the  Sacred  Congregation  had 
acted  upon  the  Clergy  Petition.  At  a  general  congregation  of 
Propaganda,  held  on  June  23,  1788,  the  Memorial  was  favourably 
acted  upon.  The  Atti  of  that  date  state  that: 

In  order  to  check  certain  refractory  ecclesiastics  who  boast  that  they 
are  not  bound  to  obey  a  simple  vicar,  exercising  only  an  uncertain  juris- 
diction which  is  forbidden  by  the  laws  of  that  Republic,  and  in  order  to 
provide  for  a  more  stable  way  for  order  and  the  propagation  of  the 
Catholic  religion  in  those  states,  it  was  absolutely  necessary  that  His 
Holiness  would  design  to  erect  a  diocese  immediately  dependent  upon  the 
Holy  See,  and  that  to  make  the  selection,  as  well  as  the  authority,  of 
the  new  prelate  less  suspicious,  it  seemed  to  be  very  desirable  that  His 
Holiness  would  grant  that,  on  this  first  occasion  at  least,  the  bishop  be 


•  Baltimore  Cnthedral  Archives,  Case  9A-G1. 


352  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

nominated  by  that  part  of  the  clergy  which  at  present  has  the  care  of 
souls  in  the  said  provinces.'^ 

This  was  granted  by  Pius  VI  in  an  audience  on  July  6,  1788, 
and  on  July  12,  1788,  Cardinal  Antonelli  wrote  to  the  three 
memorialists  announcing  the  favourable  result  of  their  Petition : 

Inasmuch  as  all  the  labourers  in  this  vineyard  of  the  Lord  agree  in 
this,  that  the  appointment  of  one  bishop  seems  absolutely  necessary  to 
retain  priests  in  duty  and  to  propagate  more  widely  piety  and  religion— 
a  bishop  who  can  preside  over  the  flock  of  Catholics  scattered  through 
these  States  of  Confederate  America,  and  rule  and  govern  them  with 
the  authority  of  an  Ordinary,  Our  Most  Holy  Lord  Pope  Pius  VI  with 
the  advice  of  this  holy  Congregation,  has  most  benignly  decided  that  a 
favourable  consent  should  be  given  to  their  vows  and  petitions.  By  you 
therefore,  it  is  first  to  be  examined  in  what  city  this  episcopal  see  ought 
to  be  erected,  and  whether  the  title  of  the  bishopric  is  to  be  taken  from 
the  place  of  the  see,  or  whether  a  titular  bishop  only  should  be  established. 
This  having  been  done,  his  Holiness  as  a  special  favour  and  for  this  first 
time,  permits  the  priests  who  at  the  present  time  duly  exercise  the  min- 
istry of  the  Catholic  religion  and  have  care  of  souls  to  elect  as  bishop 
a  person  eminent  in  piety,  prudence,  and  zeal  for  the  faith,  from  the  said 
clergy,  and  present  him  to  the  Apostolic  See  to  obtain  confirmation.  And 
the  Sacred  Congregation  does  not  doubt  but  that  you  will  discharge  this 
matter  with  becoming  circumspection,  and  it  hopes  that  this  whole  flock 
will  derive  not  only  great  benefit  but  also  great  consolation  from  this 
episcopate.  It  will  be  then  for  you  to  decide  both  the  proper  designation 
of  a  See  and  the  election  of  a  bishop,  that  the  matter  may  be  further 
proceeded  with.** 

When  this  letter  reached  the  United  States,  the  Committee  of 
Three,  Carroll,  Molyneux,  and  Ashton,  sent  out  a  circular  letter 
dated  March  25,  1789,  stating  that  the  way  was  cleared  for  the 
election  of  their  bishop.  Hughes  tells  us  that  the  Committee 
named  three  local  committees  for  the  three  districts,  whose  duty 
it  was  to  collect  the  suffrages  of  the  priests,  and  to  report  to  them 
before  the  end  of  April.«  Shea  states  that  on  the  receipt  of 
Antonelli's  letter  a  meeting  of  the  clergy  was  held  at  White- 
marsh  and  after  the  celebration  of  Mass,  the  votes  of  those  present 
were  taken.  "An  authentic  act  of  this  assembly  was  then  drawn 


«  Propaganda    Archives.    Atti    (1789)    ff-    369378;    cf.    Fish-Devitt    Transcripts. 
pp.  47-48. 

•  Ibid.,  Lettere,  vol.  205,  fiF.  595S3: 

•  L.C.,  p.  685. 


CarrolVs  Election  ,    353 

up,  signed,  and  forwarded  to  the  Sacred  Congregation  de  P.  F."  ^"^ 
Shea  is  correct,  for  we  read  in  the  Atti  of  1789: 

The  deputies  humbly  offering  thanks  to  the  Holy  Father  and  to  this 
Holy  Congregation  for  the  grace  kindly  accorded  to  them,  to  the  consola- 
tion and  spiritual  advantage  of  that  Catholic  flock,  write  under  date  of 
May  18  (17B8)  that  the  general  sentiment  has  shown  itself  to  be  that 
a  bishop  with  ordinary  jurisdiction  would  be  much  more  suitable  for  the 
purposes  of  the  spiritual  government  than  a  titular  bishop,  and  that  he 
would  be,  also,  more  acceptable  and  less  suspicious  to  the  States ;  and 
on  the  other  hand,  that  Baltimore  had  been  unanimously  selected  as  the 
place  for  an  episcopal  see,  that  being  a  centre  in  the  centre  of  Maryland, 
where  the  greater  part  of  the  faithful  and  of  the  clergy  are  to  be  found, 
and  whence  the  faith  has  been  happily  disseminated  through  the  other 
provinces.  And  finally,  they  say  that,  after  the  celebration  of  the  Mass 
of  the  Holy  Ghost,  the  assistance  of  the  Father  of  lights  having  been 
implored,  the  votes  of  those  present,  as  well  as  those  that  were  sent 
from  a  distance,  were  counted,  with  the  result  that  the  Very  Reverend 
John  Carroll,  the  present  Superior  of  those  missions,  was  duly  elected 
bishop,  having  received  twenty-four  votes,  while  two  other  candidates, 
Ignatius  Matthews  and  Henry  Pile,  received  two  votes,  adding  that  three 
of  the  electors  were  either  unwilling,  or  neglected,  to  send  in  their 
suffrages.i^ 

Pope  Pius  VI  confirmed  the  choice  of  the  American  clergy, 
and  at  a  general  congregation  of  Propaganda  Fide,  held  on  Sep- 
tember 14,  1789,  the  cardinals  concurred  in  Carroll's  election. 
A  formal  decree  was  then  drawn  up  to  this  effect,  and  made 
known  to  the  Pope.  On  the  17th,  Pius  VI  ordered  the  Apostolic 
Brief  or  Bull  to  be  prepared.  At  the  same  time,  the  Sacred  Con- 
gregation wrote  to  Fathers  Molyneux,  Ashton,  Sewall  and  "the 
other  priests  having  the  care  of  souls  in  the  United  States,"  an- 
nouncing Rome's  acceptance  of  the  election : 

Nothing  more  acceptable  and  pleasing  could  happen  to  us,  than  all 
ambition  being  laid  aside,  and  without  being  influenced  by  party  spirit, 
you  should  have  nominated,  by  almost  unanimous  consent,  John  Carroll 
as  the  first  Bishop  of  the  new  See  of  Baltimore.  For,  since  our  Holy 
Father  Pius  VI  was  fully  aware  of  the  imblemished  reputation  of  Mr. 
Carroll  and  of  the  remarkable  zeal  with  which  for  many  years  he  has 
strenuously  laboured  there  for  the  salvation  of  souls.  His  Holiness  has 
confirmed  by  Apostolic  Decree  the  liberty  of  this  first  election  granted  to 


^    Op.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  334. 

"    Propaganda  Archives,  Atti  (1789),  f.  378. 


354  ^^^^  ^^^/^  ^^^  Times  of  John  Carroll 

you  by  special  favour,  and  which  you  have  exercised  with  such  rectitude 
and  wisdom.  Therefore,  after  the  new  Prelate  shall  have  been  duly 
consecrated,  nothing  more  remains  than  that  you  vie  with  one  another 
in  stretching  forth  your  helping  hands  for  the  cultivation  of  that  most 
flourishing  vineyard,  and  that  being  admitted  to  a  share  of  the  pastoral 
solicitude  you  should  labor  with  united  forces  for  care  of  that  flock. 
By  this  means  you  will  bring  to  a  happy  conclusion  the  work  so  splen- 
didly begun,  and  in  the  mystical  body  which  has  now  received  a  head, 
will  be  verified  that  which  was  worthy  of  admiration  in  the  first  followers 
of  Christ,— one  heart  and  one  mind.  As  we  are  certain  that  this  will 
be  the  case,  in  order  that  you  may  fulfil  it  exactly,  we,  in  union  with  you, 
implore  Almighty  God  that  the  choice  of  your  Bishop  may  correspond 
with  your  desires  and  our  hopes.^^ 

Meanwhile,  the  third  General  Chapter  of  the  American  Clergy 
had  convened  at  Whitemarsh,  May  11-18,  1789.  Taking  advan- 
tage of  Rome's  acceptance  of  their  mode  of  election,  the  Chapter 
attempted  to  stabilize  a  permanent  mode  of  appointing  bishops 
in  the  future.  Their  resolutions  were : 

1.  That  the  clergymen  of  the  United  States,  living  within  a  convenient 
distance  from  the  residence  of  the  bishop,  and  who  have  been  approved 
for  the  administration  of  the  Sacraments  during  three  years  preceding 
immediately,  ought  to  concur  in  the  election  of  the  bishop. 

2.  That  at  present  none  but  the  Clergy  residing  in  Maryland,  Penn- 
sylvania, and  the  City  of  New  York,  are  within  a  convenient  distance 
for  this  purpose. 

3.  That  the  clergymen,  as  above  described,  shall  be  parcelled  into 
divisions   consisting   of    six   members,    each   of    which   shall   choose   two 


"  Ibid.,  Lettere,  vol.  255,  ff.  599SS:  "R.  D.  Roberto  Molineux  Joanni  Ashton 
Carolo  Sewall  aliisgue  praesbyteris  in  Foederatis  Americae  Provinciis  cur  am  animarum 
gerentibus. 

"Nihil  profecto  gratius,  atque  jucundius  nobis  accidere  poterat,  quam  quod  omni 
ambitione  posthabita,  nullo  suo  partium  aestu  abrepti  unanimi  pene  consensu  Joannem 
Carroll  primum  episcopum  novae  istius  Baltimorensis  Ecclesiae  designastis.  Quum 
enim  Sanctissimus  Dominus  Noster  Pius  VI  perpetuam  plene  haberet  eiusdem  viri 
probitatem,  ac  studium  singulare,  quo  isthic  diu  multumque  animarura  saluti  incubuit, 
vobis  ex  speciali  gratia,  primae  huius  electionis  libertatera,  qua  tarn  recte  sapienterque 
usi  estis,  vestramque  electionem  ratam  babens,  literis  apostolicis  confirmavit.  Post 
quam  igitur  novus  Antistes  rite  consecratus  fuerit,  nihil  aliud  restat  quam  ut  vos 
eidem  manus  auxiliares  certatim  porrigatis  ad  florentissimam  istiusmodi  vineam  excolen- 
dam,  et  in  partem  pastoralis  sollicitudinis  admissi,  ad  istius  gregis  custodiam  collatis 
viribus  satagatis.  Sic  enim  opus  a  vobis  egregie  inceptum  felicitate  absolvetis,  et  in 
mystico  corpore  cui  modo  caput  impositum  est,  fiet,  qviod  in  primis  Christi  cultoribus 
roirari  licuit,  cor  unum  et  anima  una.  Quod  quidem  quum  certum  habearaus,  fore  ut 
vos  exacte  praesteritis  nos  quoque  vobiscum  Deum  Optimum  Maximum  deprecabimur, 
ut  vestri  episcopi  electio  justissimis  optatis  vestris,  nostrisque  votis  respondeat."  Trans- 
lation as  given  by  Shea,  op.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  pp.  333-334" 


Carroll's  Election  355 

electors  of  a  bishop;  and  the  divisions  shall  be  made  by  the  rectors  of 
Port  Tobacco,  Baltimore,   and  St.   Mary's   Church  of   Philadelphia. 

4.  That,  whenever  a  proper  requisition  is  made,  or  a  vacancy  happens 
by  death,  the  electors  shall  convene  at  the  usual  place  of  residence  of  the 
bishop,  unless  some  other  place  be  agreed  on,  within  one  month  after 
requisition,  or  notification  of  the  bishop's  death ;  and,  having  made  public 
profession  of  their  faith  as  contained  in  the  Creed  of  Pius  the  Fourth, 
shall  proceed  to  give  their  votes  signed  with  their  own  hands  for  some 
clergyman  within  the  diocese ;  and  whoever  has  two-thirds  of  the  votes 
of  all  the  electors  present,  shall  be  the  person  duly  chosen.  But  if,  after 
two  scrutinies,  no  one  has  two-thirds  of  all  the  votes,  then  the  election 
i;hall  be  determined  by  a  majority  of  the  votes  of  all  the  electors  present. 

5.  That,  if  ever  it  should  be  thought  proper  to  appoint  a  coadjutor, 
the  ordinary  shall  convene  the  electors,  and  may  recommend  to  them  the 
person  he  judges  most  proper.  The  electors  shall  then  proceed  to  the 
election  in  the  manner  above  directed ;  but  the  bishop  shall  have  a  vote 
with  them ;  and,  if  it  so  happen  that  the  election  is  to  be  determined  by 
a  majority  of  votes,  the  bishop  shall  have  a  casting  vote,  in  case  of  an 
equal  division. 

6.  That  this  plan,  if  approved  by  a  majority  of  the  clergymen,  who  as 
above  mentioned  ought  to  concur  in  the  election  of  a  bishop,  be  power- 
fully recommended  at  Rome,  to  be  confirmed  by  the  authority  of  the 
H.  See. 

Ordered,  that  the  above  be  communicated  to  all  the  clergymen  in  the 
three  Districts,  and  that  their  sentiments  thereon  be  collected  by  the 
Rev.  Mr.  Molyneux  in  the  Northern  District,  by  the  Rev.  Mr.  Charles 
Sew^all  in  the  Middle  District,  and  by  the  Rev.  Mr.  Ignatius  Matthews  in 
the  Southern  District ;  and  that  the  above  Rev.  gentlemen  do  make  a 
report  thereon  to  the  Superior,  who  shall  notify  the  same  to  the  next 
General  Chapter.i^ 

We  have  a  glimpse  into  Carroll's  attitude  when  the  election 
result  was  made  known.  Writing  to  Father  Plowden  shortly 
afterwards,  in  May,  1789,  he  says:  'The  event  was  such  as 
deprived  me  of  all  expectation  of  rest  or  pleasure  henceforward, 
and  fills  me  with  terror  with  respect  to  eternity.  I  am  so  stunned 
with  the  issue  of  this  business,  that  I  truly  hate  the  hearing  or 
mention  of  it ;  and,  therefore,  will  say  only  that  since  my  brethren, 
whom  in  this  case  I  consider  the  interpreters  of  the  Divine  Will, 
say  I  must  obey,  I  will  even  do  it,  if  by  obeying  I  shall  sacrifice 
henceforth  every  moment  of  peace  and- satisfaction."  ^^.  The 
prefect-apostolic  knew  by  bitter  experience  "that  while  the  office 


"    Hughes,  I.e.,  p.  686. 

"    Brent,  op.  cit.,  pp.   108-109. 


\ 


356  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

brought  no  pomp  or  emolument,  its  cares  and  anxieties  would 
increase  day  by  day.  But  to  decline  the  appointment  would 
inevitably  have  led  to  the  nomination  in  Europe  of  some  one 
entirely  unacquainted  with  the  country,  and  the  Catholic  clergy 
and  laity  in  it,  as  well  as  with  their  actual  position."  ^^  Some 
months  later,  on  October  23,  1789,  he  wrote  to  Plowden : 

If  I  could  persuade  myself,  dear  sir,  to  follow  your  example,  in  refusing 
peremptorily  to  submit  to  the  choice  of  my  brethren,  I  have  much  reason 
to  think  it  would  be  better  for  our  holy  religion,  and  certainly  to  my 
greater  ease  of  mind ;  but  having  previously  used  all  my  sincere  endeavours 
to  divert  them  from  such  a  choice;  I  cannot  but  acquiesce  in  it,  as  it 
was  unanimous,  excepting  one  vote.  At  the  same  time,  my  own  knowledge 
of  myself  informs  me  better  than  a  thousand  voices  to  the  contrary  that 
I  am  entirely  unfit  for  a  station,  in  which  I  can  have  no  hopes  of 
rendering  service,  but  through  His  help  and  continual  direction.  Who 
has  called  me  to  it,  when  I  was  doing  all  in  my  power  to  prevent  it.  The 
interest  you  take  in  a  late  event,  proves  the  warmth  of  your  friendship; 
but  it  proves  likewise,  how  blind  and  partial  friends  are  liable  to  be. 
Your  condolence  would  have  suited  better  the  situation  of  my  mind; 
every  day  furnishes  me  with  new  reflections,  and  almost  every  day  pro- 
duces new  events,  to  alarm  my  conscience,  and  excite  fresh  solicitude  at 
the  prospect  before  me.^^ 

The  Brief  Ex  hac  apostolicae  appointing  John  Carroll  first 
Bishop  of  the  United  States  was  issued  on  November  6,  1789, 
and  shortly  afterwards,  on  November  14,  Antonelli  wrote  to 
Carroll  the  following  truly  admirable  letter: 

We  cannot  sufficiently  express  in  words  the  extraordinary  delight  that 
we  felt  when  that  distinguished  convention  of  the  Clergy  assembled  under 
the  call  of  this  Congregation  cast  an  almost  unanimous  vote  for  you, 
and  designated  you  to  occupy  the  new  See  of  Baltimore.  For,  in  the 
first  place,  we  entertain  the  highest  hopes  that  the  Christian  people,  being 
strengthened  in  the  faith  by  the  consolation  of  having  a  new  Bishop, 
will  grow  stronger  and  firmer  in  the  practice  of  the  faith.  Then  we 
congratulate  ourselves,  that  in  the  conferring  of  this  additional  dignity, 
you  have  been  nominated  by  the  clergy.  For,  such  is  the  opinion  that 
we  have  already  formed  of  your  deserts,  that  we  can  entertain  no  doubts 
but  that  you  will  fully  satisfy  the  requirements  of  this  new  honour  and  of 
the  burdens  that  it  imposes.  Our  Holy  Father  Pius  VI  shared  also  in 
the  joy  that  we  experienced  since  he  had  formerly  appointed  you  Vicar- 
Apostolic  in  those  States,  and  he  most  gladly  embraced  the  opportunity 

"    Shea,  op.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  335. 

"    Brent,  op,  cit.,  pp.  109-110;  cf.  Hughes,  I.e.,  p.  688. 


CarroJFs  Election  357 

of  increasing  your  dignity,  and,   therefore,  with   the  plenitude  of   Apos- 
tolic authority  he  has  declared  you  to  be  the  new  Bishop  of   Baltimore 
by    Apostolic    Letters    which    are    herewith    transmitted    to    you.      Conse- 
quently, we  congratulate  you  on  this  new  accession  of  dignity,  and  earnestly 
exhort  you,  that  relying  upon  divine  aid,  you  undertake  with  promptitude 
of  spirit  the  care  of  the  flock  intrusted  to  you.     It  is  a  glorious  thing 
and  a  great  distinction  to  be  able  to  offer  to  God  the  first  fruits,  as  it 
were,  of  that  vineyard.     Rejoice,  therefore,  in  so  great  a  blessing,  as  well 
for  your  own  benefit,  as  for  the  salvation  of  others,  and  the  promotion 
of  the  Catholic   faith,  which  we  confidently  trust  will  strike  deeper  and 
deeper  roots  as  time  goes  on  in  the  wide  extended  territories  of  that  new 
world.    That  you  may  not  be  destitute  of  the  faculties  which  the  Apostolic 
See  is  accustomed  to  grant  to  the  Bishops  of  the  Indies  and  of  America, 
we  enclose  to  you  the  first   formula   of   them  which  you  can  make  use 
of  for  those  of  your  Diocese,  as  you  may  wisely  in  the  Lord  judge  to  be 
expedient;  nevertheless,  make  use  also  of  the  faculties,  as  Bishop,  which 
were  formerly  granted  to  you  as  Vicar-Apostolic.     If  you  stand  in  need 
of   any  other  whatsoever,   refer   the   whole  matter  to  me   carefully,   and 
whatever  is  required  for  the  spiritual  benefit  of  your  people  I  shall  not 
refuse.     As  soon  as  possible,  make  a  personal  visitation  of  all  the  Prov-     . 
inces  and  the  districts   inhabited  by  Catholics,   correct   evil  customs,   put 
an  end  to  abuses,  exhort  the  missionaries  to  be  energetic  in  the  perform- 
ance of   their  duties,   suffer  no  one  to  undertake  the  care  of   souls  and 
administer   the    Sacraments   without   your   permission.     If    you  be   short- 
handed    for   Priests    see   to   it,   as   to   what   country    it   is   best   to   invite 
recruits  from  but  take  care  lest  quarrels  and  dissensions  may  arise  from 
the  diversity  of  character  and  disposition  which  generally  exists  amongst 
the  natives  of  different  countries.     For  which  reason,  principally,  we  do 
not   permit   Italian   priests  to   go   thither;    and   besides,   they   very   rarely 
speak  English.     Impose  not  lightly  hands  on  any  man:  but  enlist  amongst 
the  Clergy  only  such  as  have  given  proof  of  piety  and  learning  in  the 
Seminary.     For  the  rest,  may  God  preserve  you  long  for  the  benefit  and 
increase  of  that  Church.^7>^ 

The  Ex  hac  apostolicae  is  the  first,  and  therefore  the  most 
venerable,  of  all  papal  documents  which  have  been  sent  by  the 
Holy  See  to  the  church  in  America.^  ^  Shea  calls  it  the  crowning  / 
act  in  the  development  of  Church  organization  in  this  country. 
A  comparison  of  this  Brief  with  similar  documents  both  in  the 
Jus  Pontificium  and  in  the  Bullariiim  Romanum  shows  that  it  is 
a  distinct  original  composition.    The  initial  protocol  might  indeed 

"    Propaganda  Archives,  Lettere,  vol.  255,  f.  668;  cf.  Fish-Devitt,  pp.   50-52. 

"  It  will  be  found  in  the  Jus  Pontificium  de  Propaganda  Fide  (De  Martinis), 
vol.  iv,  pp.  344-346.  The  original  is  in  the  Baltimore  Cathedral  Archives,  and  a  copy 
will  be  found  (in  Marechal's  hand?)  in  the  Letter-Books,  vol.  i. 


358  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

be  the  preface  to  any  kind  of  a  papal  document,  but  it  is  evident 
that  the  Holy  See  recognized  the  historic  moment  which  had  come 
in  Catholic  American  affairs  at  the  time  of  John  Carroll's  election. 
The  language  is  lofty,  spiritual,  commanding ;  and  the  disturbing 
elements  that  had  appeared  in  the  American  Church  are  undoubt- 
edly in  mind.  Every  difficulty  that  had  arisen  in  the  relationship 
of  Church  and  State  in  the  United  States,  is  boldly  discussed, 
and  no  room  is  left  for  suspicion  of  any  kind. 

Pope  Pius  VI 

Ad  Futiiram  Rei  Memoriam 

When  from  the  eminence  of  our  apostolical  station,  we  bend  our  atten- 
tion to  the  different  regions  of  the  earth,  in  order  to  fulfil,  to  the  utmost 
extent  of  our  power,  the  duty  which  our  Lord  has  imposed  upon  our 
unworthiness  of  ruling  and  feeding  his  flock;  our  care  and  solicitude  are 
particularly  engaged  that  the  faithful  of  Christ,  who,  dispersed  through 
various  provinces,  are  united  with  us  by  Catholic  communion,  may  be 
governed  by  their  proper  pastors,  and  diligently  instructed  by  them  in 
the  discipline  of  evangelical  life  and  doctrine.  For  it  is  our  principle 
that  they  who,  relying  on  the  divine  assistance,  have  regulated  their  lives 
and  manners  agreeably  to  the  precepts  of  Christian  wisdom,  ought  so  to 
command  their  own  passions  as  to  promote  by  the  pursuit  of  justice  their 
own  and  their  neighbor's  spiritual  advantage;  and  that  they  who  have 
received  from  their  bishops,  and  by  checking  the  intemperance  of  self- 
wisdom,  have  steadily  adhered  to  the  heavenly  doctrine  delivered  by 
Christ  to  the  Catholic  Church,  should  not  be  carried  away  by  every 
wind  of  doctrine,  but,  grounded  on  the  authority  of  divine  revelation, 
should  reject  the  new  and  varying  doctrines  of  men  which  endanger  the 
tranquillity  of  government,  and  rest  in  the  unchangeable  faith  of  the 
Catholic  Church.  For  in  the  present  degeneracy  of  corrupt  manners  into 
which  human  nature,  ever  resisting  the  sweet  yoke  of  Christ,  is  hurried, 
and  in  the  pride  of  talents  and  knowledge  which  disdains  to  submit  the 
opinions  and  dreams  of  men  to  the  evangelical  truth  delivered  by  Jesus 
Christ,  support  must  be  given  by  the  heavenly  authority  which  is  entrusted 
to  the  Catholic  Church,  as  to  a  steady  pillar  and  solid  foundation  which 
shall  never  fail ;  that  from  her  voice  and  instructions  mankind  may  learn 
the  objects  of  their  faith  and  the  rules  of  their  conduct,  not  only  for 
the  obtaining  of  eternal  salvation,  but  also  for  tlie  regulation  of  this  life 
and  the  maintaining  of  concord  in  the  society  of  this  earthly  city.  Now, 
this  charge  of  teaching  and  ruling  first  given  to  the  apostles,  and  especially 
to  St.  Peter,  the  Prince  of  the  Apostles,  on  whom  alone  the  Church 
is  built,  and  to  whom  our  Lord  and  Redeemer  entrusted  the  feeding  of 
his  lambs  and  of  his  sheep,  has  been  derived  in  due  order  of  succession 
to  Bishops,  and  especially  to  the  Roman  Pontiffs,  successors  to  St.  Peter 


CarrolVs  Election  359 

and  heirs  of  his  power  and  dignity,  that  thereby  it  might  be  made  evident 
that  the  gates  of  hell  can  never  prevail  against  the  Church,  and  that  the 
divine  founder  of  it  will  ever  assist  it  to  the  consummation  of  ages ;  so 
that  neither  in  the  depravity  of  morals  nor  in  the  fluctuation  of  novel 
opinions,  the  episcopal  succession  shall  ever  fail  or  the  bark  of  Peter 
be  sunk.  Wherefore,  it  having  reached  our  ears  that  in  the  flourishing 
commonwealth  of  the  Thirteen  American  States  many  faithful  Christians 
united  in  communion  with  the  chair  of  Peter,  in  which  the  centre  of 
Catholic  unity  is  fixed,  and  governed  in  their  spiritual  concerns  by  their 
own  priests  having  care  of  souls,  earnestly  desire  that  a  Bishop  may  be 
appointed  over  them  to  exercise  the  functions  of  episcopal  order ;  to  feed 
them  more  largely  with  the  food  of  salutary  doctrine,  and  to  guard  more 
carefully  that  portion  of  the  Catholic   flock: 

We  willingly  embraced  this  opportunity  which  the  grace  of  Almighty 
God  has  afforded  us  to  provide  those  distant  regions  with  the  comfort 
and  ministry  of  a  Catholic  Bishop.  And  that  this  might  be  effected  more 
successfully,  and  according  to  the  rules  of  the  sacred  canons,  We  com- 
missioned our  venerable  Brethren  the  Cardinals  of  the  holy  Roman 
Church,  directors  of  the  Congregation  "de  propaganda  fide,"  to  manage 
this  business  with  the  greatest  care,  and  to  make  a  report  to  us.  It  was 
therefore  appointed  by  their  decree,  approved  by  us,  and  published  the 
twelfth  day  of  July  of  the  last  year,  that  the  priests  who  lawfully 
exercise  the  sacred  ministry  and  have  care  of  souls  in  the  United  States 
of  America,  should  be  empowered  to  advise  together  and  to  determine, 
first,  in  what  town  the  episcopal  see  ought  to  be  erected,  and  next,  who  of 
the  aforesaid  priests  appeared  the  most  worthy  and  proper  to  be  pro- 
moted to  this  important  charge,  whom  We,  for  the  first  time  only  and 
by  special  grace  permitted  the  said  priests  to  elect  and  to  present  to  this 
apostolic  See.  In  obedience  to  this  decree  the  aforesaid  priests  exercising 
the  care  of  souls  in  the  United  States  of  America,  unanimously  agreed 
that  a  bishop  with  ordinary  jurisdiction,  ought  to  be  established  in  the 
town  of  Baltimore,  because  this  town  situate  in  Maryland,  which  province 
the  greater  part  of  the  priests  and  of  the  faithful  inhabit,  appeared  the 
most  conveniently  placed  for  intercourse  with  the  other  States,  and 
because  from  this  province  Catholic  religion  and  faith  had  been  propa- 
gated into  the  others.  And  at  the  time  appointed  for  the  election,  they 
being  assembled  together,  the  sacrifice  of  Holy  Mass,  being  celebrated, 
and  the  grace  and  assistance  of  the  Holy  Ghost  being  implored,  the  votes 
of  all  present  were  taken,  and  of  twenty-six  priests  who  were  assembled 
twenty- four  gave  their  votes  for  our  beloved  son,  John  Carroll,  whom 
they  judged  the  most  proper  to  support  the  burden  of  episcopacy,  and 
sent  an  authentic  instrument  of  the  whole  transaction  to  the  aforesaid 
Congregation  of  Cardinals.  Now  all  things  being  materially  weighed  and 
considered  in  this  Congregation,  it  was  easily  agreed  that  the  interests 
and  increase  of  Catholic  religion  would  be  greatly  promoted  if  an  epis- 
copal see  were  erected  at  Baltimore,  and  the  said  John  Carroll  were 
appointed  the   Bishop  of   it.     We,  therefore,   to  whom  this   opinion  has 


360  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

been  reported  by  our  beloved  son,  Cardinal  Antonelli,  Prefect  of  the  said 
Congregation,   having   nothing   more   at   heart   than   to   ensure   success   to 
whatever   tends   to   the   propagation   of   true   religion,   and   to   the   honor 
and  increase  of  the  Catholic  Church,  by  the  plenitude  of  our  apostolical 
power,   and  by  the   tenor  of   these   presents,   do  establish   and   erect   the 
aforesaid    town    of    Baltimore    into    an    episcopal    see    forever,    for    one 
Bishop  to  be  chosen  by  us  in  all  future  vacancies;  and  We,  therefore,  by 
the   apostolical   authority   aforesaid,   do   allow,   grant   and   permit   to   the 
Bishop  of   the   said   city  and   to   his    successors   in   all    future   times,   to 
exercise  episcopal  power  and  jurisdiction,  and  every  other  episcopal  func- 
tion which   Bishops  constituted   in   other   places   are   empowered  to   hold 
and  enjoy  in  their  respective  churches,  cities  and  dioceses,  by  right,  cus- 
tom, or  by  other  means,  by  general  privileges,  graces,  indults  and  apos- 
tolical dispensations,  together  with  all  pre-eminences,  honors,  immunities, 
graces  and  favours,  which  other  Cathedral  Churches,  by  right  or  custom, 
or  in  any  other   sort,  have,  hold  and  enjoy.     We  moreover  decree  and 
declare  the  said  Episcopal  see  thus  erected  to  be  subject  or  suffragan  to 
no  Metropolitan  right  or  jurisdiction,  but  to  be   forever   subject,  imme- 
diately to  us  and  to  our  successors  the  Roman  Pontiffs,  and  to  this  Apos- 
tolical  See.     And,   till   another   opportunity   shall  be  presented  to   us  of 
establishing  other  Catholic  Bishops  in  the  United  States  of  America,  and 
till  other  dispositions  shall  be  made  by  this  Apostolical  See,  We  declare, 
by  our  apostolical  authority,  all  the  faithful  of  Christ,  living  in  Catholic 
communion,  ecclesiastics  as  well  as  seculars,  and  all  the  clergy  and  people 
dwelling  in  the  aforesaid  United  States  of  America,  though  hitherto  they 
may  have  been  subject  to  other  Bishops  of  other  dioceses,  to  be  hence- 
forth subject  to  the  Bishop  of  Baltimore  in  all  future  times;  And  whereas 
by  special   grant,   and   for  this   time   only,   we  have   allowed   the  priests 
exercising  the  care  of  souls  in  the  United  States  of  America,  to  elect  a 
person  to  be  appointed  Bishop  by  us,  and  almost  all  their  votes  have  been 
given  to  our  beloved  Son,  John  Carroll,  Priest ;  We  being  otherwise  certi- 
fied of  his  faith,  prudence,  piety  and  zeal,  forasmuch  as  by  our  mandate 
he  hath  during  the  late  years  directed  the  spiritual  government  of  souls, 
do  therefore  by  the  plenitude  of  our  authority,  dclare,  create,  appoint  and 
constitute  the  said  John  Carroll,  Bishop  of  and  Pastor  of  the  said  Church 
of  Baltimore,  granting  to  him  the  faculty  of  receiving  the  rite  of  conse- 
cration from  any  Catholic  bishop  holding  communion  with  the  apostolical 
see,  assisted  by  two  ecclesiastics,  vested  with  some  dignity,  in  case  that 
two  bishops  cannot  be  had,  first  having  taken  the  usual  oath  according 
to  the  Roman  Pontifical.yi 

And  we  commission  the  said  Bishop  elect  to  erect  a  church  in  the  said 
city  of  Baltimore,  in  form  of  a  Cathedral  Church,  inasmuch  as  the 
times  and  circumstances  may  allow,  to  constitute  a  body  of  clergy  deputed 
to  divine  worship,  and  to  the  service  of  the  said  church,  and  moreover 
to  establish  an  episcopal  seminary,  either  in  the  same  city  or  elsewhere, 
as  he  shall  judge  most  expedient,  to  administer  ecclesiastical  incomes, 
and  to  execute  all  other  things  which  he  shall  think  in  the  Lord  to  be 


DIOCESE  OF  BALTIMORE 

1789-1808 


Carroll's  Election  361 

expedient  for  the  increase  of  Catholic  faith  and  the  augmentation  of  the 
worship  and  splendour  of  the  newly  erected  church.  We  moreover  enjoin 
the  said  Bishop  to  obey  the  injunctions  of  our  venerable  brethren,  the 
Cardinals  Directors  of  the  Sacred  Congregation  "de  propaganda  fide," 
to  transmit  to  them  at  proper  times  a  relation  of  his  visitation  of  his 
church,  and  to  inform  them  of  all  things  which  he  shall  judge  to  be 
useful  to  the  spiritual  good  and  salvation  of  the  flock  trusted  to  his 
charge.  We  therefore  decree  that  these  our  letters  are  and  ever  shall 
be  firm,  valid,  and  efficacious,  and  shall  obtain  their  full  and  entire  effect 
and  be  observed  inviolable  by  all  persons  whom  it  now  doth  or  hereafter 
may  concern;  and  that  all  judges  ordinary  and  delegated,  even  auditors 
of  causes  of  the  sacred  apostolical  palace,  and  Cardinals  of  the  Holy 
Roman  Church,  must  thus  judge  and  define,  depriving  all  and  each  of 
them  of  all  power  and  authority  to  judge  or  interpret  in  any  other 
manner,  and  declaring  all  to  be  null  and  void,  if  any  one  by  any  authority 
should  presume,  either  knowingly  or  unknowingly,  to  attempt  anything 
contrary  thereunto.  Notwithstanding  all  apostolical,  general,  or  special 
constitutions  and  ordinations,  published  in  universal,  provincial  and  synod- 
ical  councils,  and  all  things  contrary  whatsoever. 

Given  at  Rome  at  St.  Mary  Major,  under  the  Fisherman's  Ring,  the 
6th  day  of  November,  1789,  and  in  the  fifteenth  year  of  our  Pontificate.i^ 

That  there  was  no  hesitanc}^  on  the  part  of  the  Roman  autho- 
rities in  selecting  Dr.  Carroll  for  this  important  post  is  evident 
from  Thorpe's  letters  for  1789,  as  well  as  from  the  letters  sent 
by  Charles  Plowden  to  his  American  friend.  Plowden  was  so 
sure  of  Carroll's  selection  that  he  wrote  on  Feburary  3,  1789, 
his  surprise  that  Carroll  had  not  been  already  consecrated.^^ 
There  are  several  references  in  Thorpe's  letter  to  a  promise  made 
by  Carroll  to  send  or  to  bring  some  Virginia  tobacco  to  Cardinal 
Borromeo,  and  when  Cardinal  Borgia  heard  of  its  arrival,  he 
laid  claim  to  a  portion  of  the  package.^^  The  place  of  his  conse- 
cration was  in  doubt.  Plowden  wrote  on  November  i,  1789, 
that  since  the  See  of  Havana  was  vacant,  he  hoped  it  would  be 
an  additional  motive  for  Carroll's  acceptance  of  Mr.  Welds's  invi- 
tation to  be  consecrated  in  England.^^  Cardinal  Antonelli  ex- 
pressed a  preference  for  Quebec,  but  left  Carroll  free  to  choose, 
and  when  the  bishop-elect  announced  to  Thorpe  that  he  would 
go  to  England,  Antonelli  asked  the  reason,  since  Quebec  was 

^*  Translation  as  given  by  Shea,  op.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  pp.  337-343. 

^  Baltimore   Cathedral  Archives,    Case   6-Li. 

«  Thorpe  to  Carroll,  March  6,  1789,  and  July  8,   1789,  ibid..  Case  8-J4,  J8. 

»  Ibid.,  Case  6-1 7. 


362  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

much  nearer.  Thorpe  explained  that  Dr.  Carroll  had  many  friends 
in  England,  and  that  he  could  better  provide  for  the  services  in 
the  cathedral  at  Baltimore  by  purchases  made  in  England ;  more- 
over, Thorpe  wisely  added,  that  since  America  needed  priests 
badly,  Carroll's  presence  in  England  would  enable  him  to  make 
his  choice  of  volunteers  personally.  Apart  from  his  "unwary 
promise"  to  Mr.  Weld,  there  is  no  other  reason  given  in  his  cor- 
respondence for  the  choice  of  England.  No  doubt  his  unfortunate 
experience  in  Montreal  and  Quebec  at  the  hands  of  the  ecclesi- 
astical authorities  there,  in  1776,  was  still  fresh  in  his  mind  ;  and  a 
further  reason  may  have  been  his  unwillingness  to  meet  the  Bishop 
of  Quebec  at  a  time  when  the  frontiers  of  their  respective  juris- 
dictions were  under  discussion  before  the  Holy  See.  We  have 
no  means  of  knowing  what  occupied  his  attention,  apart  from 
diocesan  duties  between  his  election  and  his  departure  in  July, 
1790.  One  very  important  fact  in  the  history  of  the  Catholic 
Church  in  this  country  occurred,  however,  at  this  time — the  Ad- 
dress of  the  Catholics  to  President  George  Washington. 


CHAPTER  XX 

THE  ADDRESS   FROM   THE   ROMAN   CATHOLICS   TO 

WASHINGTON 

(1790) 

In  an  appendix  to  the  twelfth  volume  of  his  edition  of  the 
Writings  of  George  Washington,  Tared  Sparks  has  entered  into 
the  religious  opinions  of  the  first  President  of  the  United  States. 
Sparks  is  decidedly  an  untrustworthy  historian,  but  the  testimonies 
he  has  collected  prove  beyond  doubt  that  Washington  always 
expressed  the  sincere  wish  that  amity  and  concord  on  religious 
questions  should  prevail  in  the  national  life.  It  is  in  the  light  of 
this  principle  that  Washington's  replies  to  the  various  addresses, 
presented  to  him  after  his  election  by  the  religious  bodies  of  the 
country,  should  be  viewed.  He  received  these  congratulatory 
addresses  from  nearly  every  denomination  in  the  United  States. 
They  are  all  written  in  the  same  vein.  They  compliment  his 
character  for  justice  and  truth.  They  express  deep  gratitude  for 
his  long  and  eminent  public  services  to  the  nation.  In  his  replies, 
it  would  have  been  impolitic  to  employ  language  "indicating  a 
decided  preference  for  the  peculiar  tenets  or  forms  of  any  partic- 
ular church.  He  took  a  wiser  course ;  the  only  one,  indeed,  which 
with  propriety  could  be  taken.  He  approved  the  general  objects, 
and  commended  the  zeal,  of  all  religious  congregations  and  soci- 
eties by  which  he  was  addressed,  spoke  of  their  beneficial  eflfects 
in  promoting  the  welfare  of  mankind,  declared  his  cordial  wishes 
for  their  success,  and  often  concluded  with  his  prayers  for  the 
future  happiness  of  the  individuals  belonging  to  them,  both  in 
this  world  and  in  the  world  to  come."  ^ 

In  his  Farewell  Address  to  the  people  of  the  United  States 
(September  17,  1796)  Washington  restated  the  old  philosophic 
maxim  that  "of  all  the  dispositions  and  habits  which  lead  to 


*  Sparks,  op.  cit.,  vol.  vii,  pp.  410-41 1. 

363 


364  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

political  prosperity,  Religion  and  Morality  are  indispensable 
supports;"  and  in  every  reply  he  emphasized  this  fact.  He  lost 
no  opportunity  of  reiterating  the  necessity  of  religious  freedom, 
if  the  Republic  was  to  endure.  Some  of  these  replies  are  worthy 
of  notice  for  the  sake  of  comparison  with  his  reply  to  the  Amer- 
ican Catholics.  To  the  bishops,  clergy  and  laity  of  the  Protestant 
Episcopal  Church,  he  wrote  (August  19,  1789)  :  "On  this  occa- 
sion it  would  ill-become  me  to  conceal  the  joy  I  have  felt  in  per- 
ceiving the  fraternal  afifection  which  appears  to  increase  every 
day  among  the  friends  of  genuine  religion.  It  affords  edifying 
prospects,  indeed,  to  see  Christians  of  different  denominations 
dwell  together  in  more  charity,  and  conduct  themselves  in  respect 
to  each  other  with  a  more  Christian-like  spirit,  than  ever  they 
have  done  in  any  former  age  or  in  any  other  nation."  ^  To  the 
Quakers,  he  replied  (October,  1789)  :  "The  liberty  enjoyed  by 
the  people  of  the  States,  of  worshiping  Almighty  God  agreeably  to 
their  consciences,  is  not  only  among  the  choicest  of  their  blessings, 
but  also  of  their  rights."  ^  In  January,  1793,  he  wrote  to  a  non- 
Catholic  congregation  of  Baltimore :  "We  have  abundant  reason 
to  rejoice  that  in  this  land  the  light  of  truth  and  reason  has 
triumphed  over  the  powers  of  bigotry  and  superstition,  and  that 
every  person  may  here  worship  God  according  to  the  dictates  of 
his  own  heart.  In  this  enlightened  age,  and  in  this  land  of  equal 
liberty,  it  is  our  boast  that  a  man's  religious  tenets  will  not  forfeit 
the  protection  of  the  laws,  nor  deprive  him  of  the  right  of  attain- 
ing and  holding  the  highest  offices  that  are  known  in  the  United 
States."  * 

There  is  a  pompous  tone,  it  is  true,  about  these  statements,  and 
had  he  simply  repeated  their  tenor  to  the  American  Catholics,  his 
reply  would  have  little  value  in  the  Catholic  history  of  the  young 
Republic.  But  he  sounds  another  note  to  the  Catholics.  The 
»  letter  is  presumably  to  them ;  but  he  is  speaking,  and  perhaps  with 
design,  to  the  great  non-Catholic  population  of  the  nation. 

The  Address  of  the  Catholics  was  signed  by  John  Carroll,^  in 
behalf  of  the  Roman  Catholic  clergy;  and  by  Charles  Carroll  of 


■  Ibid.,   pp.    162-163. 

•  Ibid.,  pp.    168-169. 

*  Ibid.,    pp.    201-202. 

"  Ibid.,  pp.   177-179,  under  date  of  December,   1789. 


Address  to  Washington  365 

Carrollton;  Daniel  Carroll,  the  brother  of  the  newly-elected 
bishop ;  Dominick  Lynch,  the  leading  Catholic  of  New  York 
City;  and  Thomas  Fitzsimons,  the  leading  Catholic  of  the  day  in 
Philadelphia;  these  four  gentlemen  signed  the  Address  in  behalf 
of  the  Roman  Catholic  laity.   The  Address  is  as  follows : 

We  have  been  long  impatient  to  testify  our  joy,  and  unbounded  con- 
fidence on  your  being  called,  by  an  Unanimous  Vote,  to  the  first  station 
of  a  country,  in  which  that  unanimity  could  not  have  been  obtained, 
without  the  previous  merit  of  unexampled  services,  of  eminent  wisdom, 
and  unblemished  virtue.  Our  congratulations  have  not  reached  you 
sooner,  because  our  scattered  situation  prevented  our  communication,  and 
the  collecting  of  those  sentiments,  which  warmed  every  breath.  But  the 
delay  has  furnished  us  with  the  opportunity,  not  merely  of  presaging 
the  happiness  to  be  expected  under  your  Administration,  but  of  bearmg 
testimony  to  that  which  we  experience  already.  It  is  your  peculiar  talent, 
in  war  and  in  peace,  to  afiford  security  to  those  who  commit  their  protec- 
tion into  your  hands.  In  war  you  shield  them  from  the  ravages  of  armed 
hostility;  in  peace,  you  establish  public  tranquillity,  by  the  justice  and 
moderation,  not  less  than  by  the  vigour,  of  your  government.  By  example, 
as  well  as  by  vigilance,  you  extend  the  influence  of  laws  on  the  manners 
of  our  fellow-citizens.  You  encourage  respect  for  religion;  and  inculcate, 
by  words  and  actions,  that  principle,  on  which  the  welfare  of  nations 
so  much  depends,  that  a  superintending  providence  governs  the  events 
of  the  works,  and  watches  over  the  conduct  of  men.  Your  exalted 
maxims,  and  unwearied  attention  to  the  moral  and  physical  improvement 
of  our  country,  have  produced  already  the  happiest  effects.  Under  your 
administration,  America  is  animated  with  zeal  for  the  attainment  and 
encouragement  of  useful  literature.  She  improves  her  agriculture;  ex- 
tends her  commerce;  and  acquires  with  foreign  nations  a  dignity 
unknown  to  her  before.  From  these  events,  in  which  none  can  feel  a 
warmer  interest  than  ourselves,  we  derive  additional  pleasure,  by  recol- 
lecting that  you.  Sir,  have  been  the  principal  instrument  to  effect  so  rapid 
a  change  in  our  political  situation.  This  prospect  of  national  prosperity 
is  peculiarly  pleasing  to  us,  on  another  account;  because,  whilst  our 
country  preserves  her  freedom  and  independence,  we  shall  have  a  well 
founded  title  to  claim  from  her  justice,  the  equal  rights  of  citizenship, 
as  the  price  of  our  blood  spilt  under  your  eyes,  and  of  our  common  exer- 
tions for  her  defence,  under  your  auspicious  conduct — rights  rendered 
more  dear  to  us  by  the  remembrance  of  former  hardships.  When  we 
pray  for  the  preservation  of  them,  where  they  have  been  granted — and 
expect  the  full  extension  of  them  from  the  justice  of  those  States,  which 
still  restrict  them:  when  we  solicit  the  protection  of  Heaven  over  our 
common  country,  we  neither  omit,  nor  can  omit  recommending  your  preser- 
vation to  the  singular  care  of  Divine  Providence ;  because  we  conceive 
that  no  human  means  are  so  available  to  promote  the  welfare  of  the  United 


266  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

States,  as  the  prolongation  of  your  health  and  life,  in  which  are  included 
the  energy  of  your  example,  the  wisdom  of  your  counsels,  and  the  per- 
suasive eloquence  of  your  virtues. 


Washington's  answer  to  the  Roman  Catholics  of  the  United 
States  of  America,  dated  March  12,  1790,  is  as  follows: 

Gentlemen, 

While  I  now  receive,  with  much  satisfaction,  your  congratulations  on 
my  being  called,  by  a  unanimous  Vote,  to  the  first  station  in  my  Country — 
I  cannot  but  duly  notice  your  politeness  in  offering  an  apology  for  the 
unavoidable  delay.  As  that  delay  has  given  you  an  opportunity  of  realiz- 
ing, instead  of  anticipating,  the  benefits  of  the  general  Government — you 
will  do  me  the  justice  to  believe,  that  3'our  testimony  of  the  increase 
of  the  public  prosperity,  enhances  the  pleasure,  which  I  should  otherwise 
have  experienced  from  your  affectionate  Address. 

I  feel  that  my  conduct,  in  war  and  in  peace,  has  met  with  more  general 
approbation,  than  could  have  reasonably  been  expected;  and  I  find  myself 
disposed  to  consider,  that  fortunate  circumstances,  in  a  great  degree 
resulting  from  the  able  support,  and  extraordinary  candour,  of  my 
fellow-citizens  of  all  denominations. 

The  prospect  of  National  prosperity  now  before  us,  is  truly  animating; 
and  ought  to  excite  the  exertions,  of  all  good  men,  to  establish  and 
secure  the  happiness  of  their  Country,  in  the  permanent  duration  of  its 
freedom  and  independence.  America,  under  the  smiles  of  Divine  Provi- 
dence— the  protection  of  a  good  Government — and  the  cultivation  of  Man- 
ners, Morals,  and  Piety — cannot  fail  of  attaining,  an  uncommon  degree  of 
Eminence,  in  Literature,  Commerce,  Agriculture,  Improvements  at  home, 
and  Respectability  abroad. 

As  Mankind  becomes  more  liberal,  they  v;ill  be  more  apt  to  allow, 
that  all  those  who  conduct  themselves  worthy  members  of  the  Community, 
are  equally  entitled  to  the  protection  of  Civil  Government.  I  hope  ever 
to  see  America  among  the  foremost  Nations  in  examples  of  Justice  and 
Liberality.  And  I  presume  that  your  fellow-citizens  will  not  forget  the 
patriotic  part,  which  you  took  in  the  accomplishment  of  their  Revolution, 
and  the  establishment  of  their  Government — or  the  important  assistance, 
which  they  received  from  a  Nation,  in  which  the  Roman  Catholic  Faith 
is  professed. 

I  thank  you,  Gentlemen,  for  your  kind  concern  for  me.  While  my  Life 
and  Health  shall  continue,  in  whatever  situation  I  may  be,  it  shall  be 
my  constant  endeavor  to  justify  the  favourable  sentiments  which  you  are 
pleased  to  express  of  my  conduct.  And  may  the  Members  of  your  Society 
in  America,  animated  alone  by  the  pure  spirit  of  Christianity,  and  still 
conducting  themselves,  as  the  faithful  subjects  of  our  free  Government, 
enjoy  every  temporal,  and  spiritual  felicity. 


Address   to  Washington  367 

The  original  copy  of  this  precious  document  was  in  the  Cathe- 
dral Archives  at  Baltimore  until  1865,  when  it  was  loaned  to 
John  Gilmary  Shea  on  December  19,  of  that  year.  Shea  returned 
it  to  Baltimore  on  September  7,  1866.  In  1908,  it  was  discovered  , 
that  the  letter  was  missing  and  from  that  time  till  the  present, 
diligent  search  has  failed  to  reveal  this  valuable  page  in  American 
Catholic  history.  There  is  no  doubt  that  John  Carroll  took  a  copy 
of  the  Address  and  Washington's  original  answer  to  England 
with  him  in  1790,  for  it  was  published  in  London  by  J.  P.  Cogh- 
lan,  in  1790,  with  the  following  preface: 

The  following  Address  from  the  Roman  Catholics,  which  was  copied 
from  the  American  News  papers— whilst  it  breathes  fidelity  to  the  States 
which  protect  them,  asserts,  with  decency,  the  common-rights  of  man- 
kind ;  and  the  answer  of  the  President  truly  merits  that  esteem,  which  his 
liberal  sentiments,  mild  administration,  and  prudent  justice  have  obtained 
Iiim.  ...  Is  this  not  a  lesson?  Britons  remain  intolerant  and  inexorable 
to  the  claims  of  sound  policy  and  of  nature.  Ties  of  kindred  and  friends —  ' 
whose  sacred  aspiration— alas,  to  nominal  liberty,  suffers  the  fettering 
sanguinary  edicts  still  to  blacken  her  golden  eras— exile  some  of  her 
most  valuable  subjects,  and  divide  their  interests,  or  force  their  religious 
compliance  to  disguise  and  debase  principles,  which,  if  suffered  to  practise, 
would  constitute  and  confirm  the  most  lasting  affection  to  their  Prince 
and  the  country  which  gives  them  birth.  Is  it  true  policy,  that  the 
Roman  Catholics  should  become  voluntary  exiles  for  the  free  practice 
of  their  faith— to  educate  their  children— to  study  for  their  ministry— or 
retire  to  their  sacred  Cloister  ?— and  this  only  to  serve  God  in  thir  own 
way— not  a  different  God,  but  adored  equally  by  all!  Whilst  it  is  an 
acknowledged  fact,  there  are  laws  sufficient  to  make  men,  good  citizens 
and  good  subjects— where  is  the  boasted  liberty  which  suffers  not  a  dis- 
posal of  ourselves,  but  aims  so  effectually  to  shackle  and  annihilate  the 
soul   from  God.     Britons,  view  and  blush! 

Washington's  reply  has  brought  joy  to  the  hearts  of  all  Amer- 
ican Catholics  since  that  time ;  but  it  was  especially  to  the  Catho-  - 
lies  of  1790  that  the  encomium  of  the  first  President  meant  much 
in  the  way  of  patience  and  encouragement.  A  writer  signing  him- 
self "Liberal,"  published  at  the  time  an  attack  on  the  extension  of 
religious  liberty  to  Catholics,  in  the  Gazette  of  the  United  States. 
Bishop-elect  Carroll  promptly  took  up  the  challenge,  and  replied 
in  June,  1789,  in  the  same  publication.  He  accused  "Liberal"  of 
an  attempt  to  revive  an  odious  system  of  religious  intolerance. 
The  world  was  weary  with  the  bigotry  of  such  men.    "Liberal" 


368  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

was  among  those  who  thought  it  consistent  with  justice  to  exclude 
Cathohcs  from  puhh'c  honours  and  emoluments  on  account  of 
their  faith.  "If  such  he  'Liheral's'  views,  in  vain  then  have 
Americans  associated  themselves  into  one  great  national  union, 
under  the  express  condition  of  not  heing  shackled  by  religious 
tests,  and  under  a  firm  persuasion  that  they  were  to  retain,  when 
associated,  every  natural  right  not  expressly  surrendered.  It  is 
not  pretended  that  they  who  are  the  objects  of  an  intended 
exclusion  from  certain  offices  of  honour  and  advantage,  have  for- 
feited by  any  act  of  treason  against  the  United  States,  the  com- 
mon rights  of  nature,  or  the  stipulated  rights  of  the  political 
society  of  which  they  form  a  part  ?  This  the  author  has  not  pre- 
sumed to  assert.  Their  blood  flowed  as  freely  (in  proportion  to 
their  numbers)  to  cement  the  fabric  of  independence,  as  that  of 
any  of  their  fellow-citizens.  They  concurred  with  perhaps 
greater  unanimity  than  any  other  body  of  men,  in  recominending 
and  promoting  that  government  from  whose  influence  America 
anticipates  all  the  blessings  of  justice,  peace,  plenty,  good  order, 
and  civil  and  religious  liberty.  What  character  shall  we  then  give 
to  a  system  of  politics,  calculated  for  the  express  purpose  of 
divesting  of  rights  legally  acquired  those  citizens  who  are  not  only 
unoffending,  but  whose  conduct  has  been  highly  meritorious?  I 
am  anxious  to  guard  against  the  impression  intended  by  such 
insinuations ;  not  merely  for  the  sake  of  any  one  profession,  but 
from  an  earnest  regard  to  preserve  inviolate  forever  in  our  new 
empire  the  great  principle  of  religious  f  redom.  The  constitutions 
of  some  of  the  States  continue  still  to  entrench  on  the  sacred 
rights  of  conscience,  and  men  who  have  bled  and  opened  their 
purses  as  freely,  in  the  cause  of  liberty  and  independence,  as  any 
other  citizen,  are  most  unjustly  excluded  from  the  advantages 
which  they  contributed  to  establish.  But  if  bigotry  and  narrow 
prejudices  have  hitherto  prevented  the  cure  of  these  evils,  be  it 
the  duty  of  every  lover  of  peace  and  justice  to  extend  them  no 
further." 


CHAPEL  AT  LULWORTH  CASTLE 


CHAPTER  XXI 

CARROLL'S  CONSECRATION 

(August  15,  1790) 

It  is  not  certain  when  Antonelli's  letter  of  November  14,  1789, 
which  probably  accompanied  the  Brief  Ex  hac  aposfolicae  of 
November  6,  1789,  reached  Carroll's  hands;  nor  are  we  sure  of 
the  channel  through  which  these  documents  came.  France  was  in 
disorder  at  the  time,  though  the  Revolution  had  not  reached  such  a 
stage  that  couriers  might  not  pass  through  the  country.  The  Brief 
had  not  arrived  by  February  6,  1790,  when  Carroll  wrote  to 
Antonelli,  explaining  that  his  long  delay  in  replying  to  the  Cardi- 
nal-Prefect's letter  of  June  11,  1789,  was  due  to  the  fact  that 
although  elected  by  his  fellow-priests  to  the  office  of  bishop,  he 
did  not  wish  to  write  anything  which  might  influence  the  Holy 
Father  or  the  Sacred  Congregation  in  confirming  his  election. 
"Rather  did  I  spend  the  time  in  prayer,"  he  writes,  "that  the 
whole  affair  would  be  reconsidered  by  Rome  and  that  another, 
much  more  worthy  than  myself  be  elected  to  the  episcopate."  ^ 
During  the  delay,  however,  he  had  heard  through  private  com- 
munications that  his  election  was  concurred  in  by  the  Holy  See  and 
that  the  pontifical  Brief  was  on  its  way.  "My  only  consolation  is 
that,  not  by  my  own  will,  but  in  spite  of  my  expectation,  this 
portion  of  labour  and  solicitude  has  fallen  to  me;  so  that,  if  it  has 
come  about  by  the  wish  of  Divine  Providence,  He,  as  I  truly 
hope,  will  aid  me,  Who  has  destined  me  for  such  a  heavy 
burden."  2  There  is  little  in  his  letter  of  March  16,  1790,  to 
Plowden,  that  helps  us  to  ascertain  the  date  in  question,  except 
the  statement  that  he  had  heard  from  Father  Thorpe— "from  its 
contents  and  .  .  .  purport  ...  I  dread  the  arrival  of  the  packet 
of  January  .  .  ."  The  probable  date  is  April,  as  we  learn  from 
the  following  letter  of  Thomas  Weld  to  Bishop  Walmesley : 


*  Propaganda  Archives,  Scritture  ortginali,  vol.  893   (not  foHoed). 

*  Jbid. 

369 


370  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

I  am  obliged  to  your  Lordship  for  your  last  kind  letter,  was  glad  to 
find  by  it  you  was  well  and  than  [sic]  we  would  have  the  pleasure  of  your 
company.  I  have  now  a  great  favor  to  beg  of  yr.  Lordship.  You  must 
know  that  the  Revd.  Mr.  Carroll  in  Maryland  has  lately  been  appointed 
Bishop  of  Baltimore  by  the  Pope,  he  only  received  his  bulls  in  April  last, 
by  which  he  is  appointed  Bishop,  to  fix  his  see  where  he  tliinks  most 
proper  and  get  himself  Consecrated  where  he  finds  it  most  Convenient 
He  is  now  Coming  to  England  for  that  purpose,  and  as  he  is  an  ac- 
quaintance of  mine  and  a  great  friend  of  Mr.  Plowdens  I  invited  him  to 
my  house  to  be  Consecrated  in  my  Chapel  if  yr.  Lordship  and  Mr. 
Sharrock  have  no  Objection  to  perform  the  Ceremony. 

I  should  be  glad  to  have  the  favour  of  an  answer  &  if  yr.  Lordship 
has  no  objection  if  you  could  come  here  a  week  or  two  sooner  than 
what  you  mention  if  would  be  the  more  agreeable  for  I  expect  Mr.  Carroll 
may  be  here  in  a  fort-night  or  three  weeks,  and  I  apprehend  he  will  be 
in  a  hurry  to  return.  I  think  if  this  meets  with  yr.  Lordship's  approba- 
tion the  less  it  is  spoken  off  the  better,  the  more  private  it  can  be  done  the 
better.  I  suppose  yr.  Lordship  has  seen  Mr.  Throckmorton's  publication 
on  the  elections  of  Bishops  you  see  what  things  are  come  to,  and  what 
they  will  come  to  and  where  our  afflictions  will  end  the  Lord  only  knows. 

Mrs.  Weld  and  all  here  unite  in  compts.  to  yr.  Lordship,  I  remain  with 
the  gtest.  regard  yr.  obdt.  humble  servt.^ 

This  would  indicate  that  the  bishop-elect  had  written  at  once 
to  his  friend  at  Lulworth  Castle,  to  whom  he  had  given  the  promise 
that  he  would  come  to  the  home  of  the  Weld  family  for  conse- 
cration. 

One  of  his  last  letters  before  leaving  America  was  a  declaration 
regarding  the  administration  of  the  ex-Jesuit  property.  In  the 
Ex  hac  apostolicae  the  words  "to  administer  ecclesiastical  incomes, 
etc.",  were  a  mere  formula  of  ofiftce.  But  some  of  his  fellow 
priests,  particularly  Ashton,  the  Procurator,  took  alarm;  and  in 
order  to  allay  any  misgivings,  Carroll  wrote  out  a  declaration 
on  May  26,  1790,  to  the  effect  that  he  did  not  consider  himself 
empowered  in  any  way  to  interfere  in  the  management  of  the 
old  Jesuit  estates.* 

The  exact  date  of  Carroll's  departure  from  Baltimore  is  not 
known.  Shea  says  that  he  sailed  for  England  early  in  the  sum- 
mer of  1790.    (The  date  is  probably  June  9,  1790-)     Dr.  Carroll's 


»  Clifton  Diocesan  Archives,   printed   in   the    Catholic   Historical   Review,    vol.   i, 
pp.  250-251. 

♦  Cf.  Hughes,  op.  cit..  Documents,  vol.  i,  part  ii,  p.  699. 


Carroll's   Consecration  371 

choice  of  England  as  the  place  of  his  consecration  was  due  to 
several  causes,  but  chief  among  them  was  his  promise  to  the 
Welds,  whom  he  had  last  seen  in  1774,  that  if  the  episcopate 
should  be  bestowed  upon  him,  he  would  return  to  their  home  for 
consecration.  Archbishop  Troy  wrote  on  January  25,  1790,  invit- 
ing Carroll  to  come  to  Dublin,  but  this  letter  reached  him  after  he 
had  written  to  Mr.  Weld  accepting  his  hospitality.  On  July  23, 
the  day  after  his  arrival  in  London,  Dr.  Carroll  despatched  a  letter 
to  the  Metropolitan  of  Dublin,  explaining  the  reason  for  his 
choice  of  Lulworth :  ''When  the  subject  of  an  American  Bishopric 
was  first  started,  I  received  so  pressing  an  invitation  from  a  most 
respectable  Catholic  gentleman  in  England,  that  I  unwarily 
promised  to  be  consecrated  in  his  chapel,  if  the  appointment 
should  fall  to  my  lot.  Had  it  been  otherwise  I  should  have  hesi- 
tated between  Ireland,  the  land  of  my  forefathers,  and  Canada, 
though,  on  the  whole,  I  flatter  myself  that  my  going  to  England 
may  be  attended  with  some  advantages  to  the  cause  of  religion 
within  my  extensive  diocese."  ^ 

The  presence  of  his  former  Liege  colleague  and  his  faithful 
friend,  P'ather  Charles  Plowden,  then  the  chaplain  to  the  Welds 
at  Lulworth,  had  its  potent  influence  upon  his  choice.  Writing 
to  Plowden  on  May  8,  1789,  he  says:  "I  cannot  sufficiently  ac- 
knowledge the  most  obliging  and  honorable  testimony  of  Mr. 
Weld's  regard  :  you  will  be  pleased  to  express  with  all  that  warmth 
which  you  can  communicate  to  your  expressions,  my  deep  sense 
of  his  generous  politeness.  My  inclination  certainly  leads  me  to 
accept  of  an  offer  not  only  so  flattering,  but  which  will  afford  me 
an  opportunity  of  seeing  some  of  those  friends  whom  I  shall 
ever  honor  and  love.  But  I  cannot  yet  determine  what  I  shall  do. 
I  still  flatter  myself  that  Divine  Providence  will  provide  some 
worthier  subject  to  be  its  instrument  in  founding  a  church  in 
America.'*  ^ 

At  any  rate,  he  was  on  the  high  seas  in  July,  1790,  and  had 
as  a  companion  during  his  voyage  over  and  back,  Dr.  Madison, 
of  the  Protestant  Episcopal  Church  of  Virginia,  who  was  likewise 
making  the  voyage  to  be  consecrated  bishop  of  his  own  Church. 
While  at  sea  Father  Carroll  began  a  letter  to  Cardinal  Antonelli. 

'  MoRAN,  Spicilegium  Ossoriense,  vol.  iii,  pp.  507-508. 
•  Cf.  Shea,  op.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  354. 


372  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

This  letter,  finished  in  London  on  July  30,  1790,  is  the  first  that 
he  signed  as  bishop-elect.    When  the  letter  of  His  Eminence  of 
November  14,  1789,  was  first  handed  to  him,  although  it  con- 
tained nothing  more  than  what  he  had  been  told  to  expect,  he  could 
not  but  feel  deeply  moved.    When  he  considered  the  dignity 
which  had  been  conferred  upon  him,  he  says  in  his  reply,  he  felt 
how  far  short  he  fell  of  the  sanctity  of  the  episcopal  character, 
and  his  courage  gave  way.     The  hopes  placed  upon  him  by  the 
Cardinal-Prefect  and  by  the  Sacred  Congregation  were  so  great 
that  he  saw  no  way  of  fulfilling  them.    Certainly  the  benevolence 
of  the  Congregation  would  strengthen  his  determination  to  per- 
form as  well  as  possible  the  work  which  lay  ahead.     He  then 
spoke  of  the  college  project  under  way  at  home  and  of   the 
lack  of  priests,  and  told  the  Cardinal-Prefect  that  he  expected 
to  spend  at  least  a  month  in  England.    He  arrived  in  London  on 
July  22,  1790,  and  the  first  news  he  heard  was  that  the  renegade 
Poterie  had  sent  to  the  Sacred  Congregation  his  Resurrection  of 
Laurent  Ricci,  a  book  filled  with  accusations  against  Carroll  and 
his  clergy.     Unfortunately,  he  had  not  foreseen  this,  and  had  left 
behind  him  in  America  the  documents  necessary  for  a  defence  of 
his  action  in  La  Poterie's  case.    When  he  returned  he  would  send 
copies  of  these  documents,  and  he  hoped  that  they  would  relieve 
Antonelli  of  any  doubt  in  the  matter.^ 

This  letter  had  not  reached  Rome  by  August  14,  1790,  for 
there  is  no  mention  of  it  in  Antonelli's  letter  of  that  date  to 
Carroll.  The  Cardinal-Prefect  expressed  the  great  pleasure  felt 
by  the  Holy  See  and  by  the  Sacred  Congregation  over  Carroll's 
acceptance  of  the  bishopric,  and  especially  so,  because  in  no  way 
did  Carroll  try  to  bring  it  about.    The  new  bishop  was  informed 


T  Propaganda  Archives,  Scritture  riferite,  America  Centrale,  vol.  2,  f.  390 — "Haec 
scribo  in  ipsa  navigationie  versus  Angliam,  ut  in  ea,  aut  finitimis  Belgii  provinciis 
characteri  episcopali  insigniar.  Post  unius  circiter  mensis  in  Europa  moram,  rursus 
me  mari  committam  ..."  No  doubt,  the  reference  to  Belgium  signifies  his  alternative, 
in  case  any  difficulty  should  arise  over  the  consecration  of  an  American  Catholic 
Bishop  in  England.  As  it  turned  out,  all  who  participated  in  his  consecration  advised 
the  utmost  privacy.  On  July  30,  1790,  he  added  a  postscript  to  this  letter — "Ante 
octo  dies  hue  tuto  appulsus.  ..."  Plowden  had  written  on  May  31,  1790,  advising 
him  to  borrow  two  Pontificalia  before  reaching  Lul worth  {Baltimore  Cathedral  Archives, 
Case  6-M5).  In  this  same  letter  Plowden  says:  "Mr.  Weld  desires  that  you  will 
not  put  yourself  to  the  expense  of  a  pectoral  cross,  as  he  has  one  to  present  to  you, 
which  he  hopes  you  will  accept  and  like.  It  is  rich,  curious,  and  respectable,  formerly 
the  property  of  the  last  Abbot  of  Colchester." 


Carroll's  Consecration  373 

that  Poterie's  letter  and  pamphlet  had  reached  them,  and  that 
the  Sacred  Congregation  considered  the  Boston  priest's  charges 
unfounded.  To  prevent  similar  attacks,  namely,  that  Carroll  was 
secretly  working  for  the  restoration  of  the  Society  of  Jesus  in 
the  United  States  and  that  he  preferred  ex-Jesuits  to  others  in 
the  missions,  Antonelli  advised  him  to  employ  others  than  for- 
mer members  of  the  Society.  He  refers  to  the  disordered  condi- 
tion of  France  and  hints  that  many  priests  might  be  found  there 
willing  to  go  to  the  States.® 

Father  John  Carroll's  consecration  as  Bishop  of  Baltimore, 
and,  therefore,  as  Father  of  the  American  Hierarchy,  took  place 
in  the  Chapel  of  Lulworth  Castle,  on  August  15,  1790.®  The 
consecrating  prelate  was  Bishop  Charles  Walmesley,  O.S.B., 
V.A.,  of  the  Western  District.^^  Three  other  priests  were  pres- 
ent: Father  Charles  Plowden  and  James  Porter,  who  acted  as 
Assistant  Priests  to  Bishop  Walmesley,  and  Father  Forrester, 
who  signs  himself  Missionary  Apostolic,  and  who  was  chaplain 
at  Wardour  Castle.^^  During  the  consecration  young  Thomas 
Weld,  then  seventeen,  and  but  recently  married,  the  son  of 
Bishop  Carroll's  host,  held  the  Missal  over  his  shoulders.^^  The 
ceremony  of  consecration  was  carried  out  with  all  the  elegance  of 
the  ritual.  Mr.  Weld  spared  no  expense  to  render  the  occasion 
a  memorable  one  for  the  first  American  bishop.  The  official 
certificate  of  Dr.  Carroll's  consecration,  now  preserved  in  St. 
Mary's  Seminary,  Baltimore,  is  as  follows: 


"  Propaganda  Archives,  Lettere,  vol.  258,  f.  497  (cf.  Hughes,  l.c,  p.  689,  for 
another  version  of  this  letter) — "Electio  Amplitudinis  Tuae  ad  episcopatum  Balti- 
morensem  eo  magis  a  Sanctissimo  Domino  Nostro  et  a  Sacra  hac  Congregatione  probata 
est,  quod  videreraus  te  hujusmodi  dignitatem  non  modo  non  expetiisse  sed  imo  pro 
viribus  curasse  ut  alter  ad  episcopale  istud  munus  designaretur." 

"  Cf.  C.  M.  Antony,  Lulworth  Castle:  its  history  and  memories  in  the  Catholic 
Historical  Review,   vol.   i,  pp.   243-257.     The  writer  of   this  article  searched  all   the 
existing  files  of  the  London  newspapers  from  August  to  December,   1790,  to  find  some  .r" 
reference   to    Bishop    Carroll's    consecration;    but    in    vain.      Also    contemporary    files 
of  the  Boston  and  New  York  newspapers  were  searched,  with  the  same  result. 

"  Bishop  Walmesley  arrived  at  Lulworth  on  August  5,  1790;  Plowden  to  Carroll, 
August  6,  1790  (Baltimore  Cathedral  Archives,  Case  6-M8). 

"    Oliver,  Collections  SJ.,  pp.  306-308,  has  an  interesting  sketch  of  this  clergyman. 

"  After  the  death  of  his  wife  in  1815,  Thomas  Weld  studied  for  the  priesthood 
and  was  ordained  in  182 1.  He  was  consecrated  titular  Bishop  of  Amyclae  in  1826, 
and  was  elevated  to  the  Cardinalate  in  1830.  He  died  in  1837.  The  youngest  daughter 
of  his  host,  Teresa  Weld,  born  in  1782,  married  (1803)  William  Vaughan,  the  grand- 
father of  Cardinal  Vaughan. 


374  ^^^  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

Hisce  testatum  facimus  Reverendum  Dnm.  Joannem  Carroll,  presby- 
terum  ad  episcopatum  Baltimorensem  electum,  lectis  litteris  Apostolicis 
apud  Sanctam  Mariam  Majorem  datis,  sub  annulo  Piscatoris  die  sexta 
Novembris  1789,  et  praestito  prius  ab  ipso  Electo  juxta  Pontificale 
Romanum  juramento,  assistensibus  Revdo  Carolo  Plowden  ac  revdo  Jacobo 
Porter,  presbyteris,  15a  Augusti  1790,  sacra  Beatissimae  Virginis  As- 
sumptae  die  in  templo  Castelli  de  Lullworth  comitatus  Dorcestrensis  in 
Anglia  a  nobis  in  Episcopum  fuisse  consecratum. 

Dabamus  ad  Castellum  de  Lullworth  die  17  Augusti  anno  1790. 

*i*  Carolus  Walmesley,  Epus  Ramaten.,  Vic. 
Aplicus. 
Carolus  Plowden,  sac,  assistens. 
Jacobus  Porter,  sac,  assistens. 
C.  Forrester,  presbyter,  Miss.  Apost. 
Thomas  Stanley,  sac."^^ 

As  Shea  writes: 

The  United  States  now  had,  at  last,  a  Catholic  Bishop,  but  he  stood  alone 
in  a  foreign  land,  without  resources  for  his  great  work ;  viewed  politically 
by  many  as  one  of  a  nation  of  successful  rebels;  ecclesiastically  as  a  mem- 
ber of  an  Order  struck  down  by  the  Head  of  the  Church  and  scattered 
to  the  winds.  In  the  city  selected  as  his  episcopal  see,  he  had  no  church 
beyond  a  plain  brick  structure  completed  in  1783 ;  his  small  band  of 
priests  was  constantly  thinned  by  the  hand  of  death,  and  there  was  no 
source  to  which  he  could  look  for  others  to  replace  the  dead.  Though 
urged  by  the  Holy  See  to  establish  a  Seminary  he  had  no  income,  and 
no  one  but  Providence  to  whom  he  could  look  for  his  own  support  and 
the  immense  task  which  had  been  imposed  upon  him."^* 

At  Lulworth  Castle  he  was  among  friends,  and  the  Welds 
urged  him  to  remain  with  them  for  a  long  stay,  but  he  was  eager 
to  return  to  America.  After  a  visit  of  several  weeks,  he  went 
up  to  London  to  prepare  for  the  journey  home.  He  found  here 
at  his  lodgings,  28  King  Street,  letters  from  many  correspondents. 
Father  Thorpe's  letter  of  July  7,  1790,  gave  him  the  news  that  the 
French  Scioto  Company  had  made  strong  representations  to  the 
Holy  See,  to  appoint  a  bishop  for  their  Gallipolis  colony,  but 
that  Dom  Didier  had  been  given  only  provisional  faculties.  Father 
Thorpe  also  informed  him  of  the  plan  the  Sulpicians  of  Paris 
had  under  consideration  of  applying  to  Dr.  Carroll  for  permission 


"     Cf.  Shea,  op.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  364,  for  printed  fac-simile. 
**    Op.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  363. 


CarrolVs  Consecration  375 

to  found  a  Seminary  in  the  Diocese  of  Baltimore.^'  Father 
Thorpe's  letters  of  August  11  and  21,  1790,  reached  London 
early  in  September.  In  the  first  of  these,  he  relates  a  conversa- 
tion with  Cardinal  Antonelli  regarding  the  unruly  spirits  in  the 
American  Church,  and  the  Cardinal-Prefect  gave  the  age-old 
answer  to  such  problems :  Carroll  was  now  a  bishop,  with  all  the 
power  and  dignity  of  that  great  office ;  his  was  the  duty  to  control 
all  the  spiritual  elements  within  his  jurisdiction;  there  was  but 
one  sure  way — utatur  jure  suo!  This  letter  also  speaks  of  the 
objectionable  clauses  in  the  oath  of  consecration  and  Dr.  Carroll 
is  told  that  the  Holy  See  will  make  any  reasonable  change  in  the 
oath  in  order  to  avoid  anything  disagreeable  to  the  American 
spirit.^®  On  August  21,  1790,  Thorpe  wrote  again,  sending  to 
Dr.  Carroll  the  congratulations  of  all  the  officials  of  Propaganda.^^ 
In  a  subsequent  letter  from  Thorpe  (August  28,  1790)  we  learn 
that  Dr.  Carroll  had  written  to  his  agent  in  Rome  as  early  as 
July,  1790,  asking  him  to  ascertain  the  mind  of  Propaganda  on 
the  immediate  appointment  of  a  coadjutor-bishop.  Father  Thorpe 
advised  him  to  wait  until  after  he  had  returned  to  Baltimore 
before  making  this  formal  request.  Another  interesting  commu- 
nication came  to  Bishop  Carroll  from  one  of  his  relations,  Ann 
Louisa  Hill  (Mother  Ann  of  Our  Blessed  Lady)  an  American, 
who  was  Prioress  of  the  English  Carmelite  Convent  at  Hoog- 
straet,  after  the  departure  of  Mother  Bernardine  (Ann  Mat- "' 
thews)  for  Port  Tobacco  (1790).  Mother  Ann's  letter  (Hoog- 
straet,  August  9,  1790),  is  as  follows: 

Hon'rd  Sir: 

Being  informed  of  your  safe  arrival  into  England,  I  cannot  omit  doing 
myself  the  honor  &  satisfaction  of  writing  a  few  lines,  both  to  felicitate 
you  on  the  high  &  eminent  Dignity  to  which  Almighty  God  has  raised 
you,  too  assuring  you  of  our  humble  Respects  &  best  wishes  of  a  happy 
success  in  all  your  undertakings,  we  shall  not  fail  to  pray  for  every 
blessing  &  Benediction  from  heaven.  I  beg  if  you  should  come  to  these 
parts  that  you  will  honour  us  with  a  visit,  your  presence  will  be  a 
great  and  signal  comfort  to  me  &  all  my  dear  Community.  We  heard 
that   you,   honoured   Sir,   had   desired   Mr.    Charles   Neale   to    return   to 


"    Baltimore  Cathedral  Archives,  Case  8-Ks. 

*"    Ibid.,  Case  8-K6.     The  episcopal  oath  was  changed   (August,    1794)   from  the 
one  prescribed  in  the  Pontifical  to  that  taken  by  the  Bishops  in  Ireland. 
«    Ibid.,  Case  8-K8. 


37^  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

Maryland  with  3  or  4  Religious  of  our  Holy  Order  to  make  there  a 
Foundation  of  Carmelites,  in  consequence  of  which  our  worthy  Superior 
the  Rev'd  Lord  Bishop  of  Antwerp  chosed  our  much  esteemed  Superior, 
Mrs.  Matthews,  for  that  great  work,  her  two  nieces,  &  one  of  our  Order 
of  Antwerp  accompanied  her.  They  left  us  the  19th  of  April,  the  grief 
as  well  as  the  great  loss  we  have  sustained  in  parting  with  so  valuable 
&  so  much  esteemed  a  Superior  is  greater  than  I  can  express.  What 
has  aided  much  to  the  increase  of  my  grief  is  that  Providence  has  ordained 
me  to  be  the  person  to  succeed  her  in  her  office.  I  fear  your  absence 
will  defer  for  some  time  the  Foundation.  It  will  be  I  am  sensible  a 
great  disappointment  to  her ;  we  have  lately  heard  of  the  great  loss  our 
country  has  sustained  in  the  Death  of  worthy  Mr.  Matthews,  her  worthy 
Brother ;  his  death  must  be  a  real  cross  and  affliction  to  her.  I  must 
acknowledge  it  as  a  subject  of  joy  to  me  to  hear  our  Holy  Faith  and 
Religion  flourishes  so  much  in  my  native  country,  &  that  Religious  are 
permitted  to  make  establishments  there,  &  live  up  to  the  spirit  of  their 
H.  Institutes.  I  am  glad  our  Holy  Order  is  the  first,  tho'  must  own  at 
the  same  time,  that  myself  &  Community  have  made  the  greatest  sacri- 
fice we  possibly  could  in  parting  with  its  worthy  Foundress.  We  have 
distressed  ourselves  very  much,  but  confide  Almighty  God  will  be  thereby 
more  Glorified  &  our  Holy  Religion  much  propagated  in  America.  I  add 
no  more  on  this  subject  as  I  doubt  not  but  you  are  appraised  of  the 
whole  affair,  it  being  undertaken'd  by  your  desires  &  Request.  I  shall 
be  glad  Hon'd  Sir  to  hear  you  are  in  perfect  health,  &  that  you  left  your 
Hon'd  Mother,  &  all  friends  in  the  same,  &  of  the  prosperity  of  our 
Country,  &  if  the  Academy  is  finished,  as  I  have  heard  it  is  under  your 
Directions. 

The  worthy  Superior  of  Antwerp  &  pious  family  begged  me  to  present 
their  humble  Respects,  &  to  assure  you  of  their  constant  prayers  for  the 
happy  Success  of  all  your  pious  undertakings;  I  beg  that  you  will  accept 
of  all  That's  most  Respectful  from  myself  &  D'r  Family,  &  be  per- 
suaded that  we  shall  not  fail  of  offering  our  prayers  for  you  &  all  your 
pious  intentions.  I  most  earnestly  recommend  myself  &  them  to  your 
Holy  prayers  &  have  the  Hon'r  to  remain  with  unalterable  Esteem  & 
profound  Respect. 

Hon'd  Sir 
Your  obed't  Hum:  serv't  &  cousin 

Ann  Louisa  Hill^^ 

Dr.  Carroll  was  also  invited  by  his  old  friends  of  Liege  to 
pay  them  a  visit/®  but  for  some  reason  he  declined ;  as  he  like- 
wise declined  the  invitation  of  the  Sulpicians  to  visit  them  in 


"  Ibid.,  Case  4-C4,  printed  in  the  Records,  vol.  xx,  pp.  251-253;  cf.  Guilday, 
English  Catholic  Refugees,  etc.,  vol.  i,  p.  372. 

"  Father  Stone  to  Carroll.  Liege,  August  20,  1790.  Baltimore  Cathedral  Archives, 
Case  2-P13. 


Carroll's  Consecration  '     377 

Paris.  It  may  be  that  with  France  in  a  disturbed  condition,  he 
considered  it  more  prudent  to  remain  in  England.  Father  Bro- 
sius,  who  was  to  have  an  exceptional  career  in  the  United  States, 
wrote  to  him  from  Louvain,  August  9,  1790,  asking  to  be  re- 
ceived into  the  new  Diocese  of  Baltimore.^*^  In  September,  Plow- 
den  wrote  to  say  that  Coghlan  the  printer  was  insisting  upon 
publishing  a  pamphlet  account  of  the  consecration  at  Lulworth 
and  wanted  Plowden's  sermon  on  that  occasion. 

Coghlan  worries  me  for  the  translation  of  your  Brief  and  the  history 
of  your  consecration,  and  demonstrates  the  great  advantage  which  the 
publication  of  the  same  would  procure  for  Catholicity  in  England.  He 
has  sent  me  down  the  Bull  to  be  translated  and  copied  in  answer  to  my 
letter  wherein  I  had  informed  him  that  I  could  not  do  it.  This  is  the  Irish 
mode  of  doing  business.  Mr.  Weld  wishes  that  what  was  done  here  on 
August  15,  may  not  appear  in  print  unless  you  should  desire  it.  I  was 
amazed  to  hear  last  Friday  that  the  few  words  which  were  spoken  from 
the  Altar  on  that  occasion  were  printed  without  either  my  knowledge  or 
consent.  The  impression  must  have  come  from  the  copy  which  Mr.  F. 
[Forrester]   requested  that  he  might  read  it  to  the  deaf  bishop.^i 

On  September  14,  Plowden  wrote  again  to  Carroll,  at  London: 
"Coghlan  will  not  relinquish  his  scheme  of  printing  something 
about  you  He  has  sent  me  a  sketch  of  the  title  which  he  wishes 
to  prefix  to  it  and  I  think  it  will  be  very  harmless  and  inoffen- 
sive." ^^  Coghlan  published  before  the  end  of  the  year  a  Short 
Account  of  the  Establishment  of  the  New  See  of  Baltimore, 
Maryland,  and  of  Consecrating  the  Right  Rev.  Mr.  Carroll.^^' 
An  abstract  of  Father  Plowden's  sermon,  inserted  in  this  pam- 
phlet, is  as  follows : 

Our  Blessed  Lord  and  Redeemer  having  defeated  the  powers  of  hell 
by  the  triumph  of  the  cross,  formed  to  himself  a  kingdom  on  earth 
which  was  to  consist  of  the  chosen  of  every  nation,  because  all  nations 
were  now  become  his  own  by  right  of  conquest.  The  Sun  of  Justice 
which  rose  from  the  East,  has  in  its  progress  enlightened  every  region 
of  the  globe,  and  the  kingdom  of  Christ,  the  church,  under  the  govern- 
ment of  his  Vicar  and  of  pastors  deputed  to  him,  has  successively  em- 


^    Baltimore  Cathedral  Archives,  Case  2-82. 

^    Plowden  to  Carroll,  Lulworth,  September  s,   1790,  ibid..  Case  6-Mio. 

22  Ibid.,  Case  6-Mii. 

23  Printed  in  the  Researches,  vol.  vii,  pp.  161-174;  reprinted  by  the  Historical 
Club.  Baltimore,  1876.  For  Carroll's  estimate  of  the  Short  Account,  cf.  Hughes,  I.e., 
p.  694. 


378  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

braced  the  whole  world.  Ages  succeed  ages,  empires  subvert  empires, 
but  the  empire  of  Jesus  Christ  perseveres  ever  one  and  the  same,  ever 
persecuted  and  ever  conquering,  because  all  human  revolutions  are  en- 
tirely subservient  to  it,  and  the  formation  of  the  kingdom  of  Christ  is  the 
ultimate  object  of  the  whole  dispensation  of  providence  in  the  government 
of  this  world.  Never  perhaps  was  this  truth  more  sensibly  evinced,  than 
in  the  late  violent  convulsions,  by  which  the  hand  of  the  Almighty  has 
dismembered  the  great  British  empire,  and  has  called  forth  into  existence 
a  new  empire  in  the  Western  world,  the  destinies  of  which,  we  trust,  are 
founded  in  His  tenderest  mercies.  For  although  this  great  event  may 
appear  to  us  to  have  been  the  work,  the  sport  of  human  passion,  yet 
the  earliest  and  most  precious  fruit  of  it  has  been  the  extension  of  the 
kingdom  of  Christ,  the  propagation  of  the  Catholic  religion,  which  here- 
tofore fettered  by  restraining  laws,  is  now  enlarged  from  bondage  and  it 
is  left  at  liberty  to  exert  the  full  energy  of  divine  truth.  Already  is 
catholicity  extended  to  the  utmost  boundaries  of  the  immense  continent 
of  America,  thousands  are  there  earnestly  demanding  Catholic  instructors, 
and  all  penetrated  with  reverence  for  the  apostolical  See  of  St  Peter  have 
concurred  to  demand,  from  his  successor  a  Catholic  prelate,  whose 
knowledge  and  whose  zeal  may  establish  the  faith  of  Peter  upon  the 
ruin  of  those  errors,  which  the  first  inhabitants  carried  forth  with  them 
from  this  country.  But  if  Britain  infected  them  with  error,  we  have 
the  consolation  to  know  that  their  catholicity  is  also  derived  immediately 
from  us;  and  as  we  in  former  ages  received  the  faith  of  Rome  from  the 
great  St.  Gregory  and  our  apostle  St,  Austin,  so  now  at  the  interval  of 
twelve  hundred  years,  our  venerable  prelate  the  heir  of  the  virtues  and 
labours  of  our  apostle,  will,  this  day  by  commission  from  the  successor 
of  St.  Gregory,  consecrate  the  first  Father  and  Bishop  of  the  new 
church,  destined  as  we  confide,  to  inherit  those  benedictions  which  the 
first  called  have  ungratefully  rejected.  Glorious  is  this  day,  my  brethren, 
for  the  church  of  God  which  sees  new  nations  crowding  into  her  bosom; 
glorious  for  the  prelate  elect,  who  goes  forth  to  conquer  these  nations 
for  Jesus  Christ,  not  by  the  efforts  of  human  power,  but  in  the  might 
of  those  weapons  which  have  ever  triumphed  in  this  divine  warfare;  he 
is  not  armed  with  the  strength  of  this  world,  but  he  is  powerful  in 
piety,  powerful  in  zeal,  powerful  in  evangelical  poverty  and  firm  reliance 
on  the  protection  of  that  God  who  sends  him.  Glorious  in  this  event,  for  his 
numerous  spiritual  children,  to  whom  his  virtues  have  long  endeared  him, 
comforting  it  is  to  us  who  have  been  long  connected  with  him  by  the 
virtuous  ties  of  education,  profession  and  friendship,  but  in  a  special 
manner,  my  brethren,  honourable  and  comforting  in  this  awful  solemnity 
to  his  and  our  common  benefactor,  the  founder  of  this  holy  sanctuary, 
which  shall  be  revered  through  succeeding  ages,  even  by  churches  yet  im- 
named,  as  the  privileged,  the  happy  spot,  from  whence  their  episcopacy 
and  hierarchy  took  their  immediate  rise;  and  this  precious  distinction 
will  be  justly  attributed  to  the  protection  and  favor  of  the  glorious  mother 
of    God   whose   house   it   is,   and  through  whose  patronage  all  Christian 


CarrolVs  Consecration  379 

churches  are  founded?  On  this  her  greatest  solemnity,  my  brethren, 
it  is  your  duty  to  implore  the  particular  assistance  of  the  great  Queen 
of  Heaven;  and  while  you  are  edified  by  the  solemn  rites  with  which 
the  Catholic  Church  consecrates  her  prelates,  you  will  earnestly  solicit 
the  descent  of  the  Holy  Ghost  on  the  Bishop  elect,  that  like  another 
Austin  he  may  worthily  fulfil  the  extent  of  his  apostleship  to  which  he  is 
called,  and  when  you  implore  for  him  the  sevenfold  grace  of  the  Holy 
Spirit,  you  will  not  fail  to  demand  it  through  the  intercession  of  her 
whom  you  daily  salute,   "Mother  of  divine  grace." 

In  full  confidence  of  her  protection  and  blessing  upon  our  ministry,  we 
proceed  to  the  solemnity  of  the  Consecration, 

Before  the  end  of  September,  Bishop  Carroll  had  received  at 
London,  Cardinal  Antonelli's  two  letters  of  August  14,  2y,  1790.^* 
The  Cardinal-Prefect's  letters  on  this  occasion  are  couched  in 
terms  of  affection  and  of  the  highest  satisfaction  over  the  happy 
beginning  of  hierarchical  life  in  the  Church  of  the  United  States. 
To  these  letters,  Bishop  Carroll  replied  on  September  27,  1790, 
acknowledging  Antonelli's  great  kindness.  He  described  the 
ceremony  at  Lulworth  and  enclosed  a  copy  of  the  authentication 
of  his  consecration.  He  announced  his  intention  of  leaving  Lon- 
don within  a  week  if  the  weather  permitted.  He  hoped  to  be  able 
to  start  studies  at  Georgetown  College  shortly  after  his  return. 
The  Gallipolis  colony,  which  Antonelli  mentioned  in  his  letters, 
has  left  for  America,  he  says,  against  his  Vv^ishes.  The  territory 
they  selected  was  within  the  borders  of  the  United  States,  as  could 
be  seen  on  the  map  which  he  has  forwarded  through  the  Nuncio 
at  Paris.  Dr.  Carroll  added  a  word  about  the  calumnies  of 
Poterie  and  of  Smyth.  The  first  is  destitute  of  all  faith;  and  he 
had  been  asked  by  the  Irish  bishops,  especially  by  the  Archbishop 
of  Dublin,  not  to  notice  the  work  of  Smyth.  In  replying  to 
Antonelli  about  the  charge  that  he  had  employed  only  ex-Jesuits 
in  the  American  missions,  he  said  that  as  prefect-apostolic  he  had 
commissioned  thirty  priests.  Of  these,  seven  only  were  ex- 
Jesuits,  the  others  not  being  former  members  of  the  Society.  He 
made  it  quite  clear  to  the  cardinal  that  he  understood  very  well 
that  there  can  be  no  restoration  of  the  Society  without  the  express 
permission  and  authority  of  the  Holy  See.  At  the  end  of  this 
letter,  Bishop  Carroll  announced  to  Antonelli  the  visit  paid  to  him 
at  London,  by  Father  Nagot,  the  Sulpician,  who  had  come  from 

"    Baltimore  Cathedral  Archives,  Case  9A-A1-3. 


380  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

Paris  to  discuss  the  question  of  founding  a  Seminary  in  Balti- 
more.^* Not  knowing  how  correspondence  addressed  to  his  Holi- 
ness should  be  sent,  he  enclosed  the  following  letter  to  Pius  VI, 
in  Antonelli's  care : 

Most  Holy  Father: 

When  two  months  ago  I  informed  the  Most  Eminent  Cardinal  Antonelli 
of  my  arrival  in  Europe  to  receive  Episcopal  consecration,  I  asked  him 
kindly  to  place  me  at  your  Holiness's  feet,  and  in  my  name  to  profess 
especially  that,  although  I  undertook  this  burden  of  the  Episcopacy  with 
great  fear,  yet  it  afforded  me  no  little  consolation  that  I  was  not  deemed 
by  you,  Most  Holy  Father,  utterly  unworthy  of  so  great  an  office;  in 
the  next  place,  that  he  would  lay  before  you  my  faith  that  I  would 
never,  at  any  time,  fail  in  obedience  and  docility  to  the  Holy  See,  without 
which,  as  I  had  learned  from  Ecclesiastical  History  and  the  doctrine  of 
the  Fathers,  faith  and  morals  waver.  Let  me  add,  moreover,  that  I  shall 
spare  no  endeavor  that  all  committed  to  my  care,  whether  people  or  pas- 
tors, may  be  actuated  by  the  same  feelings  that  animate  me  tovv^ards  the 
Holy  See. 

To  obtain  this  grace  more  surely,  prostrate  humbly  at  the  feet  of  your 
Holiness,  I  ask  you  to  vouchsafe  to  confer  on  us  the  Apostolical  bene- 
diction. 

Most  Holy  Father, 

Your  most  obedient  servant  and  son, 
»i*  John,  Bishop  of  Baltimore?^ 

During  his  stay  in  London,  Bishop  Carroll  carried  on  an 
extensive  correspondence  with  the  leading  Catholic  laymen  of 
England,  bringing  to  their  attention  the  needs  of  his  diocese, 


^    Propaganda  Archives,  Scritture  originali,  vol.  893,  not  folioed. 

^  Propaganda  Archives,  Scritture  riferite,  America  Centrale,  vol.  ii,  f.  404. 
"Beatissime  Pater,  Cum  duobus  abhinc  mensibus  Eminentissimum  Cardinalem  Anto- 
nellum  de  adventu  meo  in  Europam,  ut  consecrationera  episcopalem  susciperem,  cer- 
tiorem  facerem,  simul  rogavi,  ut  me  ad  Sanctitatis  Tuae  pedes  sistere  dignaretur, 
meoque  nomine  profiteretur,  imprimis  me,  quamvis  hoc  onus  episcopale  magna  formidine 
suscipiam,  tamen  non  parum  consolationis  inde  derivare,  quod  a  te,  Beatissime  Pater, 
non  plane  tanto  munere  indignus  habitus  fuerim;  deinde,  ut  meam  Tibi  fidem  exhiberet, 
nullo  inquam  tempore  defuturum  me  illi  observantiae  et  obsequio  versus  Sanctam 
Sedem,  sine  quibus  et  ex  historia  ecclesiastica  et  ex  P  P.  doctrina  didici  fidem  moresque 
vacillare.  Liceat  mihi  adiicere  ulterius,  nulli  unquam  conatui  me  defuturum,  ut  eodem, 
ac  ego  ipse  animo  erga  Sanctam  Sedem  sint  affecti,  qui  meae  curae  committuntur,  tam 
populus,  quam  pastores.  Ad  banc  gratiam  certius  consequendam,  provolutus  humillime 
ad  pedes  Tuae  Sanctitatis,  rogo,  ut  nobis  Apostolicam  benedictionem  conferre  dignetur. 
Ut  Sanctitatem  Tuam  Deus  diu  incolumem  esse  velit,  suaeque  Ecclesiae  utilitati 
conservet,  cum  omni  devotione  et  ex  animo  precatur  Beatissime  Pater,  servus  ac  filius 
obsequentissimus,  tjoannes,  Episcopus  Baltimorcfisis.  Londini,  die  27  Septembris,  1790." 
(Cf.  SuEA,  op.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.   366-367,  for  translation  given.) 


Carroll's  Consecration  381 

and  in  particular,  those  of  the  new  College  of  Georgetown. 
Father  Plowden  (September  25,  1790)  regretted  Carroll's  deter- 
mination to  sail  for  Baltimore  in  the  early  part  of  October,  since 
a  longer  stay  would  have  been  agreeable  to  his  many  friends,  and 
might  have  added  considerably  to  the  donations  being  sent  to  the 
bishop  for  Georgetown."  Mr.  Weld,  Lord  Petre,  Lord  Arundell 
of  Wardour,  and  others  wrote  urging  him  to  remain  longer  in 
England,  but  Bishop  Carroll  knew  that  the  situation  in  Baltimore, 
Philadelphia  and  Boston  needed  his  presence.  On  October  3, 
1790,  he  wrote  to  Archbishop  Troy,  announcing  his  approaching 
departure : 

.  .  .  Since  my  arrival  I  have  carefully  avoided  taking  any  part  in  the 
present  controversy  amongst  the  Catholics,  though  I  have  been  urged  on 
all  sides.  If  I  had  seen  any  prospect  of  bringing  the  principals  on  each 
side  of  the  question  to  a  good  understanding  with  each  other,  most  cer- 
tainly I  would  have  attended  much  more  than  I  have  done  to  the  cause 
in  controversy,  and  probably  should  have  formed  a  very  decided  opinion. 
At  present  I  can  only  say,  that  the  oath,  in  its  present  form,  appears  to 
me  inadmissible;  that  it  implies  a  renunciation  of  the  pastoral  powers  of 
the  successor  of  St.  Peter;  and  that  its  obvious  meaning  is  different  from 
that  which  the  advocates  for  the  oath  affix  to  it.  This  I  have  not  said  to 
a  soul  excepting  now  to  your  Lordship,  and  even  to  you  I  deliver  this 
opinion,  not  as  one  which  is  founded  on  much  investigation,  but  as  one 
which  forced  itself  on  my  mind  when  I  read  the  oath.  My  baggage  has 
been  on  board  some  days ;  the  wind  keeps  the  ship  in  the  river,  which  I 
hope  to  leave  very  shortly.  I  was  greatly  obliged  to  their  Lordships  (of 
your  province)  who  offered  me  their  congratulations  through  your  Lord- 
ship. May  God  pour  his  blessings  plentifully  on  your  and  their  arduous 
labours  for  the  extension  of  the  faith!  I  shall  always  esteem  it  a  happi- 
ness and  honour  to  hear  from  you.  Cardinal  Antonelli,  in  a  late  letter, 
recommended  me  to  let  your  recommendation  accompany  all  priests  who  go 
from  Ireland  to  America.  In  consequence  I  referred  to  your  Lordship 
for  such  recommendation,  a  Mr.  Phelan,  a  Capuchin  friar  and  postulant 
for  our  Mission."  28 

To  Lord  Arundell  of  Wardour,  he  wrote  on  October  4,  1790: 

My  good  and  dear  Lord: 

Your  Lordship  will  be  surprised  to  find  my  letter  dated  from  London: 
for  several  days  our  ship  has  been  prevented  by  contrary  winds  from 
falling  down  the  river;    and  I   wished  to  defer  to  the  last  giving  your 


^   Baltimore  Cathedral  Archives,  Case  6-M12. 

**    MoRANj  op,  cit.,  pp.  508-509;  cf.  Researches,  vol.  xiii,  pp.  161-162. 


382  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

Lords'p  an  answer  to  yr  most  kind,  affectionate,  tho'  you  must  allow  me  to 
add,  too  partial  letter  from  Southampton.  I  own,  that  I  was  greatly 
affected  by  it;  and  could  not  read  it  through  at  once.  The  pleasure 
of  being  so  much  esteemed  by  Lord  &  Lady  Arundell  was  corrected  by 
the  confusion,  which  I  felt  in  knowing,  how  little  I  deserved  it.  I  never 
spent  a  day  at  Wardour  in  my  life,  which  did  not  fill  me  with  respect 
for  the  noble  family  there:  but  the  last  days  of  my  late  visit  made  on 
me  deeper  impressions  than  ever.  To  add  to  these,  your  Lordship  con- 
descends to  request,  that  you  may  be  allowed  to  correspond  with  me: 
Indeed,  my  Lord,  I  shall  ever  esteem  it  an  honour  &  a  happiness.  Letters 
directed  to  me  at  Baltimore,  Maryland,  left  with  Mr.  Strickland,  Mr.  Tal- 
bot, or  Mr.  Joshua  Johnson,  Merch't  in  London,  will  go  safe. 

A  little  before  I  received  your  Ldsp's  last  Mons'r  Nagot,  Superior  of 
the  Seminary  of  St.  Sulpice,  came  over  hither,  in  consequence  of  a  previous 
correspondence  between  the  Nuncio  at  Paris  &  me.  The  object  of  his 
voyage  was,  to  concert  measures  for  the  erection  of  an  Episcopal  Semin- 
ary for  the  Diocese  of  Baltimore.  We  arranged  all  preliminaries;  and 
I  expect  at  Baltimore,  early  in  the  Summer,  some  of  the  Gentlemen  of 
that  institution  to  get  hand  to  work;  &  I  have  reason  to  believe  they 
will  find  means  to  carry  their  plan  into  effect.  Thus  we  shall  be  pro- 
vided with  a  house  fit  for  the  reception  and  further  improvement  in 
the  higher  sciences  of  the  young  men,  whom  God  may  call  to  an  Ecclesi- 
astical state,  after  their  classical  education  is  finished  in  our  Georgetown 
academy.  While  I  cannot  but  thank  divine  providence  for  opening  on  us 
such  a  prospect,  I  feel  great  sorrow  in  the  reflection,  that  we  owe  such 
a  benefit  to  the  distressed  state  of  Religion  in  France. 

Relative  to  the  appointment  of  Bishops  here,  I  can  only  say  to  your 
Lords'p  that  the  opposition,  which  was  intended  in  the  North  to  be  made 
ags't  Bishop  Gibson,  will  subside.  A  remonstrance  was  to  have  been 
signed  by  the  Clergy :  but  Bishop  Talbot  having  recommended  compliance 
&  submission,  the  remonstrance  is  withdrawn.  So  says  a  letter  to  Mr. 
Wm.  Meynell,  just  returned  from  Palermo:  to  whom  I  have  presumed 
to  recommend  to  see  Wardour,  as  he  is  under  a  promise  of  going  to 
see  Mr.  Ch's  Plowden.  Your  Lords'p  will  find  in  him  a  person  well 
informed  generally,  &  particularly  in  the  fine  arts.  I  cannot  presume  to 
answer  your  Lords'ps  confidential  appeal  to  my  judgment,  concerning  the 
oath.  When  I  see  men  of  abilities  &  virtue  engaged  on  both  sides,  I 
dare  not  venture  to  direct  in  a  matter  of  so  much  consequence  without 
studying  the  question  much  more,  than  I  have  had  time  to  do.  At  present 
I  will  only  recommend  to  your  Lordsh'p  to  consult  one,  or  at  most  two  men, 
of  whose  judgment,  in  all  other  matters  respecting  your  spiritual  concerns, 
you  have  found  most  reason  to  rely;  and  to  follow  their  opinions.  But 
this  need  not  make  me  so  far  reserved,  as  to  withhold  from  your  Lds'p 
that  at  present  and  as  far  as  I  have  considered  the  subject,  my  opinion 
is  against  the  oath:  However  an  opinion  formed,  as  mine  has  been, 
deserves  little  regard. 

I  promised  to  write  to  Lady  Arundell  before  I  leave  England:   now  I 


Carroll's  Consecration  383 

propose  doing  so  from  Gravesend.  Yr  Lordship  knows  my  sentiments 
in  her  regard,  &  will,  I  hope,  be  the  interpreter  of  them:  and  I  request 
to  have  my  humble  respects  made  to  Mes'rs  Forrester  &  Nihell.  The 
Dr.  Booth  is  here :  by  him,  I  will  send  some  impressions  of  the  large  seal : 
the  small  one  shall  be  on  this  letter.  I  ought  to  answer  Mr.  Nihell's 
letter,  full  of  kindness  &  goodness,  like  himself;  but  really  I  have  not 
time.  I  hope  he  will  excuse  me.  I  depend  much  on  his  &  Mr.  For- 
rester's prayers;  who,  I  hope,  has  had  advices  from  Mons'r  Picard — Let 
Mr,  Nihell  know  that  Mrs.  Paines  vinegar  would  come  too  late — I  am 
not  less  obliged  to  her  for  the  trouble  she  has  taken.  Dr.  Madison,  the 
new  Prot't  Bishop  of  Virg'a,  is  my  fellow  passenger. 
I  have  the  hon'r  to  be  with  the  greatest  resp't,  My  Lord, 

Yr.  Lords'ps  Most  obliged  &  humble  s't, 

J.     CaRROLL.29 

On  October  8th,  he  embarked  at  Gravesend  in  the  same  vessel 
which  had  carried  him  to  England.   A  stormy  and  disagreeable 
passage  of  two  months  followed  and  he  reached  Baltimore  on 
December  7,  1 790.    It  is  not  difficult  to  imagine  the  thoughts  that 
occupied  his  mind  during  the  voyage  home,  or  the  plans  which 
he  must  have  made,  and  probably  traced  on  paper  during  that 
time.   The  problems  which  faced  him  were  not  insurmountable, 
for  he  succeeded  during  the  twenty-five  years  of  his  episcopate  in 
meeting  them  all  in  turn  and  mastering  them.    Foremost  among 
these  was  the  lack  of  educational  facilities  for  the  young  and  of  a 
preparatory  seminary  for  the  priesthood.     But  he  came  back 
with  the  promise  that  the  Sulpicians  of  Paris  would  soon  be  on 
their  way  to  Baltimore,  and  with  that  promise  the  future  did 
indeed  present  a  rosier  hue  than  it  had  since  his  appointment  as 
prefect-apostolic  in  1784.     There  was  also  the  outstanding  diffi- 
culty that  the  "newcomers"  into  the  American  vineyard  were, 
with  few  exceptions,  mediocre  men,  priests,  as  he  said  in  several 
of  his  letters  to  Plowden,  who  joined  "much  ignorance  to  con- 
summate assurance."    They  were  mostly  subjects  of  bishops  who 
rejoiced  to  see  them  go,  and  they  brought,  and  unfortunately 
kept,  not  only  their  habits  of  long  standing,  but  their  own  views 
on  the  methods  which  ought  to  be  pursued  in  organizing  the 
nascent   Church.     "You   cannot   conceive  the   trouble   I    suffer 
already,"  he  had  written  to  Plowden  on  October  23,  1789,  "and 
still  greater  which  I  foresee,  from  the  medley  of  clerical  charac- 


Stonyhurst  Transcripts. 


384  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

ters  coming  from  different  quarters  and  various  educations,  and 
seeking  employment  here."  ^°  The  boldness  of  some  of  these 
priests  before  his  departure  in  July,  1790,  in  flaunting  his  author- 
ity had  created  difficulties  which  would  require  several  years 
to  settle;  and  with  priests  contumacious  of  his  jurisdiction,  it  is 
easy  to  realize  the  added  difficulty  he  had  in  controlling  the  laity 
in  accordance  with  fundamental  ecclesiastical  law.  The  antago- 
nism created  by  the  disturbers  between  the  old  clergy  and  the 
new  was  heightened  by  the  thorny  question  of  property  rights  in 
the  missions,  and  his  declaration  of  non-interference  did  not 
help  to  adjust  matters  peaceably  and  definitively.  Bishop  Carroll 
was  at  this  time  a  man  of  fifty-six,  and  in  the  full  enjoyment  of 
his  intellectual  powers.  He  had  not  sought  the  exalted  post  given 
to  him  by  the  Holy  See,  but  he  was  a  man  whose  determination 
was  that  born  of  humility  and  of  dependence  upon  God  and  upon 
prayer ;  and  how  well  he  met  the  problems  which  faced  him  on 
the  morrow  of  December  7,  1790,  is  his  enduring  title  to  fame 
in  American  Catholic  annals. 

An  escort  of  priests  and  people  gathered  at  the  landing  in 
Baltimore,  when  the  ship  carrying  their  bishop  arrived  on  Tues- 
day, December  7,  1790.  Bishop  Carroll  was  escorted  to  his 
home,  the  little  rectory  attached  to  St.  Peter's  Church,  where  he 
was  to  spend  the  remaining  twenty-five  years  of  his  life.  The  fol- 
lowing Sunday  the  church  was  thronged  with  Catholics  and  non- 
Catholics,  few  of  whom  had  ever  seen  a  Catholic  bishop  before. 
Bishop  Carroll  took  possession  of  his  pro-Cathedral  in  liturgical 
fashion  that  morning.  Five  priests,  with  the  trustees  of  the 
church,  met  him  at  the  door,  and  then  escorted  him  to  the  altar, 
where  the  Te  Deum  was  chanted.  He  was  then  conducted  to  the 
throne  erected  on  the  Gospel  side,  and  pontifical  Mass  was  begun. 
At  the  end  of  the  Mass,  he  imparted  his  episcopal  benediction 
and  announced  the  usual  indulgences  granted  on  such  solemn 
occasions.  His  sermon,  dealing  mainly  with  the  duties  and  the 
responsibilities  of  his  office,  shows  how  profoundly  he  appreci- 
ated the  immense  scope  of  the  work  before  him : 

In  this,  my  new  station,  if  my  life  be  not  one  continued  instruction 
and  example  of   virtue   to  the  people  committed  to  my  charge,   it  will 


30 


Quoted  by  Hughes,  I.e.,  p.  688. 


Carroll's  Consecration  385 

become,  in  the  sight  of  God,  a  life  not  only  useless,  but  even  pernicious. 
It  is  no  longer  enough  for  me  to  be  inoffensive  in  my  conduct  and  regular 
in  my  manners.  God  now  imposes  a  severer  duty  upon  me.  I  shall  incur 
the  guilt  of  violating  my  pastoral  office,  if  all  my  endeavours  be  not 
directed  to  bring  your  lives  and  all  your  actions  to  a  conformity  with  the 
laws  of  God;  to  exhort,  to  conjure,  to  reprove,  to  enter  into  all  your 
sentiments;  to  feel  all  your  infirmities;  to  be  all  things  to  all,  that  I 
may  gain  all  to  Christ ;  to  be  superior  to  human  respect ;  to  have  nothing 
in  view  but  God  and  your  salvation  ;  to  sacrifice  to  these  health,  peace, 
reputation,  and  even  life  itself ;  to  hate  sin,  and  yet  love  the  sinner ;  to 
repress  the  turbulent ;  to  encourage  the  timid ;  to  watch  over  the  conduct 
of  even  the  ministers  of  religion ;  to  be  patient  and  meek ;  to  embrace  all 
kinds  of  persons ;  these  are  now  my  duties — extensive,  pressing,  and  in- 
dispensable duties;  these  are  the  duties  of  all  my  brethren  in  the  episco- 
pacy, and  surely  important  enough  to  fill  us  with  terror.  But  there  are 
others  still  more  burdensome  to  be  borne  by  me,  in  this  particular  portion 
of  Christ's  church  which  is  committed  to  my  charge,  and  where  every- 
thing is  to  be  raised,  as  it  were,  from  its  foundation;  to  establish  eccle- 
siastical discipline ;  to  devise  means  for  the  religious  education  of  Catholic 
youth — that  precious  portion  of  pastoral  solicitude ;  to  provide  an  estab- 
lishment for  training  up  ministers  for  the  sanctuary  and  the  services  of 
religion,  that  we  may  no  longer  depend  on  foreign  and  uncertain  co- 
adjutors; not  to  leave  unassisted  any  of  the  faithful  who  are  scattered 
through  this  immense  continent;  to  preserve  their  faith  untainted  amidst 
the  contagion  of  error  surrounding  them  on  all  sides ;  to  preserve  in 
their  hearts  a  warm  charity  and  forbearance  toward  every  other  denom- 
ination of  Christians,  and  at  the  same  time  to  preserve  them  from  that 
fatal  and  prevailing  indifierence  which  views  all  religions  as  equally 
acceptable  to  God  and  salutary  to  men.  Ah!  when  I  consider  these 
additional  duties,  my  heart  sinks  almost  under  the  impression  of  terror 
which  comes  upon  it.  In  God  alone  can  I  find  any  consolation.  He 
knows  by  what  steps  I  have  been  conducted  to  this  important  station, 
and  how  much  I  have  always  dreaded  it.  He  will  not  abandon  me  unless 
I  first  draw  down  His  malediction  by  my  unfaithfulness  to  my  charge. 
Pray,  dear  brethren,  pray  incessantly,  that  I  may  not  incur  so  dreadful 
a  punishment.  Alas!  the  punishment  would  fall  on  you  as  well  as  on 
myself ;  my  unfaithfulness  would  rebound  on  you  and  deprive  you  of 
some  of  the  means  of  salvation.^i 

In  summary,  his  task  embraced  certain  definite  needs:  the 
rehgious  education  of  Catholic  youth;  seminary  training  for  the 
priesthood;  the  immediate  wants  of  the  laity;  the  supply  of  the 


"  Shea,  op.  cit.,  pp.  371-372;  original  draft  in  Baltimore  Cathedral  Archives, 
Letter-Book,  vol.  i.  Cf.  White's  appendix  to  Darras,  History  of  the  Catholic  Church, 
vol.  iv,  pp.  615-618.     New  York,  1865. 


>/ 


386  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

clergy;  the  preservation  of  the  faith;  the  inculcation  of  charity 
and  forbearance,  in  fine,  of  the  spirit  of  religious  tolerance  among 
his  flock;  and  the  safeguarding  of  his  people  from  heresy  and 
religious  indifference. 

His  first  biographer,  Brent,  relates  that  after  remaining  a  few 
days  in  Baltimore,  he  hastened  to  his  mother's  residence  at  Rock 
Creek,  "to  testify  towards  her  those  sentiments  of  love  and  vener- 
ation which  characterized  so  strongly  his  intercourse  with  her, 
and  to  renew  those  kindly  and  genial  relations  with  the  rest  of 
his  family  and  surrounding  friends,  which  rendered  him  so  dear 
and  acceptable  to  them  all."  ^" 

(  The  newly-created  Diocese  of  Baltimore,  over  which  he  now 
presided,  was  coterminous  with  the  new  Republic.  Practically 
speaking,  it  extended  over  the  whole  of  the  eastern  part  of  the 
present  United  States,  with  the  exception  of  East  and  West 
Florida,  which  remained  Spanish  territory  until  its  seizure  in 
1 810-13,  and  its  final  purchase  in  18 19.  The  population  was 
unevenly  distributed  in  this  large  territory.  A  small  section,  that 
extending  in  a  narrow  strip  from  Baltimore  to  Boston,  contained 
over  45  per  cent,  of  the  population  to  the  square  mile.  Surround- 
ing this,  westward  to  the  Alleghanies,  there  v/as  6  to  45  per  cent, 
of  the  inhabitants  to  the  square  mile;  and  beyond  that  natural 
barrier  out  to  the  Mississippi,  with  the  exception  of  a  cluster  of 
settlements  in  Kentucky,  the  percentage  of  population  was  less 
than  6  per  cent,  to  the  square  mile.  Emigration  westward  had 
begun  shortly  after  the  Revolutionary  War,  and  in  1790,  a 
stream  of  settlers  had  reached  the  Ohio  Valley  beyond  Pitts- 
burgh. Outside  the  thirteen  original  States,  the  only  organ- 
ized portion  of  the  country  was  the  Northwest  Territory,  estab- 
lished in  1787.2^  Shea  tells  us  that  Bishop  Carroll  had  as  fellow 
labourers  in  this  vast  vineyard  about  thirty-five  priests;  and  he 
gives  us  the  following  places  as  possessing  churches  at  the  time : 
Baltimore,  Philadelphia,  New  York  City,  Boston,  Charleston, 
St.  Inigoes,  Newtown,  Newport,  Port  Tobacco,  Rock  Creek, 
Annapolis,  Whitemarsh,  Bohemia,  Tuckahoe,  Deer  Creek,  Fred- 


"    Biographical  Sketch,  etc.,  p.   122. 

"     Cf.  Semple,  American  History  and  Its  Geographic  Conditions,  p.  65;  Dunbar, 
History  of  Travel  in  America,  vol.  i,  p.  152.     Indianapolis,  1915. 


Carroll's  Consecration  387 

erick,  Hagerstovvn  and  some  minor  stations  or  chapels  in  other 
parts  of  Maryland ;  Lancaster,  Conewago,  Goshenhoppen,  Eliza- 
bethtown,  York,  Reading,  Carh'sle,  Greensburg,  in  Pennsylvania; 
Coffee  Run,  in  Delaware ;  Vincennes,  Kaskaskia,  Cahokia,  Prairie 
du  Rocher,  in  the  Mississippi  Valley.  There  were  other  churches 
in  the  Middle  West,  at  Detroit,  Raisin  River,  Michilimackinac,  and 
Fort  Miami,  but  these  were  still  claimed  by  the  Bishop  of  Quebec, 
being  in  territory  not  yet  entirely  relinquished  by  the  English. 
In  the  old  French  and  Spanish  lands  there  were  two  churches, 
one  at  Natchez,  and  the  other  at  Villa  Gayoso,  under  the  Bishop 
of  Havana.  Besides  these  permanent  settlements  and  cities,  there 
were  Catholics  scattered  wherever  the  pioneers  had  gone.  Travel 
and  communication  were  alike  difficult  and  cumbersome,  and  the 
great  distances  separating  the  settlements  rendered  it  difficult 
for  the  Cathohcs  to  make  their  presence  known  to  the  priests  or 
to  Bishop  Carroll.  A  generous  estimate  of  the  number  of  Catho- 
lics in  the  United  States  at  the  time  would  be  in  round  numbers 
50,000.  The  first  detailed  Report  on  the  State  of  Religion  in  the 
Diocese  of  Baltimore  is  that  sent  by  Bishop  Carroll  on  April  23, 
1792,  to  the  Cardinal-Prefect  of  Propaganda  Fide. 

Officially,  Bishop  CarrolFs  diocese  was  geographically  identical 
with  his  prefecture;  and  the  limits  of  this  were  determined  in 
1784  by  the  extent  of  territory  at  that  time  under  the  jurisdiction 
of  the  Vicar-Apostolic  of  the  London  District.  The  Brief,  Ex  hac 
apostolicae,  did  not  enter  into  the  question  of  diocesan  limits, 
and,  therefore,  the  old  lines  of  the  prefecture  were  unchanged. 
No  juridic  act  of  the  Holy  See  had  withdrawn  the  authority  of 
the  Bishop  of  Quebec  from  northern  Maine,  northern  New  York, 
or  the  Northwest  Territory ;  and  the  Bishop  of  Santiago  de  Cuba 
still  ruled  the  Natchez  District  in  the  south.  Bishop  Carroll  re- 
ferred this  question  to  Propaganda,  and  on  January  29,  1791, 
the  Sacred  Congregation  placed  the  whole  territory  of  the  United 
States  under  the  jurisdiction  of  Bishop  Carroll?  As  the  flag  of  the 
Republic  advanced,  therefore,  in  the  northern  and  southern 
parts  of  the  country.  Bishop  CarrolFs  authority  followed  by 
virtue  of  this  indult. 

Shortly  after  his  arrival  in  Baltimore  Bishop  Carroll  wrote 
to  Lord  Arundell  to  acquaint  him  with  his  safe  journey  across 
the  Atlantic: 


388  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

Baltimore,  14  Dec.  i790- 

My  Lord: 

I  know  that  your  Lordship  interests  yourself  so  much  in  my  regard, 
as  not  to  be  indifferent  to  the  prosperous  issue  of  my  late  voyage  across 
the  Atlantic.  I  have  the  pleasure  to  inform  you,  that  I  arrived  safely  on 
the  7th  of  Dec'er,  having  embarked  at  Gravesend  October  8th.  We  had  a 
blowing  &  disagreeable  passage;  but  a  good  ship  carried  us  safely 
through  all  difficulties.  I  hope  your  Lordship  &  your  incomparable  Lady 
are  well  convinced,  that  no  distance  of  place  or  time  can  efface  those 
impressions  of  esteem,  respect  &,  allow  me  to  say,  of  affectionate  friend- 
ship, with  which  your  virtues,  kindness,  &  condescension  have  inspired 
me.  God  grant,  this  may  find  you  both,  as  well  as  Mrs.  Arundell  & 
Clifford,  with  their  respective  husbands,  in  perfect  health— Be  pleased  to 
present  my  respectful  Compliments  to  Mes'es  Booth  and  Forrester  & 
Nihell;*  and  to  inform  the  first,  that  I  have  conducted  his  niece  thus  far 
in  perfect  health;  that  her  B'r  Charles  is  arrived  to  convey  her  to  his 
house;  that  she  presents  her  duty  respectfully  to  him.  And  to  Mr.  For- 
rester you  will  be  pleased  to  say,  that  I  retain  the  greatest  sense  of  his 
kindness,  &  shall  be  glad  to  know  the  answers,  he  received  from  Mr. 
Picard.  Mr.  Forrester  has  so  many  good  qualities  to  recommend  him  to 
esteem,  &  to  discover  his  usefulness,  that  I  am  almost  ashamed  to  mention 
one,  which,  in  our  present  circumstances,  would  be  particularly  conducing 
to  the  solemnity  &  propriety  of  divine  worship;  his  knowledge  of  the 
rites  and  ceremonies  of  the  church— I  request  the  favour  of  your  Lord- 
ship to  present  my  respects  to  Lady  Arundell,  &  the  other  branches  of 
your  noble  &  amiable  family.  I  have  not  yet  seen  my  Sister,  whom  her 
Ladyship  honoured  with  a  mark  of  her  regard,  &  therefore  can  not  be 
the  interpreter  of   her  sentiments — 

I  have  the  honour  to  be  with  the  greatest  respect, 

My  Lord 
Yr,  Lordships  most  devoted  &  obed't  S't. 

►J*  J.  Carroll.^* 

Bishop  Hubert  of  Quebec,  his  nearest  episcopal  neighbor,  wrote 
on  December  5,  1791,  to  congratulate  the  new  Ordinary  of  the 
^  United  States : 

My  Lord: 

I  take  advantage  of  a  moment's  leisure  that  the  affairs  of  this  diocese 
allow  me  to  send  you  my  tardy  but  very  sincere  congratulations  upon 
your  promotion  to  the  See  of  Baltimore.  God  has  made  use  of  you. 
My  Lord,  to  give  birth  to  a  new  Church,  to  establish  a  second  diocese  in 
North  America,  which,  I  trust,  will  in  the  future  form  a  considerable 
portion  of  the  kingdom  of  Jesus  Christ  on  earth.     Surely  you  have  not 


'*    Stonyhurst  Transcripts. 


Carroll's  Consecration  389 

attained  this  preferment  without  many  trials  and  merits;  I  pray  divine 
Providence  with  all  of  my  heart  to  recompense  you  therefor,  and  I 
thank  him  for  having  procured  for  my  diocese  the  precious  advantage 
of  having  a  Catholic  diocese  in  its  neighborhood. 

They  have  written  to  me  from  Paris  that  you  intend  to  establish 
a  seminary  in  your  episcopal  city,  and  that  Mr.  Nagot,  a  priest  from 
the  Seminary  of  St.  Sulpice,  had  in  consequence  gone  there  with  a  dozen 
yoimg  ecclesiastics.  You  could  not,  my  Lord,  build  a  more  solid  foun- 
dation for  the  preservation  and  growth  of  the  true  faith  in  this  country. 
The  individual  merit  of  this  director,  the  reputation  of  the  house  to 
which  he  belongs,  are  so  many  arguments  which  prove  that  God,  in 
calling  you  to  the  episcopate,  has  given  you  the  wisdom  and  administra- 
tive ability  necessary  to  fulfil  its  requirements.  May  He  long  preserve 
a  life  which  must  be  infinitely  dear  to  the  glory  of  His  name  and  to  the 
spiritual  welfare  of  your  diocesans. 

In  my  last  letter  to  Mr.  Hody,  Superior  of  the  Foreign  Missions  at 
Paris,  I  promised  to  give  him  good  news  of  your  success  in  founding  a 
seminary.  Be  so  good,  My  Lord,  I  pray  you,  as  to  make  it  possible  for 
me  to  keep  my  word  to  him. 

The  letter  with  which  you  honored  me  on  May  5,  1788,  reached  me  in 
due  time,  and  you  ought  in  like  manner  to  have  received  my  reply 
dated  October  6th  of  the  same  year. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be  with  perfect  esteem  and  sincere  veneration,  &c. 

►J*  Jean  FRANgois, 
Bishop  of  Quehec.^^ 

Bishop  Carroll's  reply  makes  mention  of  the  outstanding  diffi- 
culty between  the  two  dioceses — Quebec  and  Baltimore,  each 
of  which  was  coterminous  with  a  nation,  namely,  the  boundaries 
separating  the  jurisdiction  of  Bishop  Hubert  and  himself: 

Baltimore,  January  20,  1792. 
My  Lord: 

I  received  with  emotion  and  veneration  the  felicitations  your  Lordship 
did  me  the  honour  to  offer  me  upon  the  creation  of  the  new  see  of  Balti- 
more. May  this  diocese  become  what  you  prophesy,  a  means  for  the  in- 
crease of  the  true  faith  in  the  vast  country  embraced  by  my  diocese,  and 
may  it  be  sustained  always  by  episcopal  virtues  like  unto  yours,  my  Lord, 
and  by  a  clergy  as  edifying  as  that  of  Canada !  On  my  part,  I  shall  ever 
make  it  my  duty  to  maintain  with  the  see  of  Quebec  not  only  a  communion 
of  faith  and  a  fraternal  union  of  charity,  but  to  entertain  towards  your 
Lordship,  a  respectful  confidence,  and  to  give  proofs  thereof  by  com- 
mimicating  to  you  all  my  ideas  and  projects  for  preserving  and  extending 


•"    Baltimore  Cathedral  Archives,  Case  gA-Ai^;  printed  in  the  Records,  vol.  xviii, 
pp.  159-160,  from  a  copy  in  the  Archie piscopal  Archives  of  Quebec. 


390  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

the  kingdom  of  Jesus  Christ.  Looking  upon  you  as  my  senior  in  the 
episcopate,  and  my  model,  I  shall  strive  to  conform  my  conduct  to  the 
principles  which  animate  yours. 

It  is  true,  and  I  cannot  be  grateful  enough  to  God  for  it,  that  the 
worthy  Mr.  Nagot,  in  consequence  of  arrangements  made  whilst  I  was 
in  Europe,  is  here  in  Baltimore  at  the  head  of  a  seminary  with  four 
other  priests,  and  with  six  young  ecclesiastics,  of  whom  four  are  English 
or  American.  They  have  secured  a  suitable  house,  and  all  the  exercises 
are  carried  out  therein. 

Besides  the  seminary,  we  have  opened  a  school,  or  Catholic  college, 
fifteen  miles  from  here,  for  the  instruction  in  letters  and  piety  of  Cath- 
olic youth.  I  hope  that  from  this  college  Providence  may  draw  many 
scholars  to  the  service  of  the  Church  and  that  it  will  bcome  a  nursery 
for  the  seminary.  I  shall  then  have,  if  I  be  yet  living,  or  my  successors 
will  have,  the  means  of  giving  to  our  flock  as  pastors  only  priests  trained 
under  our  eyes,  and  who  can  be  relied  upon  with  moral  certainty. 

This,  my  Lord,  is  what  you  can  write  to  Mr.  Hody.  He  did  me  the 
honor  to  write  to  me  some  time  ago  and  I  intend  to  reply  forthwith.   ^ 

I  do  not  know  if  they  have  written  you  from  Rome  their  decision 
touching  the  boundaries  of  our  respective  dioceses.  They  have  placed 
under  my  jurisdiction  the  entire  territory  of  the  United  States.  Appar- 
ently they  have  thought,  and  probably  with  reason,  that  our  government 
would  have  taken  umbrage  at  seeing  you  exercise  spiritual  authority  within 
its  domain.  I  am  expecting  from  France  in  the  spring  several  ecclesias- 
tics well  suited  to  service  in  the  Illinois  and  at  Post  Vincennes. 

You  will  oblige  me  very  much  if  you  will  give  me  a  reliable  and 
exact  list  of  the  properties  owned  by  your  church  or  your  seminary  in 
the  United  States.  These  properties  still  belong  to  you,  according  to  our 
laws,  if  you  have  not  dispossessed  yourself  of  them  by  any  act  on  your 
part.  Last  year  Mr.  Gibeault  [Gihault]  and  other  individuals, 
by  means  of  a  statement  that  I  believe  to  be  quite  false,  obtained  the 
grant  of  several  ecclesiastical  properties  located  at  Kaskaskias  and  at  Post 
Vincennes.  I  am  taking  measures  to  invalidate  this  grant,  but  I  am 
greatly  handicapped  by  lack  of  assured  knowledge  in  regard  to  these  prop- 
erties. I  look  to  you,  my  Lord,  for  information  which  may  perhaps  serve 
to  frustrate  evil  and  to  benefit  both  our  dioceses. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  in  union  with  you  in  the  Holy  Sacrifice,  and 
with  profound  respect,  your  Lordship's  humble  and  obedient  servant. 

*i*  J.,  Bishop  of  Baltimore.^^ 

Cardinal  Antonelli  had  given  Bishop  Carroll  the  keynote  for 
his  administration  of  the  Church  in  the  new  Republic— w/a fur 
jure  siio!    It  was  Rome's  old-time  answer  to  difficulties  similar 


»•    Archiepiscopal  Archives  of   Quebec,   ttats-Unis,   Miscellaneous,   printed  in  the 
Records,  vol.  xviii,  pp.   160-163. 


Carroll's   Consecration  391 

in  character  to  those  which  surrounded  America's  first  CathoHc 
bishop.  Occasions  were  to  arise  during  the  remainder  of  Car- 
roll's Hfe  (1790-1815)  when  only  stern  and  swift  action  on  his 
part  saved  the  American  Church  from  permanent  disorder. 
A  few  problems  he  was  obliged  to  leave  his  successors  to  solve ; 
but  he  never  avoided  the  heavy  obligations  of  his  post  and  he 
never  allowed  the  least  encroachment  upon  his  episcopal  authority 
to  go  unchallenged.  The  history  of  his  episcopate  is  the  subject 
of  the  next  volume. 


CHAPTER  XXII 
TWO  REMARKABLE  PROJECTS 

(1790) 

Independent  at  last  of  all  ties  with  the  Old  World,  except  the 
one  bond  which  has  ever  been  jealously  guarded — spiritual  union 
with  the  Holy  See— the  Catholic  Church  of  the  United  States 
inaugurated  its  organized  life  with  an  American  as  its  chief 
shepherd.  With  all  the  pulsating  energy  that  distinguished 
American  spirit  in  those  early  days  of  constitutional  government, 
it  was  inevitable  that  every  institution  in  the  land  would  be 
subjected  to  a  minute  scrutiny  by  those  who  had  risked  all  that 
the  nation  might  be  established.  .  No  one  who  knew  John  Carroll 
could  say  aught  else  of  America's  first  Catholic  bishop  than  that 
he  was  among  the  most  striking  figures  of  the  times.  He  had 
all  the  kindliness  of  the  American.  He  had  all  the  American's 
eagerness  to  assist  those  in  difficulties,  yet  to  refrain  from  enter- 
ing problems  that  were  not  vital  to  American  progress.  He  knew 
no  master  except  those  whom  God  had  placed  above  him.  He 
realized  that  the  future  greatness  of  the  Church  of  God  in  the 
United  States  lay  in  teaching  her  children  that  the  needs  and 
the  aspirations  of  the  nation  were  all  in  consonance  with  Catholic 
doctrines  and  Catholic  principles.  It  was  not,  to  use  a  much- 
abused  phrase  of  a  later  archbishop,  that  John  Carroll  had 
determined  to  make  the  Church  in  America  throb  with  American 
life,  because  at  that  time  the  full  content  of  the  American  ideal 
had  not  been  probed;  but  one  fact  was  clear  to  his  mind  and 
that  fact  was  the  grave  responsibility  which  rested  upon  him 
of  safeguarding  the  Church  in  the  Republic  from  all  ''foreign 
entanglements,"  and  particularly  from  the  intrusion  of  all  unau- 
thorized influence  during  this  critical  period  of  its  actual  begin- 
ning. That  he  succeeded  is  now  a  matter  of  historical  knowl- 
edge; and  it  will  ever  be  said  to  his  high  honour  among  the 

392 


Two  Remarkable  Projects  393 

prelates  of  the  past  that  he  handed  on  to  his  successors  an  eccle- 
siastical establishment  which  saw  America  with  American  eyes 
and  spoke  of  America  in  terms  understood  by  the  American 
people. 

We  have  already  been  made  familiar  with  the  story  of  foreign 
interference  in  American  Catholic  affairs  on  the  morrow  of  the 
American  Revolution.  The  Church  here  was  never  to  be  entirely 
freed  from  this  fear.  The  unrest  caused  by  this  intrusion  was 
of  two  kinds — that  having  its  origin  in  European  capitals,  and 
that  fomented  by  little  groups  of  priests  and  laity  within  the 
United  States,  who  had  failed  to  leave  their  allegiance  to  foreign 
institutions  behind  them.  Bishop  Carroll  realized  that  there  was 
only  one  way  of  keeping  intact  the  flock  entrusted  to  him  and 
that  was  to  prevent  any  division  of  his  authority,  except  through 
the  legitimate  channel  at  Rome. 

The  two  projects  which  are  chronicled  here  were  the  first 
organized  efforts  to  encroach  upon  his  authority  and  jurisdiction, 
independently  of  his  own  wishes. 

The  first  of  these  is  one  of  the  most  tragic  of  all  the  colonizing 
attempts  on  American  territory.  Some  few  months  after  the 
issuance  of  the  Bull  Ex  hac  apostolicae  which  created  the  See 
of  Baltimore  and  gave  to  John  Carroll  jurisdiction  over  all  the 
Catholics  in  the  new  Republic,  a  project  was  inaugurated  in  Paris 
for  the  purpose  of  sending  out  a  body  of  French  colonists  to 
Ohio.  The  Ordinance  of  1787  had  hardly  been  put  in  operation 
before  land  speculation  began  to  appear.  Under  the  leadership 
of  the  Rev.  Manasseh  Cutler,  of  Ipswich,  Massachusetts,  the 
Ohio  Company  with  a  capital  stock  of  a  million  dollars  was 
organized,  and  Congress  agreed  to  sell  1,500,000  acres  of  land 
to  the  speculators.  At  the  same  time  under  the  name  of  the 
Scioto  Company,  the  Ohio  Company  took  an  option  on  an  addi- 
tional 3,000,000  to  3,500,000  acres  adjacent  to  the  original  grant. 
It  was  only  when  the  bargain  was  closed  that  Congress  learned 
it  had  been  dealing  with  two  companies.^  Colonel  William  Duer, 
then  Secretary  of  the  U.  S.  Board  of  Treasury,  who  was  the 


1  Cf.  American  State  Papers,  vol.  i,  p.  29,  Public  Lands,  Washington,  1834. 
"Nothing  was  talked  of  in  every  social  circle,  but  the  paradise  that  was  opened  for 
Frenchmen  in  the  western  wilderness;  the  free  and  happy  life  to  be  led  on  the  blissful 
banks  of  the  Scioto,"  Howe,  Historical  Collections  of  Ohio,  p.   178.     Cincinnati,  1847. 


394  ^^^  L//^  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

head  of  the  Scioto  Company,  sent  Joel  Barlow  to  Paris  to  sell 
lots  in  the  tract  controlled  by  his  company.  Barlow's  first  at- 
tempts in  Paris  met  with  little  success,  until  a  distinctly  French 
company — La  Compagnie  du  Scioto — was  organized  and  pur- 
chased 3,000,000  acres  in  the  Scioto  tract  at  $1.20  an  acre.  In 
January,  1790,  La  Compagnie  du  Scioto  was  dissolved  and  the 
"Company  of  the  24"  bought  out  its  rights.  The  leading  spirit 
of  this  last  Company  was  d'Espremesnil,  and  it  was  not  long 
before  he  had  sold  a  large  number  of  tracts  to  prospective  French 
immigrants.^  "They  were  mostly  of  the  better  sort  of  the  middle 
class,  carvers  and  gilders  to  his  majesty,  coach  and  peruke  makers, 
friseurs  and  other  artists  as  little  fitted  for  a  backwoods  life."  * 
Before  the  first  group  of  colonists  was  ready  to  leave  Havre 
on  May  26,  1790,  letters  had  been  passed  between  d'Espremesnil 
and  the  other  promoters  and  the  Papal  Nuncio  in  Paris  regarding 
the  spiritual  care  and  guidance  of  the  new  colony,  asking  for  the 
appointment  of  a  Father  Duboisnantier  as  bishop  of  the  new 
colony : 

A  son  Excellence,  Monseigneur  le  Nonce, 

La  nouvelle  colonic  des  Frangois  qui  se  forme  dans  I'Amerique  septen- 
trionale,  entre  le  Scioto  et  I'Oyo,  etant  presque  toute  composee  de  catho- 
liques  qui  desirent  vivre  et  mourir  dans  la  profession  interieure  et  exterieure 
de  leur  foy,  considerant  a  quels  dangers  ils  seroient  exposes  pour  le  salut, 
s'ils  se  trouvoient  sans  eglise,  sans  pretres,  sans  culte  public,  sans  hierarchic, 
et  abandonnes  a  quelques  ecclesiastiques  mercenaires  que  les  malheurs 
qui  dechirent  la  France  pourroient  conduire  au  milieu  d'eux  par  I'espoir 
d'y  faire  fortime,  supplie  humblement  notre  tres  saint  pere  le  pape,  de  leur 
accorder  un  eveque  qui  preside  au  maintien  de  la  doctrine  et  de  la  discipline 
religieuse,  et  qui,  toujours  uni  par  principes  a  la  sainte  eglise  romaine, 
puisse  reprimer  les  abus  qui  se  pourroient  glisser  dans  ce  nouvel  etablisse- 
ment,  soit  contre  la  foy  soit  contre  les  moeurs.  La  nouvelle  colonic  desire 
cette  grace  avec  autant  plus  d'ardeur  qu'occupant  un  terrain  de  plus  de 
deux  cent  lieux  d'etendue,  il  n'y  a  pas  d'eveque  a  qui  on  puisse  commode- 
ment  avoir  recours  soit  pour  des  ordinations,   soit  pour   la  Confirmation, 


'  The  tragic  story  of  the  Gallipolis  Colony  has  been  told  with  sympathy  and  charm 
by  the  Rev.  Lawrence  Kenny,  S.J.,  in  the  Catholic  Historical  Review,  vol.  iv, 
pp.  415-451.  An  excellent  bibliography  will  be  found  at  the  end  of  his  article,  which 
is  especially  valuable  because  he  has  used  the  Gallipolis  Papers,  in  the  Van  Wormer 
Library,  at  the  University  of  Cincinnati.  Some  of  the  ecclesiastical  documents  on  the 
Colony  were  published  by  the  present  writer  in  the  Catholic  Historical  Review,  vol.  ii, 
pp.  195-204.  The  best  detailed  account  of  the  Colony  is  that  by  Belote^  The  Scioto 
Speculation  and  the  French  Settlement  at  Gallipolis.     Cincinnati,   1907. 

^  Lamott,  History  of  the  Archdiocese  of  Cincinnati,  p.  15.     Cincinnati,  1931. 


Two  Remarkable  Projects  395 

soit  pour  des  dispenses  que  les  evcques  seuls  sont  dans  I'usage  d'accorder, 
et  que  d'ailleurs  elle  espere  que  la  fondation  d'une  ville  6piscopale  fGalli- 
polis]  altireroit  dans  son  sein  un  nombre  prodigicux  de  families  dispers6es 
dans  ce  pays  presqu'inculte,  et  qui  y  vivroient  en  corps  de  soci^t6  comme 
en  unite  de  croyance. 

A  ces  causes,  les  principaux  Membres  de  la  colonic  proposent  Monsieur 
Duboisnantier,  pretre  habitue  a  s.  Rock,  et  supplient  tres  respectueusement 
sa  saintete  de  lui  donner  le  titre  d'Eveque,  avec  toute  la  jurisdiction 
spirituelle  que  peut  demander  une  mission  aussi  etendue  que  celle  du 
Scioto. 
[Signed] 

Guerin  MM.  Barons  de  Maubranche,  Malartic 

de  Lezay-Marnesia  du  Bcllan 

Delaroche  Smith 

du  Val  d'Espremesnil       Madame  Thiebaut 

William  Playfair  de  Gravier 

J.  A.  Chais,  de  Soissons  de  Bellon  * 

There  is  no  record,  among  the  papers  of  d'Espremesnil,  of  the 
attempt  to  promote  Father  Duboisnantier  to  the  episcopal  See 
of  Gallipolis  in  the  wilderness  of  Ohio.  Shea  is  correct  in  his 
surmise  that  Duboisnantier  was  proposed  prior  to  Didier.  This 
supposition  is  strengthened  by  some  Brute  papers."^  He  did  not 
come  to  America. 

More  than  a  thousand  colonists  were  to  go  out  to  the  Scioto 
lands  before  the  year  was  over,  and  a  Benedictine  monk  of  St. 
Maur,  Dom  Didier,  whose  brother  had  purchased  land  from  the 
company,  was  approached  by  d'Espremesnil,  who  urged  the 
Benedictine  to  apply  to  the  Papal  Nuncio  for  episcopal  jurisdic- 
tion. On  March  22,  1790,  the  leaders  of  the  project  wrote  to 
Dugnani,  the  Papal  Nuncio,  asking  for  Didier's  appointment : 

*  Propaganda  Archives,  Scritture  riferite,  America  Centrale,  vol.  ii,  fF.  388-389. 

^  "A  curious  fact. — The  late  Bishop  Brute,  among  some  papers  of  his  which  have 
come  under  our  notice,  states  that  a  Catholic  bishopric  was  proposed  to  be  erected  at 
Scioto,  or  Gallipolis,  in  Ohio,  as  early  as  the  year  1789,  which  was  the  period  also  of 
Rev.  Mr.  Carroll's  appointment  to  the  new  See  at  Baltimore.  Mr.  Brute  being  at  Paris 
in  1834,  learned  this  remarkable  fact  from  the  Abbe  Boisnantier,  a  canon  of  St.  Denys, 
who  had  been  himself  nominated  to  the  See  in  Ohio.  No  reasons,  however,  are 
mentioned,  to  account  for  the  subsequent  withdrawal  of  these  appointments.  It  was 
probably  caused  by  the  circumstances  mentioned  in  Dr.  Spalding's  Sketches  of  Kentucky 
(p.  62),  where  he  speaks  of  the  French  Catholics  who  had  settled  at  Gallipolis.  The 
colonists  had  been  defrauded  in  the  purchase  of  lands,  the  title  proving  defective,  and 
many  of  them  returned  to  France  in  consequence  of  this  unfortunate  transaction,  which 
marred  the  prospects  of  the  new  settlement,  and  probably  suspended  the  proceedings 
rdative  to  the  contemplated  See.  It  is  rather  singular,  however,  that  the  fact  of  the 
new  bishropic  having  been  designed,  has  never  been  publicly  alluded  to  in  connection 
with  the  history  of  the  West."     {United  States  Catholic  Magazine,  1845,  p.  407.) 


396  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

A  son  Excellence,  Monseigneur  Dugnani,  Nonce  Apostolique, 

Les  persones  reunies  pour  former  une  colonic  dans  TAm^rique  Sep- 
tentrionale,  sur  les  bords  de  la  Riviere  Scioto,  desirant  que  ce  nouvel 
ctablissement  qui  s'y  forme  puisse  jouir  de  tous  les  secours  spirituels  qui 
dirigent  et  assurent  la  soumission  a  I'eglise  catholique  apostolique  et 
romaine,  apres  les  informations  necessaires  pour  un  choix  si  important  ont 
nomme  le  Pere  Dom  Didier  Benedictin  de  la  congregation  de  St,  Maur 
pour  presider  tout  ce  qui  serait  relatif  au  culte  divin  et  aux  instructions 
de  la  Jeunesse.  Les  ci-dites  personnes,  aujourd'hui  assemblees,  ayant  pris 
connaissance  du  Memoire  presente  par  Dom  Didier  a  son  Excellence, 
Monseigneur  le  Nonce  ont  I'honneur  de  supplier  son  Excellence  de  vouloir 
bien  proteger  aupres  de  sa  Saintete  les  observations  qui  sont  presentees 
dans  cette  requete.  La  colonic  sera  tres  flattee  d'obtenir  par  la  Protection 
de  son  Excellence  des  secours  spirituels,  qui  pourront  contribuer  au  succes 
d'un  ctablissement  dont  tous  les  principes  ont  pour  object  la  gloire  de  la 
religion,  la  purete  des  moeurs,  et  le  bonheur  de  la  colonic,  et  ont  sign^ 
le  present  ce  22  Alars,  1790. 
[Signed] 

Baron  de  Maubranche  Gravier 

de  Lezay-Marnesia,  fils  du   Val  d'Espremesnil 

M.  de  Lezay-Marnesia  Vte.  de  Bellon 

Malartic  J.  A.  Chais,  de  Soissons 

de   Bondy  De  Graville 

pour  mon  frere,  Didier.  etc.,  etc.^ 

The  fact  that  some  of  these  names  appear  on  both  letters 
would  seem  to  indicate  that  there  had  been  no  rivalry  between 
Duboisnantier  and  Didier.  Probably  the  first-named,  on  reflec- 
tion, declined  the  empty  honour.  There  is  no  insincerity  in  the 
declaration  of  their  intention  to  establish  a  well-organized  Cath- 
olic life  at  Gallipolis.  Frenchmen  of  all  classes  were  anxious  to 
leave  France  to  escape  'Tintolerable  tyrannic  des  vizirs  fran- 
9ois/'  as  De  Warville  calls  the  Revolutionists,  when  they  saw 
the  ancient  bulwarks  of  Christianity  falling  in  ruins  around 
them.*^  The  Memoire,  mentioned  in  this  supplication  for  Didier's 
election,  gives  a  general  survey  of  their  spiritual  plans.  The 
Didier  Memoire  bears  the  same  date  as  the  preceding  letter, 
March  22,  1790.  The  number  of  the  emigrants,  who  were  mostly 
Catholic,  he  says,  was  increasing  to  a  considerable  extent;  and, 
since  he  had  been  chosen  as  their  spiritual  head  in  the  New 


•  Propaganda  Archives,  America  Centrale,  vol.  ii,  ff.  379-379^. 

'  Brissot  de  Warville,  Nouveau  Voyage  dans  les  ttatsUnis  de  I'Amirique  septen- 
trionale,  fait  en  1788,  vol.  i,  p.  377.     Paris,  1791. 


Two  Remarkable  Projects  397 

World,  he  felt  obliged  to  strengthen  the  request  of  the  leaders 
by  making  a  personal  application  for  ecclesiastical  powers — either 
as  Bishop  of  Gallipolis  or  as  vicar-apostolic — to  carry  out  the 
religious  and  educational  plans  of  the  colonists.  It  is  apparent 
from  the  Memoire  that  the  Nuncio  had  already  called  his  atten- 
tion to  the  fact  that  the  United  States  had  just  been  given  a 
Bishop  in  the  person  of  John  Carroll  of  Baltimore;  but  Didier 
argues  that  the  distance  between  Baltimore  and  Gallipolis  was 
so  great  that  Bishop  Carroll  could  not  guide  the  spiritual  destinies 
of  the  emigrants.  The  French  people,  moreover,  were  accus- 
tomed to  have  their  own  bishops,  and  Didier  begged  the  Nuncio 
to  hasten  the  conclusion  of  the  matter  at  Rome,  as  he  was  then 
ready  to  start  for  Havre : 

Monseigneur, 

J'ai  I'honneur  de  representer  a  Votre  Excellence  qu'une  societe  de  per- 
sonnes  distinguees  et  Catholiques,  a  fait  des  requisitions  considerables  au 
Scioto,  partie  de  I'Amerique  septentrionale,  qu'elle  y  fait  passer  plusieurs 
habitans  des  campagnes,  que  plusieurs  particuliers  suivent  cette  exemple, 
que  ces  emigrations  s'elevent  deja  a  un  degre  de  population  assez  consider- 
able pour  meriter  I'attention  religieuse  du  tres  saint  Fere  et  celle  de  Votre 
Excellence,  lis  ont  droit  d'attendre  du  chef  visible  de  I'eglise  les  secours 
spirituels  qui  lui  seul  a  la  pouvoir  de  leur  procurer.  Cette  societe,  Mon- 
seigneur, m'a  fait  I'honneur  de  me  choisir  pour  son  pasteur.  Ce  choix 
m'honore,  excite  mon  zele  et  me  determine  a  sacrifier  ma  personne  et  mes 
foibles  talens  a  la  Religion,  a  I'Education,  et  au  bonheur  de  cette  colonie 
naissante.  Mais,  Monseigneur,  il  ne  m'est  pas  possible  de  remplir  ce  but, 
si  je  n'ai  point  une  mission  legale.  Votre  Excellence  sgait  que  I'Etat 
dans  lequel  se  va  fonder  cette  colonie  ayant  pour  Religion  dominante  la 
protestante,  et  tolerant  toutes  les  sectes,  il  n'existe  aucune  puissance 
ecclesiastique  a  la  quelle  je  puisse  avoir  recours.  Votre  Excellence  m'a 
fait  I'honneur  de  me  faire  observer  qu'il  existe  un  eveque  a  Baltimore. 
Qu'il  me  soit  permis  de  lui  representer  qu'on  peut  regarder  cet  eveque 
comme  nul  pour  le  Scioto,  a  raison  des  distances  considerables  qui  nous 
separeront;  la  difficulte  des  communications,  le  danger  d'abandonner  un 
troupeau  que  Ton  pourra  regarder  comme  une  eglise  naissante;  tous  ces 
obstacles  pourroient,  Monseigneur,  retarder  les  fruits  que  la  religion  pour- 
roit  faire  en  ce  pays,  et  meme  detruire  insensiblement  dans  le  coeur  des  hab- 
itans les  principles  religieux  qu'ils  ont  regu  dans  leur  enfance,  par  les  diffi- 
cultes  qu'ils  eprouveroient  dans  I'exercise,  la  facilite  qu'ils  pourroient  ren- 
contrer  a  professer  une  autre  Religion  qu'on  leur  persuaderoit  etre  aussi 
bonne.  Votre  Excellence  connoit  le  coeur  de  I'homme.  Elle  sgait  qu'il  faut 
se  preter  k  I'opinion,  aux  usages  et  aux  habitudes,  lorsque  Ton  vent  operer 
le  bien.     II   faut  done  qu'elle  ait  le  bonte  de  considcrer  la  nature  des 


398  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

hommes  qui  vont  habiter  ces  nouvelles  regions,  ce  sont  des  Frangois 
Catholiques,  accoutumes  a  etre  soumis  pour  le  spiritual  a  des  Eveques 
et  a  des  Pretres.  Je  pense,  Monseigneur,  qu'il  seroit  dangereux  de  leur 
laisser  perdre  ces  avantageuses  impressions.  II  faut  aussi  que  Votre 
Excellence  envisage  le  nombre  considerable  des  Emigrants,  qui  vont 
former  tout  d'un  coup  une  masse  d'habitans  assez  forte,  pour  avoir  besoin 
d'un  chef  revetu  de  pouvoirs  spirituels  tres  etendus.  Que  ce  soit  un 
Eveque  on  un  Vicaire  Apostolique,  il  faut  I'un  ou  I'autre,  c'est  au  tres 
saint  Pere  et  a  Votre  Excellence  a  juger  ce  qui  conviendra  le  mieux. 
Je  n'ai  point,  Monseigneur,  assez  de  presomption,  pour  soliciter  en  ma 
faveur.  Ces  titres  qu'exigent  des  talens  superieurs  et  des  vertus  que 
je  n'ose  flatter  d'avoir,  un  zele  ardent,  une  religion  solide  et  eclairee, 
quelques  connaissances — d'utilite  publique,  un  coeur  compatissant  auquel 
rien  ne  repugne,  lorsqu'il  s'agit  de  soulager  I'humanite  souffrante, 
sont  des  titres  pour  pretendre  au  rang  de  subalterne.  II  faut  des 
qualites  plus  eminentes  lorsqu'on  est  destine  a  etre  place  sur  le  chan- 
delier, c'est  ce  qui  fait  que  mes  vues  ne  se  portent  point  a  ce  degre 
d'elevation.  Le  but  de  ma  supplique,  Monseigneur,  est  de  vous  faire  en- 
visager  le  besoin  d'un  eveque,  ou  de  tout  autre  Superieur  ecclesiastique, 
auquel  je  puisse  m'adresser  pour  les  pouvoirs  relatifs  a  I'emploi  auquel 
je  suis  destine  par  le  choix  d'une  societe,  la  necessite  de  sa  residence  au 
Scioto,  tant  pour  le  present  que  pour  I'avenir;  residence  a  laquelle 
j 'attache  le  succes  de  I'etablissement  de  la  Religion  dans  ces  contrees  et  sa 
propagation  future  dans  cette  partie  du  Globe.  Si  ces  reflexions,  Mon- 
seigneur, ne  sont  point  assez  determinantes,  pour  faire  en  ce  moment 
I'etablissement  que  j'ai  I'honneur  de  proposer  a  Votre  Excellence,  je  la 
supplie  de  vouloir  bien  employer  ses  bons  offices  aupres  de  sa  Saintete 
pour  m'obtenir  avant  mon  depart  tout  ce  qu'elle  jugera  necessaire  pour  le 
plus  grand  bien  de  la  religion,  la  gloire  de  Dieu  et  le  bonheur  des  peuples 
qui  me  sont  confies.  Je  me  contenterai  des  pouvoirs  qui  me  seront 
accordes,  dans  la  forme  et  I'etendue  qu'il  aura  plu  a  la  sagesse  et  a  la 
providence  du  tres  Saint  Pere  de  les  circonscrire,  et  je  les  accepterai 
avec  la  reconnoisance  et  la  soumission  la  plus  entiere.  Je  supplie  Votre 
Excellence  de  vouloir  bien  presser  au  Cour  de  Rome  I'expedition  prompte 
de  I'objet  de  ma  demande,  attendu  la  proximite  de  mon  depart.  Per- 
mettez  que  Votre  Excellence  trouve  ici  I'hommage  respectueux  de  mon 
sincere  devouement  et  les  sentimens  distingues  avec  lesquels  j'ai  I'honneur 
d'etre, 

Monseigneur, 
Votre  tres  humble  et  tres  obeissant  serviteur 

Fr.  Didier.8 

The  same  day,  on  receipt  of  this  Memo  ire,  the  Nuncio  sent  a 
despatch  to  Rome,  dated  March  22,  1790,  to  Cardinal  Antonelli, 


•  Propaganda  Archives,  Scritture  riferite,  America   Centrale,   vol.   ii,  ff.   380-383. 


Tzvo  Remarkable  Projects  399 

announcing  the  project  of  the  Scioto  Company  and  the  selection 
of  Dom  Didier  as  Bishop  of  GaUipohs,  Ohio.®  The  Nuncio 
averred  that  Didier  was  unknown  to  him,  but  that  he  would 
inquire  as  to  his  character  and  talents  for  the  post.  He  asked 
Didier  for  a  more  complete  explanation  of  the  plans  of  the 
company,  promising  that  when  these  were  presented  to  him,  he 
would  send  them  to  Rome.  On  March  29,  1790,  the  Nuncio 
wrote  a  second  time  to  Cardinal  Antonelli,  saying  that  three  or 
four  priests  were  preparing  to  go  to  Gallipolis,  with  Didier  as 
the  spiritual  head  of  the  colony.^^  Propaganda  yielded  to  the 
wishes  of  the  Scioto  Company  and  on  April  26,  1790,  appointed 
Didier  not  bishop  or  vicar-apostolic,  as  he  wished,  but  vicar- 


*  "Eminema,  Una  colonia  francese  di  varie  centinaja  di  persone  va  a  stabilirsi 
neU'Araerica  settentrionale.  Ha  questa  fatto  I'acquisto  di  una  quantity  di  terreno  svil 
bordo  deirOhio  a  cento  leghe  di  distanza  dal  mare.  Fra  le  persone,  che  sono  alia 
testa  di  questa  colonia  vi  e  il  Signor  d'Espremenil  Consigliere  del  Parlamento  di 
Parigi,  e  soggetto  ben  noto  il  quale  credo  abbia  formato  un  piano  di  constituzione  a 
governo  di  questa  piccola  repubblica.  Uno  dei  primi  loro  oggetti  e  stato  di  provvedere 
a  tutto  cio  che  puo  esser  necessario  per  I'esercizio  del  culto  nostra  santa  religione  per 
I'istruzione  e  per  I'educazione.  Hanno  quindi  prescelto  un  certo  D.  Didier  monaco  di 
S.  Maur,  che  io  non  conosco,  ma  di  cui  mi  procurero  qualche  informazione. 
Questo  religioso  mi  ha  fatto  presentare  I'annesso  foglio,  in  cui  espone  la  com- 
missione,  di  cui  deve  essere  incaricato,  e  domanda  alia  Sacra  Congregazione  le 
necessarie  facolta.  Io  pero  gli  ho  fatto  rispondere  che  oltre  il  suddetto  foglio 
sarebbe  stato  opportune  che  li  deputati  di  questa  colonia  fascessero  conoscere  alia 
foglio  sarebbe  stato  opportune  che  li  deputati  di  questa  colonia  facessero  conoscere  alia 
Sacra  Congregazione  le  loro  idee,  e  li  mezzi  che  si  offrono  a  fornire  per  I'esecuzione, 
onde  la  Sacra  Congregazione  possa  acquistare  una  sufficiente  cognizione  di  questo  nuovo 
stabilimento,  e  dare  quelle  providenze  che  la  natura  del  luogo,  il  numero  della  persone 
ed  altre  circostanze  fisiche  e  morali  potranno  esiggere  per  il  miglior  successo.  Questa 
memoria  adunque  mi  sara  mandata  nel  corrente  di  questa  settimana,  che  io  poi  in 
seguito  accompagnero  con  lettere  d'officio  all'Eminenza  Vostra.  Ho  creduto  soltanto 
di  prevenire  Vostra  Eminenza,  stante  che  essendo  iraminente  la  partenza  dell  suddetto 
religioso,  mi  si  fa  premura  di  qualche  risposta.  Parigi,  il  22  Marso,  1790."  Propa- 
ganda Archives,  I.  c,  ff.  381-382. 

*<•  "Eminmo,  e  Revmo.  Signore,  Alcune  famiglie  francesci  sono  in  procinto  di  partire 
per  I'America  Settentrionale.  Hanno  quivi  comparte  delle  terre  sulla  riva  del  fiume 
Scioto,  alia  distanza  pero  di  100  leghe  dal  mare,  ed  hanno  il  progetto  di  stabilire  in 
esse  una  colonia.  Fra  i  loro  primi  pensieri  hanno  avuto  quelle  di  provedersi  de' 
ministri  della  religione.  Ci  sono  tre  o  quattro  ecclesiastici  disposti  a  partire  in  breve. 
Ma  oltre  a  questi,  vi  e  un  Religioso  della  Cong,  di  S.  Mauro,  il  quale  specialmentc 
vien  deputato  da  questa  colonia  per  essere  alia  testa  di  tutto  cio  che  riguarda  il  culto, 
I'amministrazione  de'sacramenti,  I'instruzione,  ed  anche  I'educazione.  Questo  religioso 
pertanto  mi  ha  formato  un  foglio,  che  qui  annetto  unitamente  all'altro  sottoscritto  dai 
capi  della  stessa  colonia.  Da  tali  fogli  V.E.  e  la  Congregazione  vedrano  quanto  il 
suddetto  religioso  desidera,  e  quanto  gli  pu6  esser  necessario  per  contribuire  al  buon 
esito  dello  stabilimento  in  cio  che  riguarda  la  religione,  e  i  costumi.  E  con  profon- 
dissimo  ossequio  sono,  dell'  E.V.  umilissimo,  divotissimo,  obbligatissimo  servitore 
A.  Arcivescovo  di  Rodi.     Parigi,  29  Mararo,  1790."    Propaganda  Archives,  I.  c,  f.  378. 


400  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

general  in  spiritualibus  for  the  space  of  seven  years,  on  condition 
that  such  jurisdiction  should  not  conflict  with  that  of  Dr.  Carroll. 
A  copy  of  this  Brief  exists  in  the  Catholic  Archives  at  the 
University  of  Notre  Dame,  Indiana,  and  the  following  translation 
was  published  in  the  Researches  of  the  American  Catholic  His- 
torical Society: 

26th  April,  17 go. 

Whereas,  it  has  been  communicated  by  the  Most  Rev.  Archbishop 
of  Rhodes,  in  France,  that  some  men  of  illustrious  piety  and  distinguished 
family  have  formed  the  design  of  emigrating  to  North  America  and 
establishing  a  colony  on  the  lands  of  the  river  Scioto,  where  they  have 
already,  to  this  issue,  bought  considerable  land;  and  whereas,  for  the 
sake  of  Catholic  worship  to  which  they  are  and  will  be  most  attached, 
ihey  have  arranged  to  bring  with  them  a  priest  who  may,  as  well  on  the 
way  as  in  the  settlements  where  they  will  fix  their  homes,  administer  to 
them  the  Sacraments,  undertake  the  preaching  of  the  word  of  God,  look 
after  the  care  of  souls,  they  humbly  ask  of  the  Holy  Father  to  grant 
to  Rev.  Father  Didier,  Benedictine  Monk  of  the  Order  of  Saint  Benedict, 
Congregation  of  St.  Maur,  all  the  faculties  which  may  seem  opportune  for 
the  spiritual  government  of  so  many  Catholic  families :  the  Sacred  Con- 
gregation, through  the  most  eminent  Cardinal  Antonelli,  Prefect,  agreeing 
to  their  petitions,  decreed,  if  it  should  please  the  Holy  Father,  that  the 
faculties  of  Formula  IV  could  be  conceded  to  Father  Didier,  if  he  should 
be  approved  for  pastoral  work  by  the  Archbishop  of  Paris,  or  his  Vicar- 
General  in  spiritualities,  for  seven  years,  with  complete  jurisdiction  over  all 
the  French  who  emigrate  with  him,  on  condition  that  the  lands  and  place 
where  they  should  found  their  Colony  should  not  he  within  the  diocese 
of  any  Bishop  within  the  limits  of  the  government  and  sway  of  the 
United  States,  zvhich  altogether  lies  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Bishop 
lately  appointed  in  Baltimore  by  the  Apostolic  See.  Further,  Father 
Didier  can  in  no  ivay  use  the  above  faculties  unless  by  the  consent 
of  the  said  Bishop,  and  is  bound  every  year  to  inform  the  Sacred  Congre- 
gation of  the  state  of  his  mission,  the  number  of  faithful  and  their 
spiritual  progress. 

Which  decree  being  communicated  to  him  by  the  Most  Eminent  Cardinal 
Prefect,  at  an  audience  given  on  the  above  date,  His  Holiness  graciously 
approved  in  every  particular,  and  conceded  the  said  faculties 
ad   septennium. 

L.    Cardinal   Antonelli^   Prefect. 
Dated  Rome,  April  28,  1790. 

Decree   of   the    Sacred   Congregation   of    Propaganda,   twenty-sixth   of 
April,  1790. 
Through  Most  Eminent  Cardinal  Antonelli,  Prefect,  the  Sacred  Con- 


Two  Remarkable  Projects  401 

grcgation  appointed  Rev.  Father  Didier,  Benedictine  of  the  Congregation 
of  St.  Maur,  Superior  of  the  French  Colony  on  the  banks  of  the  river 
Scioto,  for  seven  years,  with  the  authority  necessary  for  the  spiritual 
government  of  the  said  Colony,  according  to  the  prescription  of  the  decrees 
of  the  Sacred  Congregation,  and  with  the  limits  placed  as  to  their  exercise, 
and  at  no  other  time  and  in  no  other  way. 

L.   Cardinal   Antoxellt,   Prefect}^ 
Dated  Rome,  April  2S,  1790. 

It  is  evident  from  this  original  Brief  of  appointment  that 
Didier's  powers  as  ecclesiastical  leader  of  the  colony  were  in 
no  way  to  interfere  with  the  jurisdiction  enjoyed  by  Bishop 
Carroll  in  the  United  States.  The  territory  beyond  the  Alle- 
ghanies  was  an  o])scurely-known  one ;  and  in  1 790  it  was  not 
altogether  certain  whose  was  the  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction  over 
this  part  of  the  Ohio  Valley.  But  the  Brief  reads  with  a  definite- 
ness  which  leaves  no  room  for  doubt  that  the  Sacred  Congrega- 
tion had  no  intention  of  reducing  the  diocesan  limits  of  Bishop 
Carroll  nor  of  giving  Didier  any  faculties  which  could  be  used 
without  Carroll's  express  consent.  In  his  letter  of  May  10,  1790, 
to  Cardinal  Antonelli,  the  Papal  Nuncio  of  Paris  also  understood 
that  Didier's  faculties  would  have  to  be  confirmed  by  Bishop 
Carroll  before  they  could  be  used.  About  Didier  himself  he 
could  find  little,  but  he  was  informed  that  he  was  a  religious  of 
good  character,  sound  in  doctrine,  though  somewhat  of  an  im- 
petuous and  idealistic  nature.  Didier  had  already  left  for  Havre 
at  the  date  of  the  Nuncio's  writing  (May  10,  1790),  and  was 
preparing  to  sail  about  the  end  of  the  month  for  America. 
Bishop  Carroll,  in  a  letter  to  Plowden,  dated  London,  September 
3,  1 79 1,  speaks  of  "the  arrival,  last  year,  of  a  Benedictine  Monk, 
with  a  congregation,  on  the  banks  of  the  Ohio."  ^^  Propaganda 
intended,  therefore,  that  the  new  colony  would  depend  almost 
immediately  upon  the  Bishop  of  Baltimore. 

Antonelli  was  well  informed  by  this  time  of  American  church 
affairs  and  his  solution  of  the  spiritual  needs  of  the  Scioto  Colony 
was  a  just  one.     Everything  depended  upon  the  question  whether 

"    Vol.   xii,   pp.    50-51. 

"  Cf.  Hughes,  op.  cit.,  Documents,  vol.  i,  part  ii,  p.  745.  New  York,  19 10. 
Carroll  mentions  the  fact  that  the  Sulpician  Father  Calais,  during  the  discussions 
preparatory  to  the  foundation  of  St.  Mary's  Seminary,  Baltimore,  suggested  that  the 
Seminary  should  be  founded  at  Gallipolis,  where  many  emigrants  from  France  at  that 
time  proposed  to  settle.     (Cf.  Shea,  op.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  377.) 


402  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

the  United  States  laid  claim  to  the  territory  occupied  by  the 
Scioto  Company.  If  so,  then  Didier  was  to  depend  directly 
upon  Bishop  Carroll  for  the  right  to  exercise  sacerdotal  faculties. 
It  appears  that  d'Espremesnil  was  dissatisfied  with  Didier's 
humble  acceptance  of  the  faculties  granted  to  him,  and,  after 
the  monk's  departure,  he  seems  to  have  renewed  his  efforts,  for 
he  urged  the  appointment  of  the  Abbe  Duboisnantier  to  the  See 
of  Gallipolis,  as  the  town  to  be  founded  on  the  Ohio  was  called. 
The  Nuncio  related  this  to  Antonelli  in  his  letter  of  May  17, 
1790.^*  No  action  seems  to  have  been  taken  on  this  letter.  An 
interesting  episode  connected  with  this  Ohio  project  is  the  fact 
that  the  Sulpicians  of  Paris  had  been  carefully  studying  the 
scheme,  and  had  almost  decided  to  accompany  the  colonists,  when 
they  were  advised  by  the  Nuncio  to  consult  Bishop  Carroll,  who 
was  then  in  London.  They  were  persuaded  to  go  to  Baltimore 
instead. 

Antonelli  lost  no  time  in  informing  Bishop  Carroll  of  the 
Gallipolis  colony.  He  wrote  on  May  22,  1790,  announcing  the 
departure  of  the  first  colonists.^^  This  letter  Carroll  probably 
did  not  receive,  having  left  for  London  in  July,  so  that  the  first 
news  he  had  of  the  French  colony  came  to  him  in  London. 
Among  the  first  ships  that  set  out  from  Havre,  one  sprang  a  leak 
and  when  it  looked  as  though  all  on  board  would  be  lost,  an 
English  ship  came  to  its  assistance  and  courageously  saved  all 
the  passengers.  In  Antonelli's  letter  of  August  14,  1790,  he 
says:  'The  new  colony  of  Frenchmen  which  has  started  out 
for  the  banks  of  the  Scioto  must  have  reached  your  country  by 


"  "Emo,  etc.,  Essendo  D.  Didier  gia  partito  da  Parigi,  non  ho  potuto  eseguire 
che  per  lettera  le  commissioni  di  cui  V.E.  mi  ha  onorato.  Non  so  se  il  mio  piego  arri- 
vera  in  tempo  di  raggiungerlo  a  Havre  de  Grace,  ove  da  vari  giorni  era  egli  sul 
momento  d'imbarcarsi,  ma  quand'anche  fosse  partito,  Mr.  d'Espreraenil  mi  ha  fatto 
sapere,  che  potra  facilmente  spedirglielo  essendo  imminente  la  partenza  d'altre  navi 
mercantili  per  la  medma  destinazione.  Qui  in  Parigi  vi  e  un  Prete,  che  braraerebbe 
di  divenir  vescovo  di  quella  colonia,  ed  a  ottenuto,  che  i  capi  di  essa  s'interessino  per 
la  sua  elezione.  Mr.  d'Espremenill  mi  ha  quindi  presentato  il  foglio,  che  annetto. 
Per  quanto  credo  che  la  cosa  non  convenga  in  alcun  modo  si  per  le  disposizioni,  che 
si  annunziano  nel  soggetto,  si  per  le  raesure  gia  prese  circa  la  dipendenza  della  colonia 
dal  vescovo  di  Baltimore,  e  la  facolti  recentemente  accordata  a  F.  Didier,  non  ha 
potuto  ricusare  di  mandarle  il  sudo  foglio.  Se  V.E.  crede  mi  bastera  d'avere  una  lettera 
ostensible  per  Mr.  d'Espremenil  il  quale  non  lascia  di  essere  un  soggetto,  che  merita 
de  riguardi,  e  delle  attenzioni.  E  con  profondmo  ossequio,  dell'  E.V.,  etc  Parigi, 
17,  Maggio,  1790."     Propaganda  Archives,  I.  c,  ff.  387-387V. 

"  This  letter  is  missing  in  the  Propaganda  Archives  and  in  the  Baltimore  Cathe- 
dral Archives,  but  it  is  mentioned  in  Antonelli's  letter  of  August   14,   1790. 


Two  Remarkable  Projects  403 

this  time.  We  wrote  to  Your  Lordship  on  May  22,  that  they 
would  be  guided  in  spiritual  things  by  Dom  Didier,  a  monk  of 
St.  Maur,  to  whom  faculties  have  been  given  by  the  Holy  See, 
with  the  clause,  however,  that  if  the  colony  settle  within  the 
confines  of  the  Diocese  of  Baltimore,  Father  Didier  will  be  bound 
to  obtain  your  consent  to  the  exercise  of  his  faculties."  ^*  In  his 
reply  of  September  27,  1790,  Bishop  Carroll  says:  **One  group 
of  the  colonists  who  have  left  France  arrived  in  America,  after 
I  had  left;  not  that  group,  however,  with  which  the  priest  of  the 
Congregation  of  St.  Maur  has  sailed,  of  whom  there  is  mention 
in  your  letter.  They  have  selected  a  city  in  a  territory  belonging 
to  the  United  States,  though  not  included  in  any  of  those  prov- 
inces which  I  have  described  more  fully  to  Father  Thorpe,  when 
I  asked  him  to  explain  to  Your  Eminence  my  hesitancy  in  this 
matter.  This  can  be  more  easily  done  when  you  see  the  map 
which  I  have  despatched  through  the  Nuncio  of  Paris."  ^^  Shea 
tells  us  that  after  reaching  the  settlement  at  Gallipolis,  and  after 
learning  that  he  was  within  the  jurisdiction  of  Bishop  Carroll, 
Dom  Didier  travelled  back  to  Baltimore  to  obtain  the  Bishop's 
consent  to  use  his  faculties.  Father  Didier  remained  with  the 
colony,  acting  as  vicar-general  of  Bishop  Carroll  until  1792, 
when  he  retired,  discouraged  by  his  unsuccessful  efforts  to  keep 
the  faith  alive  among  his  flock.  On  July  21,  1792,  we  find  his 
name  signed  to  the  baptismal  register  of  St.  Charles  Borromeo's 
Church,  in  St.  Charles,  Mo.  Sometime  later,  he  was  at  Floris- 
sant, and,  in  1794,  he  took  up  his  residence  at  St.  Louis,  where 
for  five  years  he  laboured,  beloved  of  all  the  citizens  of  that  city, 
until  his  death  about  the  end  of  October,  1799. 

Father  Kenny's  admirable  sketch  of  the  dispersal  of  the 
Gallipolis  colony  explains  the  dwindling  of  the  settlement  and 
the  far-reaching  consequences  of  the  same: 

Enticement  to  the  other  settlements  drew  many  away;  fear  of  the 
Indians,  now  on  the  war-path,  was  no  idle  fancy,  and  contributed  to  all 
the  other  motives  for  departure;  but  the  cause  usually  ascribed  for  the 
general  dissipation  of  the  colony  was  that,  even  after  they  had  paid  a 
second  time  for  their  land,  their  titles  were  still  insecure,  in  fact,  invalid. 
It  is  interesting  to  see  how  they  penetrated  at  once  into  the  remotest 
part  of  America.    Little  knots  of  them  appear  on  the  map  from  the  At- 

**    Propaganda  Archives,  Lettere,  vol.  as8,  f.  497. 
*    Ibid.,  Scritture  originali,  vol.  893,  not  folioed. 


404  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

lantic  seaboard  to  civilization's  last  outposts  in  the  Trans-Mississippi,  and 
from  Detroit  and  Canada  to  and  across  the  Mexican  border.^'^ 

Cincinnati  attracted  some;  Paris,  in  Bourbon  County,  Ken- 
tucky, attracted  others.  One  group,  led  by  Marnesia,  went  to 
Pennsylvania,  and  founded  the  settlement  of  Asylum.^^  Count 
Joseph  de  Earth,  Baron  of  Walbach,  settled  in  New  Hampshire. 
One  of  his  sons,  Father  de  Barth,  twice  refused  the  See  of 
Philadelphia;  another,  General  Walbach,  rendered  distinguished 
service  to  the  land  of  his  father's  adoption,  in  the  War  of  1812. 
New  Bourbon  in  Missouri  received  another  group  of  the  colo- 
nists, and  New  Madrid  proved  a  mecca  for  the  disillusioned 
pioneers.  Even  far-away  Maine  is  said  to  have  harboured  a 
group  of  the  refugees  from  Gallipolis.^®  Of  all  the  cities,  St. 
Louis  appears  to  have  been  the  most  popular  refuge.  Here  they 
found  Father  Didier,  their  pastor,  whose  brother,  John  Baptist 
Didier,  soon  became  one  of  the  prominent  citizens  of  the  town. 
Only  a  remnant  of  the  several  thousand  French  colonists 
remained  in  the  city  of  Gallipolis,  which  they  had  hoped  to  see 
created  an  episcopal  See.  In  September,  1793,  Fathers  Badin 
and  Barrieres,  whom  Carroll  had  appointed  his  Vicars-General 
for  the  Ohio  and  Kentucky  districts,  visited  Gallipolis,  and 
remained  three  days,  heartily  welcomed  by  the  deserted  colony. 
High  Mass  was  sung  by  them  in  the  garrison  and  forty  children 
were  baptized.  "The  good  French  colonists  were  delighted,  and 
shed  tears  on  their  departure."  ^^  Bishop  Carroll  writes  the 
epitaph  for  this  once  enthusiastic  dream-city : 


"   L.c,  p.  437. 

"  Herbermann,  a  French  Emigre  Colony  in  the  United  States,  in  the  United 
States  Catholic  Historical  Society,  Records  and  Studies,  vol.  i,  pp.  77-97  (A  translation 
of  Henri  Carre's  article  on  the  same  subject  in  the  Revue  de  Paris,  May  is,  1898); 
Griffin,  A  Colony  of  French  Catholics  in  Bradford  County,  Pennsylvania  {1794-1800) 
in  the  Records,  vol.  xviii,  pp.  245-261,  421-433;  Bishop  Kenrick  in  the  Annals  of  the 
Propagation  of  the  Faith,  for  January,  1834.  For  a  description  of  the  sad  condition 
of  this  settlement,  where  four  priests  who  resided  there  never  said  Mass  nor  gathered 
the  people  for  prayer  or  services,  cf.  Shea,  op.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  29*.  Griffin  gives  another 
version  in  the  Records,  vol.  xviii,  pp.  426-429,  but  the  absence  of  any  documents  in  the 
Baltimore  Cathedral  Archives  strongly  favors  Shea's  opinion.  The  apostate  Abb6 
Fromentin  was  one  of  these  four  priests.  Cf.  Ingham,  Asylum.  Towanda,  19 16.  The 
only  one  of  the  four  priests  who  remained  was  the  Apostle  of  Georgia,  Abbe  Carles. 
(^Works,  of  Bishop  England,  vol.  iii,  pp.  252-254-) 

**  Cf.  Queries  on  Catholic  Maine  History,  in  the  Maine  Catholic  Historical  Mags' 
sine,  vol.  v,  pp.  44-46. 

**    Spalding,  Sketches  of  the  Early  Catholic  Missionaries  of  Kentucky,  pp.  6i-6a. 


Two  Remarkable  Projects  405 

You  have  inquired,  Most  Eminent  Cardinal,  about  the  French  who 
came  two  years  ago,  to  inhabit  the  banks  of  the  Scioto,  and  who  brought 
with  them  as  their  pastor  a  Benedictine  monk  of  St.  Denis,  Dom  Didier. 
When  they  had  arrived  at  their  destination,  great  difficulties  and  quarrels 
arose  in  the  colony,  on  account  of  a  diversity  of  opinion  regarding  the 
movements  in  France.  Hence  a  large  number  left  for  other  places;  those 
who  remained,  reduced  to  a  very  small  number,  built  a  village,  cut  down 
the  trees,  planted  the  fields,  and  were  about  to  profit  by  the  fruit  of 
their  labour,  when  an  Indian  uprising  took  place,  and  they  were  in  sore 
straits  again.  I  do  not  know  what  they  decided  to  do.  This  past  sum- 
mer, Dom  Didier,  their  parish  priest  came  here,  and  from  him  I  ob- 
tained practically  all  that  I  related  about  the  colony.  I  have  learned 
hardly  anything  about  these  colonists  which  could  satisfy  either  the  in- 
terest of  the  Sacred  Congregation  or  its  solicitude  regarding  those 
things  which  pertain  to  piety  and  religion.  Many  of  them  are  refugees 
from  Paris  who  have  brought  with  them  the  vices  of  the  large  cities,  and 
a  hatred  for  religion.  It  is  to  be  hoped  that  Dom  Didier  will  be  able  to 
apply  a  remedy  to  this  evil  and  to  encourage  labour  and  simplicity  of 
morals. 21 

The  tragic  end  of  this  great  colonizing  project  is  described 
in  a  letter  from  Father  Badin  to  Bishop  Carroll,  June  28,  1796, 
in  which  he  says  that  eighty  men,  without  religion  or  morals, 
were  all  that  were  left  in  Gallipolis;  in  1805,  as  Dilhet  tells  us, 
they  had  dwindled  to  twenty.^^ 


Louisville,  1844.  Cf.  Shea,  op.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  455.  It  would  look  from  this  as  if 
Didier  had  deserted  his  people.  Breckenridge  in  his  Recollections  says  "they  had 
vanished  like  the  palace  of  Aladdin."  Cf.  for  the  whole  melancholy  tragedy,  Volney, 
vol.  ii,  pp.  381-393.  "Night  was  coming  on  when  I  reached  the  village  of  Gallipolis.  I 
could  only  distinguish  three  rows  of  little  white  houses  built  on  the  flat  summit  of  the 
bank  of  the  Ohio.  ...  I  was  struck  with  its  wild  appearance,  and  the  sallow  com- 
plexions, thin  visages,  sickly  looks,  and  weary  air,  of  all  its  inhabitants.  They  were 
not  desirous  of  conversing  with  me"  (p.  385,  English  trans.).  There  is  a  letter  in  Robin, 
Nouvcaux  Voyages  (p.  17),  from  Dom  Didier  (undated  but  written  after  his  arrival 
at  Gallipolis)  to  Father  Piot,  sub-Prior  of  the  Royal  Abbey  of  St.  Maur,  to  which 
Didier  belonged.  It  must  have  been  written  during  the  first  days  of  the  colony,  for  it 
breathes  great  hope  for  the  future.  He  says  in  part:  "J'ai  rencontre  beaucoup  d'Ameri- 
cains  catholiques.  J'ai  baptiste  beaucoup  de  leurs  enfans;  ils  ne  voyent  de  Presbytres 
que  quatre  fois  par  an.  J'ai  vu  des  Sauvages  catholiques,  parlant  un  peu  Fran(;ais, 
qui  m'ont  baise  les  mains.  ..."  It  is  strange  that  no  letters  of  Didier's  exist  in  the 
Gallipolis  Papers,  now  in  the  Van  Wormer  Library  (Ohio  Philosophical  Society),  of 
the  University  of  Cincinnati.  These  papers  have  been  arranged  and  some  of  them 
edited  by  Belote,  in  the  seventh  volume  of  the  Quarterly  Publications  of  the  Historical 
end  Philosophical  Society  of  Ohio  (vol.  vii,  1907,  no.  2).  Other  documents  exist  in 
the  collection  of  the  American  Antiquarian  Society  and  in  those  of  the  New  York 
Historical  Society.  See  also,  Badin,  Origine  et  Progr^s  de  la  Mission  du  Kentucky, 
p.  16.     Paris,  1 82 1. 

^    Propaganda  Archives,  Scritture  originali,  vol.   893. 

^    Dilhet-Browne,  The  Begiftnings  of  the  Church  in  America,  p.  62,     Quebeg, 


4o6  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

The  failure  of  the  whole  scheme  is  but  another  incident  in  the 
already  long  list  of  Utopian  projects  which  have  had  their  stage 
in  America  from  the  earliest  colonial  days. 

Father  Kenny  writes: 

Nowhere  in  all  the  annals  of  the  American  colonies  is  there  offered  a 
sharper  contrast  of  light  and  shade,  in  fact  or  in  symbol  than  here,  where 
old  nobles  and  counts  with  their  gentle  ladies,  right  out  of  the  most 
brilliant  court  the  world  has  ever  known,  are  translated,  as  if  by  some 
evil  magic,  to  the  uncouth  haunts  of  savage  men  and  beasts.  There  are 
not  indeed  any  thieves  or  murderers  among  them,  if  one  except  the 
Count  Malartic,  a  professional  warrior.  No  doors  need  locks.  There 
are  to  be  no  deeds  of  violence.  Lawsuits  and  quarrels,  yes;  these  people 
are  not  all  saints.  One  may  find  among  them  a  specimen  of  that  most 
odious  degeneracy,  the  ex-priest,  Fromentin,  one  day  to  become  a  member 
of  the  United  States  Senate  representing  the  State  of  Louisiana.^s 
The  yellow  fever  will  sweep  him  and  his  paramour  in  one  day  before  the 
court  that  has  a  right  to  judge.  There,  too,  is  Von  Schriltz  and  his 
reputed  wife,  who  will  leave  an  illegitimate  progeny  to  carry  his  shame 
down  the  ages.  These  bring  out  by  contrast  the  worth  and  purity  of  their 
surroundings.  To  the  Americans,  the  greatest  wonder  in  the  colony  is 
Monsieur  Duthiel,  a  farmer  who  always  insists  on  giving  too  much  of 
his  wheat  in  every  barter  lest  he  might  get  the  better  of  any  of  his 
neighbors.  Death  itself  will  stand  in  awe  of  Jean  Baptiste  Bertrand, 
who  even  in  the  days  of  famine  will  observe  all  the  fasts  of  the  Church, 
and  by  blandishments  and  by  corporal  punishments  alike  will  see  to  it 
that  even  his  grown  offspring  remain  true  to  their  faith.  He  will  sur- 
vive all  the  other  men  of  Gallipolis,  reaching  the  age  of  ninety- four  in 
T855.  Standing  winsomely  beneath  the  arches  of  the  wide  wilderness, 
one  might  hear  the  sweet  Mademoiselle  Vimont  humming  the  strains  of 
sacred  anthems  she  used  to  sing  in  the  grand  old  Notre  Dame  of  Paris; 
here  is  an  Evangeline  for  the  poets.  Little  boys  and  girls  of  tenderest 
years,  playing  in  the  bushes,  meet  at  times  the  glaring  eyes  of  Shawnees 
or  of  the  wild  cats ;  here  are  babes  in  the  woods  for  the  painters.  What 
is  needed,  what  we  do  not  find,  is  an  individual,  a  man  towering  above  all 
the  rest;  there  is  no  hero,  where  all  are  brave.  They  stood  together 
and  time  has  levelled  down  their  graves  to  a  common  surface.  But  what 
with  good  and  bad,  civilized  and  savage,  wise  and  frivolous,  age  and 
infancy,  English  and  French,  the  romancer  has  materials  for  a  story 
that,  by  keeping  close  to  the  truth,  will  one  day  resurrect  the  old  French 
city  and  make  it  the  term  of  pilgrimages  for  their  descendants  scattered 


"    See  a  letter  from  Andrew  Jackson,  to  President  Monroe,  Pensacola,  August  4, 
i8ai,  in  the  Records,  vol.  xviii,  pp.  429-431,  for  the  base  life  led  by  Fromentin. 


Tivo  Remarkable  Projects  407 

today   from  end  to  end  of  America  like   leaves  that   are  blowTi  by   the 
blasts  of  October.2'* 

Simultaneously  with  the  Gallipolis  bishopric  occurred  another 
of  somewhat  more  ambitious  design,  namely,  the  creation  of  a 
separate  diocese  for  the  Indians  of  New  York  State.  "The 
consecration  and  installation  of  Bishop  Carroll,"  writes  Shea, 
"were  coeval  with  a  strange  project  to  erect  an  episcopal  See  in 
the  State  of  New  York.  While  the  Church  was  slowly  gaining 
a  permanent  footing  in  the  cities  of  that  State,  there  was  an 
attempt  to  establish  a  French  mission,  and,  strangest  of  all,  a 
Bishop  among  the  Oneida  Indians,  which  forms  one  of  the 
curious  episodes  in  our  history."  ^^  The  object  of  those  who 
engineered  the  scheme  was  no  less  than  the  foundation  of  an 
Indian  Primacy  over  the  Six  Nations  of  New  York  State.  The 
Oneida  tribe  constituted  itself  the  spokesman  for  the  rest  of  the 
Nations,  and  the  plan  was  fully  developed  before  the  appeal  was 
made  to  Rome.  The  Oneidas  were  a  tribe  of  the  Iroquois  Con- 
federacy, occupying  the  land  about  Oneida  Lake,  in  Oneida 
County.  They  consisted  of  three  clans — the  Wolf,  the  Turtle, 
and  the  Bear,  and  each  clan  was  represented,  in  the  signatures 
to  the  documents,  by  three  members.  The  Six  Nations  men- 
tioned in  the  documents  were  the  Oneidas,  Onandagas,  Mohawks, 
Senecas,  Cayugas,  and  Tuscaroras.^^  They  were  friendly 
towards  the  missionaries,  and  some  of  the  noblest  pages  of  early 
missionary  effort  are  those  containing  the  story  of  the  Jesuits 
among  these  tribes.  The  Jesuit  Relations  contain  many  im- 
portant documents  describing  the  work  done  among  the  Oneidas 
by  the  Society  of  Jesus.  The  early  missionaries  speak  of  the 
Oneidas  as  the  most  civilized  of  the  nations — a  claim  they  make 
for  themselves  in  their   letter  to   Pope  Pius  VI.     "They  are 


^  Kenny,  in  the  Catholic  Historical  Review,  pp.  435-436.  Rev.  Victor  O'Daniel, 
O.P.,  in  his  scholarly  Life  of  Bishop  Fenwick  (Washington,  D.  C,  1921)  has  brought 
to  light  new  material  for  the  study  of  the  Gallipolis  Colony  (cf.  pp.  73,  189-190, 
194,  212). 

^*  Op.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  373.  All  the  documents  available  in  the  Propaganda  Archives 
on  the  Oneida  project  are  published  in  the  Catholic  Historical  Review,  vol.  iii,  pp.  78-79. 

^  Usually  these  tribes  are  spoken  of  as  the  Five  Nations.  The  Tuscaroras  were 
a  southern  tribe,  and  are  supposed  to  have  joined  the  Five  Nations  about  1714.  After 
this  date  the  Confederacy  is  called  the  Six  Nations.  Cf.  DrakEj  The  Book  of  the 
Jndians  of  North  America,  v.  i,  p.  2.     Boston,  1834. 


4o8  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

demons  when  they  are  attacked,"  wrote  one  of  the  Jesuits  in 
1653,  "but  the  gentlest  and  most  affable  people  in  the  world, 
when  they  are  treated  as  friends."  ^^  Shea's  account  of  the 
origin  of  this  extraordinary  project  is  taken  mostly  from  Hough's 
Notices  of  Peter  Penet."^^  Though  Penet's  name  is  not  men- 
tioned in  any  of  the  documents  at  our  disposal,  it  is  probably 
true  that  the  project  originated  with  him.  Penet  was  a  native 
of  France  and  had  come  to  the  United  States  in  December,  1775, 
for  the  purpose  of  negotiating  a  supply  of  arms  and  ammunition 
for  the  Continental  soldiers.  He  succeeded  in  impressing 
General  Washington,  who  appointed  him  an  aide-de-camp 
in  the  American  army;  but  the  supply  never  materialized.  In 
1783,  he  was  trading  as  a  merchant  in  Philadelphia,  and  had 
gained  considerable  influence  with  the  Oneidas,  whom  he  per- 
suaded into  the  belief  that  he  was  an  ambassador  from  the  King 
of  France.  Shea  says  that  he  induced  the  tribe  to  apply  to  the 
French  Minister  of  New  York,  Count  de  Moustier,  in  1787,  for 
a  priest,  and  from  a  letter  in  Hough's  Notices,  it  would  appear 
that  the  priest  in  question.  Father  Perrot,  was  brought  by  Penet 
to  the  Indians.^^  Father  Perrot  took  up  residence  among  them 
at  Oneida  Castle  (1789)  and  remained  a  year.  His  stay  among 
the  Indians  might  have  been  lost  sight  of  completely,  had  his 
presence  not  been  bitterly  opposed  by  the  well-known  Calvinist 
clergyman.  Rev.  Samuel  Kirkland,  who  attacked  him  severely  in 
his  letters. ^°  Father  Perrot  is  not  mentioned  in  any  of  the  docu- 
ments dealing  with  the  project ;  in  fact  there  is  no  mention  of 
any  priest  in  Penet's  Plan  of  Government,  which  appeared  in  the 
Albany  Gazette,  in  February,  1789.^^  Whether  there  is  any  con- 
nection between  the  project  of  Penet  and  the  effort  of  the  agent, 
Jean  de  la  Mahotiere,  the  documents  do  not  state ;  but  if  we  are 
to  accept  the  statements  of  Kirkland  and  those  related  about  the 


"    Jesuit  Relations,  vol.  xl,  p.  91. 

"  Franklin  B.  Hough,  Notices  of  Peter  Penet  and  his  Operations  among  the 
Oneida  Indians,  including  a  Plan  prepared  by  him  for  the  Government  of  that  Tribe. 
Louisville,  N.  Y.,  1866.  Cf.  Shea,  History  of  the  Catholic  Church  in  the  United 
States,  vol.  ii,  p.  373  ff. 

^    Shea,  op.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  373.  Cf.  Researches,  vol.  xxiv,  p.  27. 

^  Cf.  Lathrop,  Life  of  Samuel  Kirkland,  Missionary  to  the  Indians,  p.  293. 
Boston,  1847.  (Sparks,  American  Biography,  vol.  xxv.)  Tracy,  Notices  of  Men  and 
Events  Connected  with  the  Early  History  of  Oneida  County,  p.  200.     New  York,  1882. 

•*    The  Penet  Plan  will  be  found  in  Hough,  op.  cit.,  pp.  24ff, 


Two  Remarkable  Projects  409 

"Lost  Dauphin,"  the  Rev.  Eleazar  Williams,  who  was  a  mis- 
sionary among  the  Oneidas,®^  it  is  strange  to  find  a  body  so 
thoroughly  Presbyterian,  as  these  missionaries  describe  the 
Oneidas,  writing  that  they  were  entirely  Catholic,  that  they  had 
obtained  the  departure  of  the  Anglican  and  Presbyterian  minis- 
ters in  April,  1789,  and  that  they  had  made  arrangements  to  have 
two  priests  from  Canada  take  charge  of  divine  worship  until 
the  arrival  of  the  six  Capuchins  who  were  to  accompany  Maho- 
tiere  back  to  New  York  from  France.^^ 

The  first  of  the  four  documents  on  the  Oneida  Bishopric  is 
a  Supplicatio  in  Latin  to  Pius  VI,  dated  April  25,  1789.  It  was 
probably  written  at  Oneida  Castle,  and  is  signed  by  the  repre- 
sentatives of  the  Wolves,  the  Turtles,  and  the  Bears.  The  letter 
begins  with  the  general  statement  that  the  highest  good  of  man 
here  below  is  to  possess  the  true  Faith  and  that  no  one  can  come 
to  the  knowledge  of  the  Faith  except  through  the  Roman  Catholic 
Church,  whose  head,  the  Supreme  Pontiff,  is  the  Vicar  of  Christ 
on  earth.  Communion  with  the  Church  was  the  earnest  desire 
of  the  Oneidas;  and,  although  they  were  undeservedly  regarded 
by  Europeans  as  savages,  nevertheless  they  possessed  a  culture 
of  their  own,  which  was  far  greater  than  was  generally  known. 
They  ardently  wished  to  be  numbered  among  the  children  of  the 
Church.  In  a  general  council  of  their  Nation,  their  leaders, 
warriors,  wise  men,  women  and  children,  had  decided  to  send 
an  appeal  to  the  Ploly  Father,  asking  him  to  provide  them  with 
a  bishop,  who  would  be  at  the  same  time  Primate  of  the  Six 
Nations.  For  this  post  they  had  chosen  Father  John  Louis 
Victor  Le  Tonnelier  de  Coulonges,  whom  they  had  adopted  as 
one  of  their  own,  and  who  was  in  every  way  worthy  of  this 
exalted  dignity.  A  certain  Nicholas  Jourdain,  an  adopted 
Frenchman,  whose  Indian  name  was  Shakerad,  interpreted  the 
Supplicatio  to  the  chiefs,  who  then  signed  it  and  placed  it  in  the 
hands  of  their  agent,  Jean  de  la  Mahotiere.  Mahotiere  came  to 
Paris  and  presented  the  Supplicatio  to  the  Papal  Nuncio,  to- 
gether with  a  letter  to  Pius  VI  explaining  the  necessity  for  the 
bishopric : 

^    Cf.  Bloomfield,   The  Oneidas,  pp.  gSff.     New  York,   1907. 

"  "II  a  obtenu  de  la  nation  des  Oneida  le  renvoi  des  ministres  anglicans  et  pres- 
byteriens  comme  n'aians  plus  parrai  elle  ni  troupeaux,  ce  qui  a  ete  execute  le  raoia 
d'avrU  1789." 


410  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

Pro    uno  oneidcae  Supplicatio      oneideae      nationis 

nationis  Episcopo  indicae  ad  Vestram  Sanctitatem 

et     sex  nationum  Pium    VI.     Summxim   Ecclesiae 

Primate  Pontificem.     Romae. 

Sanctissime  Pater 

Istam  [  ?]  habere  veram  religionem  primum  est  hominis  bonum,  sicut 
fides  est  primum  bonum  supernaturale :  donum  coeleste  ad  quod  nemo 
pervenire  potest  nisi  per  aditum  ad  Ecclesiam  Catholicam,  apostolicam 
romanam,  cujus  gubernacula  tenet  ejus  visibile  Caput  Summus  Romanus 
Pontifex,  Christi  in  terris  Vicarius !  Hujus  vestrae  sanctae  Communionis 
gratiam  ferventer  appetunt,  sanctissime  pater,  homines  illi  quos  tam 
immerito  europaei  dixerunt  agrestes  ac  f eros ;  ii  quippe  in  societates 
grandes,  seu  nationes,  antiquitatis  primas  numeroque  stupendas  congre- 
gati,  immcnsis  americani  continentis  terris  dominantur  et  imperant  quae 
ab  americanis  finibus  ad  australia  et  occidentalia  usque  maria  patent, 
easque  hominibus  liberis,  familiis,  villis,  vicis  atque  pagis  cum  omnium 
inter  omnes  communitate  summaque  in  parentes  et  seniores  pietate  fre- 
quentant. 

Ardcntissimo  praesentim  in  fidem  christianam  studio  flagrant,  sanctis- 
sime pater,  nationis  illius  indicae  populi  qui  oneidaei  dicti,  gallice  les 
Oneida,  proximi  sunt  septentrionales  Americanarum  ditionum  fines  numer- 
anturque  et  sunt  prima  e  quinque  illis  celeberrimis  nationibus,  coeterarum 
omnium  debellatoribus,  vulgo  dictis  nationes  quinque;  populi  oneidaei 
statuta  mente  se  ad  officia  civilia  rite  informandi,  jam  ratum  habuerunt 
unum  gubernationis  modum  aeque  numeris  omnibus  absolutum  ac  sibi 
plene  accomodatum,  illud  suae  vitae,  civilis  grande  consilium  inniti  vol- 
uerunt  ac  statuerunt  firmo  religionis  christianae  fundamento,  quo  ad 
felicem  exitum  properante,  coeterae  nationes  indicae  mox  eamdem  guber- 
nationis formam  in  suam  adoptaturae,  eorum  quoque  bono  exemplo  simul 
ac  verbi  divini  ministerio  una  pariter,  uti  firma  proximaque  spes  est, 
convertentur  ad  religionem  catholicam  apostolicam  romanam. 

In  quoram  gratiam,  pro  propugnatione  fidei  et  nostrarum  salute  ani- 
marum,  nos  supremi  duces  consilii,  duces  belli,  bellatores,  senes,  mulieres 
et  liberi  totius  oneideae  nationis  et  nobis  affinium  nationum,  sanctitati 
vestrae,  supplicavimus  et  supplicamus  providere,  constituere,  et  confirmare 
Episcopum  nostrae  oneideae  nationis  et  Primatem  quinque  nationum  dilec- 
tum  optimeque  de  nobis  meritum  Joannem  Ludovicum  Victorem  Le  Ton- 
nelier  de  Coulonges,  equitem,  origine  gallum,  unum  vero  e  nobis  nostra 
nationali  adoptione,  virum  religione,  moribus,  bonis  consiliis  et  exemplis 
maxime  commendandum,  jam  selectum,  nominatum  et  assumptum  a  nobis 
ad  illas  sacras  functioncs,  illumque  augere  rogamus  in  hac  prospera  apud 
nos  religionis  facie  quibuscumque  juribus,  dignitate  et  praestantia  in 
ordine  ad  conversioncm  nostrorum  fratrum  indorum,  ad  propagationem 
et  conservationem  fidei  in  nostris  imperiis,  et  Deus  totius  auctor  salutis 
vestram  sanctitatem  vestrumque  pontificatum  suis  optimis  cumulabit  donis. 

Datum  in  pleno  oneideae  nationis  Concilio  sub  signo  nostrorum  supre- 


Tzvo  Remarkable  Projects  411 

morum  ducum  magnoquc  sigillo  nostrae  nationis,  anno  reparatae  salutis 
millesimo  scptingentcsimo,  octogesimo  nono,  et  primo  ab  cxercita  nostra 
suprema  postestate,  die  vero  vigesima  quinta  aprilis. 

Tribus  Lupi                     Tribus   Tcsfudhiis  Tribus  Ursi 

Ajestalate                                Shovonjhelego  Hagoyvownloga 

Scanondoe                               Anthony  Konwagelct 

Hannah-Sodalli                       Sagoyowntha  Agwilentengwas 

(Interpretatum  a  nobis  linguarum  intcrprete  apud  sex  famosas  nationes 
indicas  die  et  anno  supradictis.  Dc  mandato  supremi  concilii.  Nicholas 
Jourdain,  indice  Shakerad.)"* 

Mahotiere's  letter,  dated  over  twelve  months  later  (May  17, 
1790),  shows  that  the  agent  had  taken  it  for  granted  that  there 
would  be  no  hesitancy  on  the  part  of  the  Holy  See  in  granting 
the  request  of  the  Oneidas.  A  Company  of  Four — all  French- 
men— had  been  formed  for  the  purpose  of  organizing  the  future 
prosperity  of  the  Indians.  A  chapel  had  been  erected,  with  pic- 
tures, bells,  sacred  vessels,  ornaments,  and  other  necessary  deco- 
rations, at  the  Company's  expense.  Mahotiere  informed  His 
Holiness  that  six  Capuchins  were  to  accompany  him  back  to 
America : 

M.  Jean  de  la  Mahotiere  premier  agent  general  de  la  Nation  des  Oneida 
sur  les  ordres  qu'il  a  regu  de  solliciter  aupres  de  Votre  Saintete  les  moiens 
de  propager  et  de  cdnserver  la  foi  parmi  les  nations  indiennes  de  I'Afnerique 
ieptentvionale. 

A  Notre  Tres  Saint  Pere  Le  Pape  Pie  VI,  a  Rome 

Tres  Saint  Pere: 

J'ai  I'honneur  d'adresser  a  Votre  Saintete  par  I'envoi  de  Monseigneur 
le  Nonce  residant  a  Paris,  les  pieces  ci-jointes,  lesquelles  la  nation  des 
Oneida  en  particulier  et  les  six  fameuscs  Indiennes  en  general  m'ont 
charge  avec  ordre  d'cxprimer  a  Votre  Saintete,  les  progres  que  fait  la 
religion  parmi  ces  nations,  leur  impatience  d'obtenir  du  Saint  vSiege  des 
pouvoirs  pour  leur  6veque  et  primat,  et  surtout  de  mettre  avec  la  plus 
grande  force  sous  les  yeux  de  Votre  Saintete  les  moiens  qui  sont  propres 
a  conserver  et  a  propager  la  foi  dans  un  pais  qui  I'emporte  sur  toute 
I'Europe  i)ar  son  etcndue  et  qui  pent  lui  etre  assimile  pour  le  nombre 
des  habitans,   et   de  porter   moi   meme   a  les   nations   les   pouvoirs   et   la 


**  Propaganda  Archives,  Scritture  riferite,  America  Cetitrale,  vol.  ii,  if.  401-403. 
This  and  the  following  documents  are  left  exactly  as  they  appear  in  the  photostat 
copies;  no  corrections  of  spelling,  grammar,  or  accents  have  been  made. 


412  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

reponse   dont   il   vous   plaira,   tres    Saint    Pere,   me   charger   par   I'entre- 
mise  de  Monseigneur  Votre  Nonce  a  Paris. 

Le  divin  flambeau  de  la  foi  ne  s'eteindra  jamais  sur  la  terre,  et  si  en 
punition  des  mechans  il  cessoit  d'eclairer  une  partie  du  monde,  sa  lumiere 
vivifiante  eclaireroit  bientot  un  autre  hemisphere  et  prepareroit  tcujours  des 
habitans  pour  le  ciel :  "O  altitudo  diviirum  sapientiae  et  scientiae  Dei  .  .  . 
quam  incomprehensibilia  sunt  judicia  et  investigabiles  viae  ejus!" 

Une  compagnie  de  quatre  frangais  en  operant  la  civilisation  des  Indiens 
s'est  proposee,  tres  Saint  Pere,  le  bonheur  de  les  nations  et  de  leur 
posterite,  de  leur  conversion  a  I'eglise  romaine,  leur  alliance  avec  les 
puissances  chretiennes  a  I'effet  obtenir  des  secours  pour  la  conversion 
des  Indiens  et  assurer  a  les  memes  puissances  la  jouissance  paisible  et  la 
conservation  de  leur  £tats  et  Colonies  en  Amerique,  cette  derniere  consid- 
eration est  surtout  de  la  plus  grand  importance  pour  les  Florides,  la 
Louisianne  etc.,  et  la  Havanne,  qui  sont  sous  la  puissance  de  la  cour  de 
Madrid. 

Notre  titre  de  frangais,  par  I'agreable  ressouvenir  qu'elles  ont  encore 
de  rhonnetete  et  de  la  generosite  des  Frangais  a  leur  egard  lorsqu'ils 
etaient  possesseurs  de  la  belle  province  du  Canada  avant  le  traite  de  1763, 
mais  pour  operer  leur  conversion  a  la  foi  et  a  la  vie  civile,  nous  avons 
juges  absolument  necessaire  de  recourir  aux  bienfaits,  nous  leur  avons 
faits  construire  une  eglise,  acheter  des  tableaux,  des  cloches,  des  vases 
sacres,  des  ornemens,  des  livres  d'eglise  et  toutes  ses  decorations,  de  notre 
argent;  pour  leur  inspirer  I'amour  du  travail  et  le  gout  de  I'agriculture 
nous  leur  en  avons  donnes  nous  memes  I'example  et  nous  leur  avons 
faits  presents  de  chevaux,  de  boeufs,  de  charrues  et  de  tous  les  utensiles 
de  labour. 

Tous  les  presens,  tres  Saint  Pere,  leur  ont  ete  tres  agreables,  nous 
avons  donnes  beaucoup;  mais  M.  le  Tonnelier  de  Coulonges  a  emploie  a 
cette  oeuvre  pie  plus  des  deux  tiers  de  son  patrimoine,  cinq  cens  milles 
livres  au  moins,  et  cet  homme  vertueux,  ce  prelat  a  bonnes  oeuvres  est 
mis  liors  d'etat  de  continuer  ses  charites  pour  en  avoir  trop  suivi  le  senti- 
ment religieux. 

La  necessite  d'employer  les  moiens  di  bienfaisance  et  de  charite  pour 
propager  la  foi  dans  le  nouveau  monde  existe  encore  aujourd'hui,  que 
dis-je,  elle  est  plus  instante  que  jamais  par  les  progres  qu'y  fait  la  religion, 
vous  en  faire,  tres  Saint  Pere,  le  tableau  frappant,  est  I'ordre  que  j'ai  regu 
des  nations  indiennes  converties,  c'est  I'obligation  que  je  me  suis  imposee 
par  £tat,  par  amour  pour  la  religion,  et  par  un  sentiment  de  profonde 
veneration  pour  Votre  Saintete.  C'est  combler  vos  entrailles  paternelles 
de  joie  pour  la  conversion  d'une  infinite  d'ames  a  la  foi  et  la  conquete  d'un 
pais  immense  a  I'Eglise.  C'est  convaincre  ces  bonnes  nations  que  Votre 
Saintete  trouvera  dans  les  tresors  de  sa  charite  des  moiens  effectifs  de 
seconder  pres  d'ellcs  les  operations  de  la  grace  et  la  propagation  de  la  foi. 
Et  de  continuer  les  secours  que  nous  leur  avons  si  loialement  portes,  ou 
par  la  voie  de  quetes  et  d'aumones  annuelles  faites  parmi  les  Chretiens, 
ou  par  celle  de  benefices  dont  il  plairot  a  Votre  Saintete  pourvoir  ou 


Two  Remarkable  Projects  413 

faire  pourvoir  leur  eveque  et  primat,  ou  par  celle  de  bienfaits  accord^s 
par  votre  entremise,  tres  Saint  P^re,  par  la  Cour  d'Espagne  et  dont  la 
proposition  ne  peut  qu'etre  favorablement  accueille,  sous  le  nom  de  secours 
accordes  par  Sa  Majeste  tres  catholique  aux  Indians  de  I'Amerique  scpten- 
trionale  convertis,  lesquels  secours  arriveroient  tous  les  ans  k  Newyork 
par  le  paquet  Espagnol,  par  le  paquet  frangais,  ou  de  la  Havanne,  a 
I'adresse  du  consul  d'Espagne  ou  de  Tambassadeur  de  France,  pour  etre 
remis  a  M.  le  Tonnelier  de  Coulonges  leur  eveque  et  primat,  et  Dieu 
comblera  le  regne  de  Votre  Saintete  de  ses  prosperites  et  de  celles  de 
I'Eglise  les  plus  abondantes. 

J'ai  aussi  ordre,  tr^s  Saint  P^re,  de  supplier  Votre  saintete  d'accorder 
des  pouvoirs  de  cures  et  de  missionnaires  apostoliques  i  six  Capucins  Fran- 
gais  que  je  vais  emmener  dans  trois  mois  chez  les  nations  indiennes.  Ce 
sont  de  tous  les  pretrcs  ceux  qui  y  sont  en  plus  grande  veneration  qui 
leur  conviennent  le  mieux.  Je  finis,  tres  Saint  Pere,  en  demandant  votre 
sainte  benediction,  et  vos  saintes  indulgences. 

Jean  de  la  Mahotierc  premier  agent  general  de  la  nation  des  Oneida 
et  charge  des  pouvoirs  des  six  fameuses  nations. 

Paris.    17  Mai,  ijgo.^^ 

The  Nuncio  seems,  at  first,  to  have  treated  the  project  with 
scant  attention,  but  the  affair  had  reached  the  pubHc  press  and 
had  aroused  a  certain  amount  of  sympathy  and  enthusiasm. 
Mahotiere  was  then  requested,  as  in  the  case  of  Dom  Didier, 
for  fuller  explanations,  and  the  Nuncio  granted  the  Indian  agent 
several  interviews  for  the  purpose  of  reaching  a  satisfactory 
explanation  of  the  project.  Mahotiere  impressed  Dugnani  as 
being  a  man  of  probity,  but  the  Nuncio  was  very  dubious  about 
the  whole  plan.  On  August  2,  1790,  the  Nuncio  wrote  to  Anto- 
nelli,  enclosing  the  Memoir  requested.  After  stating  that  he  is 
sending  the  Memoir  on  the  Oneida  proposals,  the  Nuncio  states 
that  the  appellants  ask  for  the  elevation  of  Father  Tonnelier  de 
Coulonges  as  bishop  of  the  Indian  see.  Mahotiere  was  a  puzzle 
to  Dugnani,  but  he  seemed  to  him  to  be  a  man  of  good  intentions 
though  whether  he  was  capable  of  all  that  he  promised  was  not 
certain.  The  Memoir  in  question  repeats  the  main  propositions 
of  the  Supplicatio.  There  is  no  mention  in  the  document  of  the 
newly-erected  Diocese  of  Baltimore  nor  of  Bishop  Carroll, 
although  St.  Peter's  Church,  New  York  City,  is  spoken  of,  and 
the  Spanish  Consul  at  New  York  is  given  as  the  person  to  whom 
letters  could  safely  be  sent : 


35 


Ibid.,  I.e.,  S.  397-399- 


414  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

Suite   des   details   interessans   sur    Ics  A  Notre  tres  Saint  Pere 

nations   indienncs   dc    I'Amcriquc   sep-  Ic    Pape    Pic    VI,    Chef 

tenirionale     ct     sur     Ics    six     nations  dc  VEglise. 

en    particulier    donf    la    premihe    est  a  Rome 

celle  dcs  oneida 

Tri's  Saint  Pcre 

Les  Nations  indiennes  de  TAmerique  septentrionale  a  qui  cette  partie 
de  la  terre'  est  echue  en  partage  par  les  decrets  de  la  divine  providence,  sent 
tres  nombreuses  et  Iciir  population  beaucoup  plus  grande  a  mesure  qu'elles 
sent  plus  enfoncees  dans  les  terres  et  qu'elles  ont  moins  de  communication 
avec  les  europeens.  Ces  indiens  naturels  du  pais  sont,  ires  Saint  Pere, 
proprietaires  et  maitres  de  cette  immense  partie  du  continent  qui  s'etend 
depuis  les  lignes  des  Etats  Unis  d'Amerique  et  celles  du  Canada  jusqu'aux 
mers  de  I'ouest,  du  nord  et  du  sudouest  dont  la  seule  partie  connue  a  une 
etendue  de  soixante  neuf  mille  vingt  deux  lieues  carrees  d'Angleterre  et 
est  par  consequent  plus  grande  que  I'Allemagne,  la  flandre,  la  hollande  et 
la  Suisse  qui  en  total  n'en  contiennent  que  soixante  neuf  mille  seize.  Je 
dis  la  partie  connue  parcequ'on  n'a  pii  encore  y  decouvrir  aucune  riviere, 
aucun  fleuve  qui  eut  son  cours  vers  quelques  points  de  I'ouest,  ce  qui 
prouve  les  etats  indiens  dans  cette  partie  ont  encore  une  tres  grande 
etendue  audela  des  terres  qui  nous  sont  connues ;  de  la  suit  naturellement, 
tres  Saint  Pere,  une  reflexion  que  vous  pardonnerez  a  la  force  de  notre 
2ele,  qu'il  importe  infiniment  a  votre  saintete  et  au  bien  de  I'eglise  que 
la  foi  soit  prechee  a  les  nations  qui  sont  bonnes  parcequ'elles  sont  pres 
de  la  nature  et  qu'elles  se  convertissent  de  proche  en  proche  a  la  religion 
de  Jesus  Christ. 

Les  indiens,  tres  Saint  Pere,  ont  divise  les  terres  en  autant  d'etats 
difterens  qu'ils  sont  de  nations,  il  les  ont  peuples  de  families  et  d'hommes 
libres,  y  ont  eleves  des  hameaux,  des  villes  et  villages,  et  parmi  eux  la 
communaute  de  biens,  les  devoirs  de  la  fraternite,  le  respect,  I'obeissance 
aux  parens  et  aux  personnes  plus  agees  sont  des  lois  egalement  consacrees 
par  I'usage  et  par  les  moeurs. 

Chaque  nation  possede  ses  etats  en  tous  droits  de  souverainete  et  les 
etats  indiens  sont  absolument  differens  et  tout  a  fait  etrangers  a  ceux  de 
I'Amerique,  connus  sous  le  nom  d'Etats  Unis  a  ceux  du  Canada;  nations 
souveraines,  hommes  libres,  les  indiens  ne  dependent  en  aucune  maniere 
ni  du  Congress  ni  du  Roi  d'Angleterre  ni  d'aucunes  puissances  avec  qui 
ils  traitent  de  souverain  a  souverain,  toujours  fideles  a  leurs  traites, 
chacune  des  nations  indiennes  exerce  ses  guerriers,  leve  ses  armees,  fait 
la  paix  et  la  guerre,  et  combien  il  est  afHigeant,  tres  Saint  Pere,  de  voir 
les  Europeens,  parce-qu'ils  sont  en  proportion  plus  nombreux  que  les 
indiens  situes  de  I'autre  cote  des  lignes  Ameriquaines,  exterminer  les  chefs, 
massacrer  les  families  indiennes,  et  envahir  leur  terres.  Le  gouvernement 
civil  et  religieux  que  nous  leur  avons  donnes  a  pour  objet,  tres  Saint 
Pere,  un  traite  d'alliance,  une  confederation  intime  entre  toutes  les  nations 
indiennes  situees  derriere  les  Etats  Unis,  depuis  la  nation  des  Oneida, 


Two  Remarkable  Projects  415 

qui  possede  la  moitie  du  fleuve  Saint-Laurent  ct  du  lac  Ontario  jusqu'i 
cellc  des  Creeks  qui  occupcnt  les  derrieres  de  la  Georgie  et  des  Florides 
qui  appartiennent  ^  la  Cour  d'Espagne,  de  proposer  a  cette  Cour  I'adhesion 
:\  le  traitc  qui  ne  pent  lui  etre  que  tresagreablc,  puisqu'elle  aura  pour  objet 
\v  conservation  des  etats  et  des  families  indiennes  qui  dans  la  liziere  seule 
des  Ameriquains  peuvent  former  un  corps  d'armee  de  cent  mille  hommes, 
qu'elle  portera  plus  particulierement  encore  sur  la  defense  et  la  conserva- 
tion des  Etats  Espagnols,  les  Florides,  la  Louisiane  etc.,  dans  le  continent 
de  I'Amerique  et  des  iles  y  adjacentes  qui  sont  menacecs  par  les  Ameri- 
quains et  qu'elles  ne  sera  de  la  part  de  la  Cour  d'Espagne  qu'une  extension 
de  la  protection  ouverte  et  du  traite  qu'elle  a  deja  fait  avec  les  deux 
nations  indiennes  dites  les  Creeks  et  les  Chiroquois  qui  occupcnt  les 
derrieres  des  Florides,  de  la  Georgie  et  des  Carolines. 

Les  nations  des  Mohawks  etablis  sur  la  riviere  de  ce  nom,  celle  des 
Oneida  souverains  des  terres  a  droit  et  a  gauche  du  lac  auquel  ils  ont 
donnes  leurs  nom,  celle  des  Cayouga,  des  Caskanouray,  des  Onondaguay 
et  des  Senecas  sont  dites  par  excellence  les  Six  Nations  ou  les  Six 
Fameuses  Nations,  parcequ'elles  ont  vaincu  pour  la  cause  des  Frangais 
leur  allies  et  amis  toutes  les  nations  indiennes  connues.  Elles  sont  situ6es 
entre  le  300  et  le  305  degre  de  longitude  et  le  42  et  46  degre  de  latitude 
du  meridien  de  Paris  et  selon  la  maniere  de  compter  indienne,  elles  com- 
prennent  vingt  quatre  a  vingt  six  mille  families. 

La  nation  des  Oneides  situee  dans  les  environs  du  lac  de  ce  nom,  a, 
tres  Saint  Pere,  sa  ville  principale  au  sudest  dudit  lac;  elle  est  def endue 
par  son  heureuse  situation  et  par  un  bon  fort,  et  est  marquee  sur  les  cartes 
anglaises  sous  le  nom  d'Oneida  Castle.  C'est  cette  nation  qui  a  regu  la 
premiere  le  germe  de  la  civilization  par  le  gouvernment  civil  et  religieux 
que  nous  lui  avons  donnes,  son  example  a  ete  suivi  il  y  a  un  an  par  les 
cinq  autres  fameuses  nations  indiennes  avec  les  secours  spirituels  et  ceux 
temporels  puisses  dans  les  tresors  de  charite  qu'il  plaira  a  Votre  Saintete 
de  lui  procurer. 

Nous  leur  avons  fait  editier  une  eglise  dans  la  vilee  d'Oneida,  nous 
I'avons  pourvue  de  vases  sacres,  de  cloches,  de  livres,  et  de  toutes  choses 
necessaires  au  service  divin;  nous  en  avons  fait  une  nation  agricole  en 
leur  donnant  avec  de  boeufs,  des  chevaux,  des  charrues  et  tous  les  uten- 
siles,  d'agriculture,  I'exemple  de  cultiver  nous-memes  let  terres,  le  bled, 
le  mahis,  les  patates,  le  millet,  le  ris,  le  chanvre,  le  lin,  etc. ;  et  M.  le 
Tonnelier  de  Coulonges,  homme  plein  de  merite  et  de  bonnes  oeuvres,  que 
la  nation  des  Oneida  et  les  chefs  des  Six  Nations  ont  nommes  Eveque 
des  Oneida  et  Primat  des  Six  Nations  et  presentes  a  Votre  Saintete 
en  cette  qualite,  a  depense  aumoins  les  deux  tiers  de  sa  fortune  dans 
les  oeuvres  de  religion  et  de  bienfaisance.  II  a  obtenu  de  la  nation 
des  Oneida  le  renvoi."  des-  ministres,  ajtvplican?  ,et  presbyteriens  comme 
n'aians  plus  parmielle  ii  troupeau:^,  ce  qde  a  etc  execute  le  mois  d'avril 
1789,  et  a  appelle  aupres  de  lui  deux  pretres  du  Canada  pour  I'aider  dans 
le  gouvernment  spir^tuel  de  .cettre.na^tion^  jusqu'a  i'arrivee  des  six  capucins, 
que  nous  lui  conauiroris.  dand  trois'  mok,  aussitoi  qu'il  aura  plu  a  votre 


3        *  *     »  »»»  »» 


41 6  The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 

saintete  faire  une  response  favorable  a  la  nation  nouvellement  convertie 
et  autres  qui  vont  suivre  son  exemple. 

Les  peres  capuchins  frangais  sont,  tres  Saint  Pere,  les  pretres  qui  con- 
viennent  le  mieux  aux  indiens ;  ils  les  connaissent  deja  et  les  aiment 
extremement;  ils  leur  ont  donnes  le  nom  de  Longues  robes,  et  il  seroit 
difficile  de  faire  plus  de  plaisir  a  une  communaute  indienne  que  de  lui 
procurer  une  longue  robe;  il  est  a  souhaiter  que  Votre  Saintete  veuille 
revetir  des  characteres  de  cures  et  de  missionaires  apostoliques  ies  six 
capucins  qui  vont  passer  avec  nous  dans  les  etats  indiens,  et  tous  les 
autres  qui  ne  tarderont  pas  a  les  suivre  dans  les  travaux  d'une  aussi  riche 

moisson. 

Le  Roi  d'Espagne  est  deja  fondateur  d'une  eglise  superbe,  elevee  depuis 
six  ans  a  Newyork;  il  est  bien  digne  de  la  religion  de  la  monarque  de 
etre  aussi  de  quelque  eglise  a  edifier  chez  les  nations  indiennes  et  de  se 
declarer  le  bienfaiteur  de  ces  peuples  qui  peuvent  rendre  de  tres  grands 
services  a  la  cour  d'Espagne  et  qui  ne  marqueront  pas  de  la  faire  a 
I'occasion.  La  voie  du  Consul  d'Espagne  a  New  York  est  la  plus  courte 
et  la  plus  sure.  Que  Dieu  inspirera  a  votre  saintete  les  moiens  les  plus 
propres  a  effectuer  et  a  obtenir  la  conversion  de  les  nouveaux  peuples 
par  les  bienfaits  des  fideles. 

Tribe  du  hup  Tribe  de  la  Tor  Hie  Tribe  de  I' ours 

Ajestalate  Shovonjhelego  Hagoyvownloga 

Hannah-Sodalh  Sagoyowntha  Konwagalet 

Scanondoe  Anthony  Agwilentengwas  36 

On  September  ii,  1790,  Cardinal  Antonelli  answered  to  the 
effect  that  the  project  had  his  sympathy,  but  that  the  main  ques- 
tion at  issue  was  whether  these  Indians  were  within  the  Diocese 
of  Baltimore  or  that  of  Quebec.  The  Nuncio  was  asked  to  send 
the  fullest  possible  information,  and  if  it  was  evident  that  the 
Oneidas  were  not  subject  to  either  of  these  two  bishops,  the 
Cardinal-Prefect  would  gladly  place  the  supplication  before  the 
Holy  Father,  who  thanked  God  on  the  conversion  of  so  many 
souls,  and  would  gladly  do  everything  necessary  to  assist  them 
in  organizing  their  Church.^^  Nothing  further  seems  to  have 
been  done  in  the  Oneida  project,  which  has  a  prominent  place 
in  the  Franco-American  ecclesiastical  schemes  of  the  time. 
Father  Le  Tonnelier  de  Coulonges  passes  from  our  sight  with 

*   Ibid.,  I.e.,  ff.  399-400. 

"  Ibid.,  Lettere.  vol.  25.8,  f»  5Z1\.  "P?  flua^iito  gspone  il^suddetto  agente  serabra 
che  tutti  questi  popoli  sono.  fx-enjirrienfe  nl^^'ri;.  n^  poSssW  punb  appartenere  n^  agli 
Stati  Uniti  de  America  n^ 'a'lli*  ^roVJ^c^K  dM  "Crxnjda  il  c*ie'.<?e  non  fosse  dovrebonno 
ndlo  spirituale  dipendere  o  dal  nuovo  vescovo  di  Baltimora  0  da  quelle  di  Quebec  le 
guiridizione  de  quali  si  e»^errdc;per^  |>n.  trat^o  inimenso-di  paese."  Antondli  suspects 
that  they  may  belong  to  Loyisia^ia  1 ;  ^ ' '    '  •  '     ' '    '   '    ^  ^  t  t 


I    I 
I     t 


Two  Remarkable  Projects  417 

these  documents.  Whether  he  remained  with  the  Oneidas  or 
returned  to  France  is  not  known.  The  good  priest  had  expended 
at  least  two-thirds  of  his  private  fortune  in  works  of  benevolence 
and  religion  amongst  his  Indian  flock.  There  is  no  doubt  that 
Propaganda  informed  the  Indian  agent  that  all  applications  for 
the  spiritual  direction  of  the  Six  Nations  should  be  made  directly 
to  Bishop  Carroll.  Two  years  later,  the  question  was  brought 
to  Dr.  Carroll's  attention  and  a  priest  was  sent  to  these  tribes. 

The  march  of  events  in  France  and  especially  in  Paris  blocked 
any  further  interest  in  a  project  thousands  of  miles  away.  The 
Civil  Constitution  of  the  Clergy  was  completed  about  this  time 
(July,  1790)  and  the  arbitrary  methods  employed  by  the  National 
Assembly  were  fast  disorganizing  ecclesiastical  life  in  France. 
The  Oath  of  the  Clergy  to  the  Constitution,  passed  on  November 
27,  1790,  was  refused  by  forty-six  thousand  parish  priests;  and 
from  that  time  until  the  close  of  the  Reign  of  Terror,  irreligion 
and  violence  were  masters.  The  Church  in  the  United  States 
was  to  profit  by  the  tyranny  practised  upon  the  priests  and 
bishops  of  France ;  and  although  the  Gallipolis  and  Oneida  schemes 
for  a  French  bishopric  in  the  new  RepubHc  failed,  in  the  period 
immediately  following  the  episcopate  of  Carroll  the  six  episcopal 
sees  in  the  United  States  were  ruled  by  French  ecclesiastics  who 
had  fled  from  the  chaotic  upheaval  of  their  own  land  during 
Carroll's  time.^^ 

Protection  of  the  American  Church  was  imperative  at  the  time, 
since  the  world  war  of  1789-1815,  then  about  to  engulf  all 
Europe,  would  undoubtedly  send  adventurous  spirits,  both  ecclesi- 
astic and  lay,  across  the  Atlantic.  There  was  little  danger  to  the 
homogeneity  of  the  American  Church  from  visionary  schemes 
like  those  of  Gallipolis  and  the  Oneida  Primacy ;  the  real  danger 
lay  nearer,  in  the  cities  where  the  population  was  already  growing. 

"  "O  truly  fortunate  revolution  in  France,  every  true  Catholic  in  this  country 
may  exclaim,  which  has  brought  us  so  many  edifying  and  enlightened  instructors! 
There  is  no  part  of  the  United  States  that  cannot  bear  witness  to  their  zeal  and  that 
should  not  be  eternally  grateful  1  Where  is  the  youth  of  a  liberal  education,  sincere 
piety  and  correct  morals,  who  has  not  been  formed  by  some  one  or  more  of  the  clergy 
of  France,  emigrants  to  this  country  ?  Where  is  the  CoL'ege  or  Catholic  establishment 
that  has  not  been  or  is  net  now  unJc-  their  direction'  They  have  taught  our  youth, 
they  have  instructed  and  enlightened  our  people,  they  have  directed  thousands  in  the 
way  of  heaven  ...  to  say  il'  in  one  wnrd  .  .  .  fo/  thk.se  twenty-five  years  back, 
they  have  contributed- -prncipally  ccr.tri'jr.ved- -tc;  render  the  Church  in  this  country 
what  it  now  is."     La'ty','  Dirscto"y  fcr  iS3J,  p.    103. 


4i8 


The  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll 


(Laws  were  needed  to  guide  these  groups  of  Catholics,  priests  and 
people,  along  the  right  way.  Strict  regulations  were  necessary 
if  church  discipline  were  to  be  properly  established.  The  mind 
of  the  Bishop  and  of  his  clergy  on  mooted  points  of  opinion  had 
to  be  made  known  to  the  Catholic  laity.  Restraint  in  the  privil- 
eges of  the  lay  trustees  was  wanted  in  almost  all  the  large 
Catholic  centres.  Dr.  Carroll  knew  his  country  and  his  Church 
better  than  any  Catholic  in  America  at  that  time;  but  with  his 
usual  prudence,  he  studied  the  whole  situation  carefully  before 
sending  out  the  formal  call  to  his  priests  to  meet  him  in  America's 
first  Synod. 


SEAL  OF   BISHOP  CARROLL 


*     "<  «  •   •  »  « 


«  t      *      .. 


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